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#criminal psychology
iactuallyneedtherapy · 11 months
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Literally future me
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nemainofthewater · 1 month
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Best character surnamed: Xing
Come and vote for the best characters with the same surname!*
What does best mean? It's up to you! Whether you love them, are intrigued by their characters, love to hate them, or they're your '2 second blorbos whose personality you made up wholesale', these are all reasons for you to vote for your favs!
*note, the surnames are not exactly the same in all the cases, as often there will be a different character. I am, however, grouping them all together otherwise things got more complicated.
Propaganda is very welcome! If I’ve forgotten anyone, let me know in the notes.
This is part of a larger series of ‘best character with X surname’ polls’. The overview with ongoing polls, winners, and future polls can be found here
*Black Lotus Flower Transmigrates into a Dog Blood Novel’s Male Supporting Role
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adhbabey · 1 year
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True crime has literally ruined people's ability to empathize, sympathize with and humanize mentally ill people.
Because of true crime, people see all mentally ill people as potentially dangerous criminals and that's a really bad, shitty thing actually.
I don't know who needs to hear this but there's no such thing as "psychopaths" or "psychopathy", it's something criminal psychologists made up to put mentally ill people in jail. There is no diagnosable disorder as "psychopathy". YOU NEED TO HEAR THIS. And before anyone tries to refute this, those with ASPD and those with psychosis are not "psychopaths". Psychopathy is made up by cops to put people in jail.
I'll go even further, if you assume people with personality disorders or other stigmatized disorders as dangerous or abusive, you're a bad person. Narcissistic abuse isn't a thing, it's called emotional abuse. I'm saying this as someone who's parent who DOESN'T have NPD, but the way they abused us is identical to the way "narc abuse" happens. "Narc abuse" is a made up term to scapegoat a group of mentally ill people. You should understand that is bad.
I have DID, and I cannot tell you enough that there's no such thing as an "evil alter". All people with DID have trauma and those "evil alter"s are literally traumatized parts who struggle to cope with it. They feel threatened by everyone and therefore sabotage or harm to keep us protected. It may not be healthy, but you are lucky to not have gone through that. Don't demonize people with DID, you have no idea what you're talking about.
Those who have delusions and hallucinations are literally more likely to be gaslit and abused than they are to act "dangerously". I'm sorry, have you met people who are scared act dangerously before? No shit. You would act that way too if you were plagued with horrible illusions that you had to face everyday. Step into their shoes, understand what they go through, it's not your room to judge. Even if they weren't scared, even if they could cope with them better, at least they were given room to cope. All you do is shame people for existing.
And as for other personality disorders, they're just normal people living lives where they have to deal with debilitating mental illness. The least you can do is be more compassionate for their situation and understand that they're human too.
True crime and the craze around criminal psychology has literally deteriorated people's capacity to be kind towards disabled and mentally ill people. If you can't look at a person with a personality disorder or another stigmatized disorder without disgust and shame, then you need to overcome internalized ableism. Everyone is capable of bad things, mentally ill or not.
You need to stop pathologizing criminal behavior. (not every bad person you see is mentally ill/disabled).
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impairedempathy · 3 months
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it’s so embarrassing having true crime as your special interest,i feel like i’m the least normal person on the planet
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hillside-dangler · 9 months
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The Case of Jeffrey Dahmer:
Sexual Serial Homicide from a Neuropsychiatric Developmental Perspective
J. Arturo Silva, M.D
Michelle M. Ferrari, M.D
Gregory B. Leong, M.D
)c(
"Sexual serial homicidal behavior has received considerable attention during the last three decades. Substantial progress has been made in the development of methods aimed at identifying and apprehending individuals who exhibit these behaviors. In spite of these advances, the origins of sexual serial killing behavior remain for the most part unknown. In this article we propose a biopsychosocial psychiatric model for un- derstanding the origins of sexual serial homicidal behavior from both neuropsychiatric and developmental perspectives, using the case of convicted serial killer Jeffrey Dahmer as the focal point. We propose that his homicidal behavior was intrinsically associated with autistic spectrum psy- chopathology, specifically Asperger’s disorder. The relationship of Asperger’s disorder to other psychopathology and to his homicidal behavior is explored. We discuss potential implications of the proposed model for the future study of the causes of sexual serial homicidal criminal."
