#department of reform institutions

[if-you-fan-a-fire]

"DEFIANCE REWARDED WITH BETTER MEALS," Toronto Star. July 4, 1933. Page 3. ---- Prisoners at Mimico Balked at Bad Bologna and Went on Strike ---- Not until 3 p.m. yesterday, according to the reformatories branch of the provincial secretary's office, did official notice come from the Mimico reformatory of a strike on Friday of the prisoners working in the brick and tile plant, on account of food they claimed was not fit to eat. At breakfast, it is reported, the men found a piece of bologna on their plates. The meat had turned, and had a bad odor. Angered at the type of food they were asked to eat before going to work, the men with one accord are alleged to have thrown the bologna all over the room where a good deal of it stuck to the walls and ceiling. The men are then said to have gone back to their dormitories and to have refused to work until they were better fed. This was about 5.30 a.m. An attempt at pacification was made by Sergt. Vincent, who, as the result of the recent investigation at Burwash, was transferred from the latter institution to Mimico by order of Inspector of Reformatories, James A. Norris. "There was nothing to it," said F. C. Neelands, assistant provincial secretary, this afternoon. "The meat was a little off color, and the men complained. But Sergt. Vincent talked to them, and soon had them back to work again. "I have seen the same thing happen in a university dormitory," explained Mr. Neelands. "As a matter of fact, we did not know that there had been any trouble at Mimico until a few minutes ago (3.15 p.m.)." The report was brought to the department at Queen's Park by Superintendent Elliott of Mimico yesterday afternoon. In contrast to the bologna on Friday, the men were fed bacon and eggs Saturday.

[AL: I'd love to learn more, but researching administrative files and records for provincial prisons is somehow even harder than for federal prisons from this period. But a few guesses. 'Bad food' is a common cause of prisoner protests - because "what else do you have to look forward to?" and bad food is a sign of neglect, cruelty and disrespect - but it is usually not the only thing a protest is about. The fact that they were striking against an officer who had recently been transferred from another prison for creditably beating a man to death should not be ignored. It wouldn't surprise me if other factors relating to work conditions were also involved.]

#mimico #mimico reformatory #strike #prison strike #prison food #prisoner demands #convict revolt #1933 burwash probe #convict labour #prisoner protest #department of reform institutions #great depression in canada #crime and punishment in canada #history of crime and punishment in canada

[dontmeantobepoliticalbut]

"Don't make a wrong move," the officer said as he pinned the struggling subject to the ground. "Period."

The officer tightened the handcuffs around the subject's thin wrists.

"Ow, ow, ow, it really hurts," the subject exclaimed.

The officer pressed his weight into the subject's small body while school staff watched it all unfold. The person he was restraining was 7 years old.

"If you, my friend, are not acquainted with the juvenile justice system, you will be very shortly," the officer told the child.

Earlier that day, the child allegedly spit at a teacher. Now, he was in handcuffs and a police officer was saying he could end up in jail.

That child — a second grader with autism at a North Carolina school — was ultimately pinned on the floor for 38 minutes, according to body camera video of the incident. At one point, court records say, the officer put his knee in the child's back.

CBS News is not identifying the North Carolina child to protect his privacy.

Similar scenes have played out in viral incidents: police officers arresting young children like him at school, often violently.

In 2018, a 10-year-old with autism was pinned face down and cuffed in Denton, Texas.

Another boy with autism, just 11 years old, was handcuffed and dragged out of school and forced into a sheriff's deputy's car in Colorado in 2021.

And that same year, officers handcuffed and screamed at a 5-year-old who had wandered away from school.

There are many more cases of young children arrested in school — cases that don't make headlines, according to a CBS News analysis of the latest data from the U.S. Department of Education's Office for Civil Rights.

More than 700 children were arrested in U.S. elementary schools during the 2017-2018 school year alone, according to CBS News' analysis.

Experts tell CBS News the fact that young children are arrested at all is troubling.

Ron Applin, chief of police for Atlanta Public Schools, says they've never arrested an elementary school child in his six years running the department.

"I've never seen a situation or a circumstance in my six years where an elementary school student had to be arrested," Applin said. "We've never done it. I don't see where it would happen."

But it does happen elsewhere — and to some kids more than others, CBS News' analysis showed.

Children with documented disabilities were four times more likely to be arrested at school, according to CBS News' analysis of the 2017-2018 Education Department data.

Federal law requires schools to have a plan, known as an Individualized Education Plan (IEP), for dealing with the needs of every student with disabilities.

Those plans help schools understand how to care for children with disabilities, said Alacia Gerardi, the mother of the North Carolina child who was arrested. Without this plan, she said, a police officer might misunderstand her son's behavior.

"I believe a lot of it is a misunderstanding with children who are struggling, that they believe that in general, that behavior indicates intention. And when you're dealing with a child who's going through a difficult time, any child, that is not the case."