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sharonmalfoy · 7 months
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crime and punishment by dostoevsky; a playlist
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jasperjv · 1 month
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You know something that pisses me off? Drake Bell was "cancelled" or whatever for being inappropriate with teenage girls and embarrassingly immature. Now everyone's like "wow it turns out there are reasons he is the way he is" and suddenly you all feel bad for him like wow you don't fucking say. People have no space in their minds for critical thinking or nuance and it's infuriatingly lazy and unproductive, even counterproductive.
To quote @sapphling (RIP to that fucking blog gee I wonder what happened there:)
it's just absurd how many "you have to think CRITICALLY about kink" addicted-to-talking-about-reading-comprehension types on here have fully and uncritically bought the standard societal narrative that sexual violence is something that happens because some people are Born Perverts and that those Perverts wake up every day saying "I love sexual violence. Sexual violence is my kink. Today I am going to do sexual violence." it's a very safe and very satisfying lie to swallow which lets you absolve the systems of power which produce sexual violence, as well as any complicity you could potentially hold by propping them up; and it goes further to absolve the self of any potential individual responsibility, because of Course you're not capable of reproducing sexual violence or violating another person's consent -- because that's what Perverts do, and you're not a Pervert, and maybe the Pervert even absolves you of a little bit of that unspeakable unmentionable bigotry in the back of your mind (think about how many marginalized people's "callouts" are met with an "I always knew something was wrong, she always made me uncomfortable to look at, I always thought they were probably a creep," justified ex post facto by the presence of Perversion). it's the same thing that dyed-in-the-wool conservatives do with Kill All Pedophiles, it's been the same since the early 20th century conceptualization of The Pervert to explain why communism and discontent were gaining a foothold, it's one of the most politically unifying impulses of normative society: justify the status quo, explain violence as an outlier, attribute the outlier to a monster, redirect anger and remorse and action towards the monster. the reason why new conceptualizations of Perversion feel right to you may be less due to an inherent political brilliance which your perfect soul can see in them -- and in fact it might do you well to consider if these conceptualizations follow through to fact, if they protect the vulnerable, if they offer keen insight which would disrupt an order which presently produces an overwhelming amount of violence; or if they simply feel right because their adoption is politically, rhetorically, psychologically, and physically very, very easy
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mysisters-bike · 3 months
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okay, first: your long-form posts are brilliant and they wonderfully delve into the psychology and social dynamics of the boys. second: i know you've mentioned dylan potentially being autistic in passing, but do you think eric might've exhibited traits of asd as well? for example, his fascination with doom reads as a special interest to me.
oh thank you so much!! that means a lot to me, i really do try and just enjoy having somewhere to dump my endless stream of thoughts. thank you for reading :-)
i actually recently changed my mind about the autistic thing with dylan, but that's a whole different story! i've linked it in case you, or anyon else, is interested in checking that out.
for eric, i wouldn't say he really exhibited asd traits. i think eric's fascination with doom was escapism since he was socially struggling in the real world. i broke it down more here. i would argue that most of eric's fixations were symbolic for him or forms of escapism to help him cope with where he felt he was falling short in the real world.
however, to break it down: "This was also a world in which Eric could control – he could smite down the monsters in his path and he knew what lay around every corner. This may be considered a form of escapism, which is not necessarily new behavior in teenagers...
...It is especially difficult for those going through a psychological hardship to not stimulate their minds. Rather, it can be easier to avoid and escape the difficult and, often, intrusive thoughts. Psychological distress and a method to avoid dealing with such troubles creates the perfect storm within an emotionally unintelligent and unequipped teenage boy...
To Eric, Doom symbolized something he was not: powerful, strong, and capable. In the basement tapes, Eric and Dylan explain their murderous motivations. Eric references his favorite game: “It’s gonna be like fucking Doom man; after the bombs explode.”
mental health diagnoses are very hard. a lot of conditions can mimic one another, like ADHD being incorrectly diagnosed as bipolar disorder. so who's to say, really? however, eric demonstrated stronger social capacity than i would say is typical of asd. here is also my disclaimer regarding this: when i did my bachelor's and master's, my studies did not focus on asd. i am not an asd specialist and i do not do asd-specific work. i intervene and divert first-time offenders.
thank you for your question and for reading! i hope to hear from you soon and i hope my answer satisfies some of your curiosity. i do wish somedays, after meeting the offenders i've met, and the stories i've heard, that i could time travel and sit them in a room and just...talk to them. study them. figure them out. the real people, not the objective information we see in the 11k. it's a disservice to psychology that we can't time travel lol
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grayraccoon · 4 months
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I'm hyperfixeted on criminal psychology rn .
Which means that I looked into studying the subject in university I would need to study psychology first which I've been interested in for a long time.
I know that nothing will probably come of it I don't even think that I would be accepted (my grades probably won't be good enough) but at least it good to have a goal to hold onto for some time.
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gloam-kawauso · 5 months
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I'm starting to get into criminal psychology. Seems like a perfect career for me! I love studying how the mind works and getting to the nitty gritty of our entire perception of the world around us. It's a dangerous job but I want to help people and prevent tragedies from occurring again through finding reasons for people's actions. Counterterrorism seems to be the specific kind of thing I want to get into.
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if-you-fan-a-fire · 5 days
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"The third, and equally critical component of the new penological disciplinary regime at Sing Sing was the development of techniques aimed at the discovery, classification, and eradication of sexual relations among prisoners. Sex had almost certainly been going on in prisons since the first prison was built. But the opportunity for sex had probably been much more restricted in the hard-labor prisons of the nineteenth century; and when hard industrial labor collapsed in many American prisons, as the contract system was dismantled, opportunities (and perhaps prisoners’ energy) for sex were greatly multiplied. Prison administrators of the early twentieth century appear to have known that prisoners were having sexual relations with one another. Nonetheless the subject was not openly discussed or theorized in any sustained manner.
This began to change in the 1910s. From the point of view of a penology committed to the socialization of prisoners as self-governing manly citizens, sexual relations between men posed a particularly urgent problem. Through the lens of the prevailing gender ideology of early twentieth century ... sex between men was intrinsically emasculating of at least one partner – the supposedly passive “receiver,” whether or not the sex was consensual. Such a feminized position, as it were, contradicted precisely the ideal of manly subjectivity that the new penologists sought to realize in prisoners. Added to this difficulty was the problem of “manly discipline”: The new penologists hued to an ascending, middle-class view that, rather than reflexively act on their sexual passions, men ought to channel or sublimate those passions into activities deemed socially or personally useful. On this view, then, the active or penetrative partner, although supposedly the masculine partner in the act, was failing to exercise manly self-discipline; he, too, presented a challenge to the manly ideal. In their Sing Sing laboratory, Osborne and his fellow penologists proceeded to drag prison sexuality into the light of day, examine it, and “cure” it.
Fragments of evidence from the New York prison records of the early 1910s suggest that sex among prisoners at Sing Sing and elsewhere had been happening for some years. In some instances, it involved physical coercion, but in many it did not. As James White’s report had suggested, sex was being traded for food or money as a matter of course. Various reports also suggested that, before Osborne arrived at Sing Sing, such relations mostly went unpunished, and that when a person was punished in connection with prison sex, it was usually in connection with a sexual attack. It was not the aggressor, however, who received the punishment: Any prisoner who complained to the warden that he had been coerced into sex, and any prisoner who sought protection from coerced sex, was likely to be severely disciplined, while the alleged attacker – or attackers – would probably not be disciplined at all. (One of Osborne’s predecessors at Sing Sing, Warden John Kennedy, had sometimes gone so far as to send the complainant, rather than the alleged attacker, to New York’s most feared prison – Clinton). Similarly, when Superintendent Riley heard of cases of sexual assault occurring during Osborne’s wardenship, he proceeded to order the transfer of the complainants to Clinton, which suggests that the punishment of the complainant was standard practice. Indeed, it is likely that the act of complaining, and not the act of sodomy per se, was cause for punishment in prisons of the 1900s and early 1910s.
Osborne and the new penologists broke with the usual approach to prison sex, and on a number of counts. First and most conspicuously, Osborne discoursed at some length – and in public – on what had thitherto been the taboo topic of sex in prison; in true progressive style, Osborne argued that in order to solve the problem, one had first to study and understand it. Describing sex between convicts as “vile” and as a “problem ... which should no longer be ignored,” Osborne made it clear that he considered sex between men to be one of the most serious and little-understood problems of the American prison. In his early speeches and writings on the topic, Osborne drew distinctions between different kinds of men who engaged in sex with other men. On the one hand, he explained to members of the National Committee on Prisons and Prison Labor (NCPPL), there was the man who “allows himself to be [sexually] used”; on the other, there was the man whose “passions are cut off from natural relief.” The latter, according to Osborne, was simply acting on an “ordinary” sexual impulse that, because of the deprived conditions of incarceration, had been directed toward a man, rather than a woman. As Osborne wrote in Prisons and Commonsense, “Here is a group of men – mostly young and by no means deficient in the natural passions of youth – but cut off from the natural means of satisfying them.” Osborne refined this rather crude typology a few years later, in a tripartite taxonomy recalling Sigmund Freud’s 1909 classification of inverts in Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality: According to Osborne, in prisons one found the “degenerate,” whose “dual nature” made him the passive (and therefore feminine) partner of active, masculine men; the “wolves,” a popular term that Osborne appropriated to describe aggressive men who consistently preferred men to women; and the “ordinary men,” whose incarceration deprived them of their “natural” sex outlet – sex with women – and who consequently made use of other prisoners as “the only outlet” they could get.
Finding ways to channel the natural passions of “ordinary” men and youths turned out to be one of Osborne’s key projects at Sing Sing: Indeed it was a recurring theme of his wardenship. Osborne developed several tactics in his fight against the “vile” practice: He emptied the cellblock of the surplus of prisoners (whom he installed in a dormitory), so as to ensure that there was only one man per cell; he attempted to direct the natural passions of the supposedly ordinary men to nonsexual activities; he implored the Mutual Welfare League to police prisoners’ sexuality and to “condemn vice and encourage a manly mastery of the passions;” he set about identifying and isolating both the “degenerate” men who offered themselves as passive partners and the “wolves” who actively preferred other men; and he redoubled his efforts to smash the underground economy that James White had identified as a principal stimulant of prisoners’ sexual relations. (According to White, the systematic theft and underdelivery of prison provisions led to hunger among the prisoners, who then sold sexual favors for cash, and used the cash to buy the stolen food on the prison’s black market).
This latter tactic was especially crucial in Osborne’s strategy. As Osborne put it, every prison had “some degenerate creatures who are willing to sell themselves, any time, for a few groceries,” and the key to the prison sex problem in general was to ensure that prisoners were, on the one hand, well fed (and therefore not in need of procuring cash for extra food), and, on the other, afforded appropriate mental, physical, and spiritual outlets for their natural passions. In theory, the reconstitution of every prisoner as a waged consumer and producer in a simulated economy would ensure that the prisoner was no longer in a position of emasculating dependence. As long as convicts were eating well, engaging in a market economy that rewarded hard work and promoted financial responsibility, and sublimating their life force in educational and recreational activities, Osborne reasoned, the sex market in prisons would lose both its buyers and sellers.
Osborne’s conceptualization of the prison sex problem underscored the new penology’s central commitment to innovating various disciplinary activities that would absorb and direct prisoners’ energies in the face of limited industrial and other forms of labor. As the new penologists saw it, plays, motion pictures, lectures, musical events, and athletics not only addressed the problem of underemployment and initiated prisoners into the personality-building pasttimes of the ideal citizen, they sublimated the libidinal drive of the ordinary convict. Indeed, Osborne established a number of new activities at the prison in the name of vanquishing the “unnatural vice” that the prison investigators had documented in the early 1910s. Prisoners converted a basin in the Hudson River into a large swimming pool in 1915, because, as Osborne put it, swimming was a “practical method of reducing immorality” and an activity in which prisoners would “work off their superfluous energies. ... and head off unnatural vice.” (Four hundred prisoners per day were working off their “superfluous energies” in the pool by 1916). One of Osborne’s support committees, The New York State Prison Council, reiterated this point in defending the innovation of moving pictures, lectures, concerts, and other stimulating activities at Sing Sing. “These were established not as Amusements;” the Council explained somewhat defensively, “but as a definite means to an End” (caps in original): That end was “keeping the men out of vermin-ridden cells and of stimulating their minds – inured to the gray and sodden monotony of Prison walls.”
It was in no small part to combat prison sex that Osborne and the new penologists paved the way for the introduction of psychiatric and psychological testing to Sing Sing in 1916. Osborne and his supporters considered psychomedical study a crucial tool in their efforts to more accurately classify prisoners and to develop a specialized state prison system; to the classificatory system that administrators had established in the 1890s (and which classified and distributed convicts according to sex, age, sanity, physical fitness, and supposed capacity for reform), the new penologists added the distinctly psychological categories of sexuality and personality. In their view, sexual “degenerates” were a distinct category of prisoner and the prison system ought to identify and deal with them separately. Whereas the new recreational activities, better food, and prisoner self-policing were aimed at eradicating the sexual relations of the supposedly ordinary prisoner, the small army of doctors, psychiatrists, and psychologists who descended on Sing Sing in 1915 and 1916 were chiefly concerned with the group of prisoners Osborne had described as degenerate.
The new penologists’ effort to conscript psychiatry and psychology into prison reform was complemented by the reformers’ enhancement of general medical facilities at Sing Sing in 1915 and 1916. In February 1915, the New York State Department of Health inspected Sing Sing and recommended that a separate ward be set up for patients suffering from sexually transmitted disease (STD). This recommendation was seconded a few months later by two state investigators who suggested that Sing Sing open a new hospital in which “psychopaths,” STD patients, and convicts suffering from contagious diseases would be held separately from prisoners in the general wards. Those suffering from infectious diseases other than STDs would be labeled “normal,” while “psychopaths” and STD patients should be held in a ward for “special” cases. The investigators further recommended that a psychiatric study of prisoners be undertaken in which all new admissions to the prison would be thoroughly studied according to a case method, with special attention paid to those with mental and nervous disorders, “sexual perversions,” suicidal tendencies, and records of multiple convictions. The 1915 plans for a psychomedical facility at Sing Sing proposed a double innovation of the established prison system: The psychic lives of prisoners would be added to the fields of scrutiny, and the past and present sexual practices (and desires) of convicts would be read as signs of a peculiar psychic type (the psychopath), who, in turn, would be incarcerated in separate facilities.
The following year at Sing Sing, Dr. Thomas W. Salmon, of the National Committee for Mental Hygiene, and Dr. Bernard Glueck, a psychiatrist who had recently instituted nonverbal intelligence testing of immigrants at Ellis Island, set up the country’s first penal psychiatric clinic. Funded by a sizable grant from the Rockefeller Foundation, the clinic proceeded under Dr. Glueck’s directorship to examine virtually all of the 683 prisoners committed to Sing Sing between August 1916 and April 1917. Glueck’s dense, seventy-page report on his findings was published to much acclaim in 1917; it was the first comprehensive psychiatric case study of adult convicts in the United States. Like the Health Department investigators, Glueck conceived of his studies as just one element in the much larger effort to develop “rational administration” in imprisonment. He and his clinicians proceeded to interview every incoming convict about his family background, sexual practices, health, education, and employment history; they then conducted a series of psychological tests for “mental age” and dexterity, and administered psychiatric tests of the prisoner’s emotional state. On the basis of this information Glueck divided all the incoming prisoners into three groups: the intellectually defective (those with low “mental ages”); the mentally diseased (those who suffered from hallucinations and delusions); and the psychopathic, whom he described as the most difficult to define and the most baffling. He concluded that almost six out of every ten of the incoming convicts were either intellectually defective, mentally diseased, or psychopathic.
Glueck’s study of Sing Sing convicts was one of the first to theorize the existence of “psychopath criminals,” and his work became foundational both in studies of criminality and homosexuality. According to Glueck, approximately one in five of the incoming prisoners was a psychopath. It was to this category that those prisoners with a history of homosexual relations were most commonly consigned. As Glueck put it, the classification of psychopathic was a judgment of the prisoner’s entire way of life, not just the crime he had committed; sexual habits were one of four determining fields of enquiry (the others were the family’s medical history and the convict’s employment and education history). From the beginning, then, scrutiny of prisoners’ sexual relations – and homosexual relations in particular – was critical in the study of psychopathology among prisoners. He wrote that, “in contemplating the life histories of these (native-born psychopaths), one is struck very forcibly with the unusual lack of all conception of sex morality.” A wide range of sexual activities, and not simply sex between men, was read as psychopathological. He described one in three psychopathic prisoners to be “markedly promiscuous,” and nine percent as polymorphously perverse: He was perplexed to find that many individuals who had had “repeated” sexual relations with other men had been equally sexually active with women, and concluded simply that these convicts were not “biologically sexually inverted.” They were, however, as psychopathological as “biological inverts.”
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As well as striving to discover, prevent, and punish sexual relations between convicts in the model progressive prison, the new penologists attempted to change relations between black prisoners and white prisoners. Unlike the matter of sex, neither the “race question” nor the prison’s small minority of black prisoners were objects of sustained discourse among Sing Sing’s reformers at this time. Nonetheless, race ideology deeply influenced and was, in turn, influenced by, the new penological program of reform. At Sing Sing (and at Auburn) the new penologists set about classifying and more formally segregating prisoners on the basis of the “one-drop” criterion of American race ideology. The new penologists conceived of their task primarily as one of assimilating prisoners born in Europe and native-born Americans classified as “white” to an ideal, manly citizenship. Programs that were designed to socialize prisoners as citizens were implicitly aimed at white native-born Americans and European immigrants; certainly, no resources were specifically earmarked for the education or postrelease employment of black prisoners. Many of the educational programs were specifically aimed at Italian, Polish, and German immigrants, with the objective of socializing them to be good Americans. Classes were started in English literacy and civics (the one at Auburn was known as the “Americanization” class) for white prisoners, and on at least one occasion, a large business enterprise sent an Italian-speaking agent to Sing Sing to train and recruit Italian convicts for postrelease employment. Besides crafting a prison program that took for granted that white convicts were the proper object of reform, the new penologists took steps to formalize and rigorously enforce the physical separation of white from black prisoners. Black prisoners were concentrated in the unskilled work companies, and white prisoners in the semi- and skilledlabor companies by day. By night, under Osborne’s direct orders, black convicts were segregated from white convicts. Early on in his wardenship, Osborne’s expressly prohibited white and black convicts to share cells with each other.
Black prisoners did not miss out entirely on the privileges and activities established under the new penologists. As a rule, privileges that were extended to white prisoners (such as membership in the leagues, participation in sports, etc.) were generally extended to black prisoners, too, suggesting that the new penologists considered black prisoners capable of participating in democracy and civil society. But, as had been the case at Auburn, these privileges were always extended in such a way that they would not undermine the segregation of white from black, nor, more critically, raise a black prisoner above a white prisoner. Indeed, new penological reform in general seems to have formalized race segregation and, not incidentally, widened racial inequality, at Sing Sing.
- Rebecca M. McLennan, The Crisis of Imprisonment: Protest, Politics, and the Making of the American Penal State, 1776-1941. Cambridge University Press, 2008. McCormick, p. 397-402, 404.
Image is Warden T. M. Osborne, Sing Sing, centre, surrounded by Sing Sing prisoners. c. 1915-1916. Bain News Service glass negative. Library of Congress. LC-B2- 3310-7.
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deerydear · 9 days
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A documentary interviewing a man who works with criminals, as a psychiatrist. I admire his empathy.
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I'm really fascinated by the way people interact with authority figures. And vice-versa. I can't really put it to words, which makes it a perfect thing to post about on tumblr dot com the wordless web site.
There's something almost hypnotic about watching a passion killer come to terms with their future in the interrogation room, or watching a first amendment auditor talk to a cop the way that cops talk to civilians.
Sometimes, it's not hypnotic. Sometimes it reminds you that there are very evil monsters amo-- nearby. And some very sad, sick individuals who mask extremely well until they don't.
But then I just play Satisfactory and watch House and the bad people don't exist anymore.
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Edexcel Psychology A Level
Tips for Exams
The practical investigation and research methods of each section are not included, however if you have any questions regarding either of these please feel free to leave a message or comment. Good luck with your studies
Social
Content
Agency Theory
Social Impact Theory
Milgram's Study
Variations of Milgram
Factors Affecting Obedience
Social Identity Theory
Realistic Conflict Theory
Factors Affecting Prejudice
Studies
Classic - Sherif
Contemporary - Burger
Key Question
Cognitive
Content
Multi-Store Memory Model
Working Memory Model
Tulving's Long Term Memory
Reconstructive Memory
Individual Differences
Developmental Psychology
Studies
Classic - Baddeley
Contemporary - Sebastian and Hernandez-Gil
Key Question
Biological
Content
Neurotransmitters
Effect of Recreational Drugs
Structure of Brain
Role of Evolution
Freud's Psychodynamic Theory
Role of Hormones
Studies
Classic - Raine
Contemporary - Brendgen
Key Question
Learning Theories
Content
Classical Conditioning
Operant Conditioning
Social Learning Theory
Bobo Doll Experiment 1961/63
Bobo Doll Experiment 1965
Phobias and Treatments
Studies
Classic - Watson and Rayner
Contemporary - Becker
Key Question
Clinical
Content
Diagnosis of Mental Disorders
Classification Systems:
International Classification of Diseases
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders
Reliability and Validity
Schizophrenia
Obsessive Compulsive Disorder
Treatments
Studies
Rosenhan's Sane in Insane Places
Carlsson's Schizophrenia
Masellis' OCD
Key Question
Criminal
Content
Brain Injuries
Amygdala
XYY Syndrome
Sham Rage
Personality Disorders
Eysenck's Personality Theory
Hormones
Neurotransmitters
Labelling and Self-Fulfilling Prophecy
Social Learning Theory
Cognitive Interview
Psychological Formulations
Cognitive Behavioural Treatment
Hormone Treatment
Eye-Witness Testimony
Jury Decision Making
Studies
Loftus and Palmer 's Leading Questions
Bradbury and Williams' Race and JDM
Key Question
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Are you in “love” with Dahmer or are you a genuine account who just looks into the psychology of a killer?
no, i'm not in "love" with dahmer.
i find his case extremely fascinating. i am intrigued on how his brain worked and the sociobiological aspects that led to the horrific things that happened surrounding the case. if we educate ourselves on why the horrific things actually happened, and acknowledge that the guy was a very unwell human rather than blaming an almighty evil power for the heinous crimes committed, i feel we can learn a lot and stop situations like that reoccurring. we need to stop putting these kinds of people on such infamous, twisted pedestals and see them as they really are, which are fucked up human beings who are the result of their biology and environments in which they're surrounded.
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Crimes of Impulse - Murders of Jealousy and Rage
Impulse crimes are commonly referred to as ‘crimes of passion’ or acts carried out in the ‘heat of the moment’. Often the ‘passion’ concerns a romantic or sexual relationship, or may simply mean no more than any strong emotion one is experiencing such as rage or anger.
Broadly speaking, crimes can often be broken up into two defined categories: expressive and instrumental. Expressive crimes, or our crimes of impulse,  are contrasted by instrumental crimes; those preceded by planning, and carried out with malice aforethought. Certain motives behind crimes are judged as more understandable and forgivable; others as vile or inhuman.
When things go wrong in the sphere of love, we may find jealousy - and where we find jealousy, to an extreme enough degree, serious crimes including murder can occur, many as acts of spontaneity and in the heat of ‘passion’. Jealousy can be understood as an extreme emotional state, hardwired in our brains over centuries of evolution, to safeguard what we consider to be most precious to us. Our susceptibility to jealousy is shared by near all of us, and is why we so often find it in the works of art and literature - from Shakespeare’s Othello to Euripides‘ Medea. Of course, not all spontaneous violence and murder relates to jealousy - violence during brawls or in the course of an argument are often spurred by feelings of intense anger and rage.
Jealousy Murders
George Skiadopoulos
In 1999, George Skiadopoulos was convicted of the murder of 31-year old Julie Scully. A former model, Julie met George, a Greek sailor, while on a cruise in the Caribbean. Bored in her marriage to her current husband, Julie and George began an affair, following which Julie divorced her husband and began to live with George. An intensely jealous man, George often spied on Julie’s private phone calls and became increasingly argumentative, in one instance going so far as to choke Julie’s mother. After charges forced him to return to Greece, Julie, who had returned with him and grown weary of both George and her new life, insisted on returning to the United States. George lured Julie to a remote spot and strangled her, before proceeding to dismember the body and dispose of it in the Aegean Sea.
Clara Harris
Clara Suarez Harris, the only child of an affluent family, lived an upscale and flourished life in Houston, Texas with her husband, David Harris, both of whom shared in the profession of dentistry. Busy with both motherhood and a successful practice, David felt sidelined by Clara, and soon began an affair with his receptionist, Gail Bridges. However, the affair soon become known to Clara, who, after hiring a private investigator, traveled to the hotel David and Gail were staying in. Upon them emerging from the lobby, Clara proceeded to mow down her husband with her car, driving over him a further two times in order to kill him.
Jeremy Akers
Born to a working-class family in Mississippi, Jeremy Akers was the typical all-American overachiever - a straight-A student, bodybuilder and highly competitive individual; graduating law school before serving in Vietnam. Upon his return,  Jeremy married Nancy Richards, to whom he was brash, domineering, jealous and possessive. The marriage soon began to deteriorate. Depressed after the birth of her third child and feeling unappreciated by her husband, Nancy struck up an acquaintance with truck driver, Jim Lemke. The pair shared an appreciation of writing and soon became lovers. Having already suspected the two’s infidelity, Jeremy’s feelings only escalated upon Nancy suing for divorce. Using the pretext of discussing divorce details, Jeremy lured Nancy back to their house, where he shot her to death with a .38 before turning the gun on himself. 
Impulse Murders: Emphasis on Rage
Robert Rowe
Robert was born one of two brothers raised in a Protestant family. Married to a Catholic woman (despite the protests of his mother) to whom he had two sons with: Bobby and Chris, who was born blind and deaf due to his wife’s early contraction of rubella during pregnancy. Robert was described as unusually stoic in the face of his son’s condition, forming a support group for other couples in similar situations. When he was forty, he and his wife adopted a young girl. Three years later, Robert’s mother passed away, but not before humiliating him by admitting she wished she had aborted him before he was born, as she had with her first two pregnancies. She considered Robert as nothing more than a lowly bureaucrat and a fake, and disinherited him in a final act of spite. Robert soon became seriously depressed, suffering recurrent dreams in which his mother urged him to kill his family. Receiving psychiatric treatment for his depression, Robert was unable to continue work as an attorney and took up a job as a New York cab driver. However, not long after, his cab was stolen and Robert was unwillingly reduced to a house husband while Mary worked. Upon discovering his other child, Bobby, had developed a congenital hip disease that may render him wheelchair bound, Robert ceased taking his medication and slipped further into depression. The suggestion to place Chris in the care of an institution was raised by Robert, but ultimately dismissed by his wife, further deteriorating the situation. The culmination of these events came about in 1978, wherein Robert took a baseball bat to his three children, bludgeoning them to death. Upon her return home, Robert instructed his wife to put on a blindfold as he had a ‘surprise’ for her - the surprise being him proceeding to bludgeon her to death with the bat as well. Robert then attempted suicide by way of the gas from his oven, but was rescued by a neighbor.
Susan Wright
Susan Wyche worked as a go-go dancer at the local discotheque, where she met her soon-to-be husband, Jeff Wright. An affair soon ensued, the result of which was Susan falling pregnant to Jeff, who, to Susan’s irritation, delayed in marrying her until she was eight months along in her pregnancy. While Jeff’s job as a fairly successful salesman afforded them the ability to live in relative comfort, he was addicted to both cocaine and other women - avocations ruinous to both their finances and their marriage. In 2003, Susan’s anger having reached a tipping point, she enticed Jeff into their bedroom under the pretext of engaging in bondage activities, allowing himself to be restrained to the four corner-posts of their bed. In a burst of rage, Susan mutilated his genitals and stabbed Jeff near two hundred times. Panicked, Susan dragged the body to their yard before disposing of it in a pit, dug earlier by Jeff for an unknown reason. Susan had planned to tell people Jeff had simply ‘disappeared’, however this would prove to be in vain, as their dog dug up the body only a few days later.
Dr. Bruce Rowan
Idaho-born to a large family, of which he was the youngest, Bruce Rowan was depressed for most of his life, grappling with feelings of unworthiness and suicidal idealisation. During the course of his academic studies as a medical student, Bruce continued to suffer from suicidal thoughts, for which he was temporarily hospitalised. Debbie, Bruce’s girlfriend, stood by him during this time, partly due to her love for him, partly out of the fearful belief that were she to leave, he would attempt to kill himself. The pair married and spent considerable time traveling the world and doing charitable work in various countries before returning to the United States to settle down. Bruce was still determined to travel, to provide aid to the needy, in hopes this would alleviate his continual feelings of unworthiness. Following their adoption of a young girl, Debbie was often preoccupied with caring for their baby, and Bruce, saddled with chores and finding himself with less quality time with Debbie, began to grow resentful. In 1998, Bruce’s resentment turned to rage, and he murdered Debbie using an axe. Bruce then placed the body in their car before pushing it down a hill in an attempt to convey the appearance of an unfortunate accident. At trial, Bruce was ultimately found not guilty by way of mental illness.
 (source)
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