Anyone working with children with disabilities must understand how to respond when a child with an emotional or behavioral disorder acts out, according to Dr. Sonya Mathies-Dinizulu, who teaches psychiatry and behavioral neuroscience at the University of Chicago.

In a crisis, children need someone to "be there to help the kid start to de-escalate and help soothe," said Mathies-Dinizulu, who works with children who are exposed to trauma.

Black students are even more disproportionately affected. They made up nearly half of all arrests at elementary schools during the 2017-2018 school year, CBS News' analysis showed. But they accounted for just 15% of the student population in those schools.

Those disparities could be explained, at least in part, by the mentalities of the officers who work in schools, according to Professor Aaron Kupchik, who teaches sociology and criminal justice at the University of Delaware.

In a 2020 study, Kupchik and his colleagues analyzed interviews with 73 School Resource Officers, or SROs. Nearly all the officers interviewed said their primary mission was to keep the school safe. The difference, Kupchik said, was who those officers felt they needed to protect the school from.

SROs who worked with low-income students and students of color "define the threat as students themselves," Kupchik said. "Whereas the SROs who work in wealthier, whiter school areas define the threat as something external that can happen to the children."

"It's an external threat for the more privileged kids," Kupchik said. "As opposed to students in the schools with more students of color, low-income students, where they're seen as the threats themselves."

One such student arrested was an 11-year-old Black student with disabilities in Riverside County, California. CBS News is referring to him only as "C.B." to protect his privacy.

Police alleged he threw a rock at a staffer, though a police report said she was uninjured. The next day, he was handcuffed after refusing to go to the principal's office over the incident.

A lawsuit filed on C.B.'s behalf alleges his arrest was part of a pattern: police getting involved for "low-level and disability-related behaviors" that could be handled by teachers or administrators.

POLICE HANDLING SCHOOL DISCIPLINE, NOT SCHOOL STAFF

Gerardi said she couldn't understand why her son was handcuffed face down on the floor.

She said school staff called saying her son was having a hard time that day. She later got a text asking her to come pick him up.

What she saw when she arrived shocked her.

"At that point, I had no idea why [he was handcuffed]," she said. "I couldn't fathom in my mind what could possibly have occurred to make handcuffing a 7-year-old face down on the floor necessary."

She said the school staff knew her son had been struggling. He was in a treatment program where he received special support. He had an IEP on file, which documented his needs.

Yet when teachers disciplined her son for repeatedly tapping his pencil — something she said he does out of anxiety — the situation escalated. He spit on a teacher, and the police officer was called. The boy ended up in handcuffs.

"I have a real hard time understanding that these adults don't have a better solution than to do this," she said. "The long-term effects, the trauma of putting a child in a completely powerless situation, even physically over their body and causing them harm based on a behavior is ludicrous to me."

After his mother arrived, the officer allowed her to take him home.

"It was a very rude awakening, because when I arrived there and I picked my son up off the floor, he was limp, completely limp," she said. "He was just exhausted. I didn't know what had happened, but after I saw the video, it was very apparent that his little body just couldn't take being put in that position for that length of time. He had his chest against the floor, his hands behind his back. This man's applying pressure against his back."

Alex Heroy, attorney for Gerardi's family, said the police shouldn't have gotten involved in the first place.

"A lot of officers don't want to be the first line when it comes to a mental health crisis," Heroy said. "They don't have as much training as the teachers in the school, for example, so they shouldn't insert themselves for one, and they really should be there for support."

The officer in that arrest defended his actions.

The officer "knew nothing about [the child] prior to the day in question, including his age or medical history," his attorney said in a statement sent to CBS News.

"Unequivocally, he never intended to cause any harm to [the child] and did the best he could with the knowledge and training he possessed at the time, seeking only to help [the child] and diffuse the situation safely for everyone, including [the child]," the statement said.

The child's school district declined to comment, saying the case had been settled.

The child wasn't charged with a crime, despite what the officer repeatedly said during the incident.

FEDERAL REACTION

Catherine Lhamon, assistant secretary for the Department of Education Office of Civil Rights, said schools should do everything they can to prevent young kids from ending up arrested in school.

CBS News shared the results of its analysis of the Education Department data with Lhamon. Though she said there could be times in which arresting a 7-year-old is acceptable, she said it should not be the norm.

"That should not be the way we expect to treat our students," Lhamon said. "And if you find yourself there as a school community, you should be evaluating hard whether you needed to and what steps you can take to make sure you don't find yourself there again."

When asked if the Department of Education is doing enough to prevent arrests like the North Carolina child's, she said, "You're never doing enough if a child is harmed."

"When we send a child to law enforcement, we are sending a very deleterious governmental message," Lhamon said. "That's scary. I want very much for that to be minimized and for it to take place only in those circumstances where it's absolutely necessary."

Lhamon called the video of the North Carolina child's arrest "enormously distressing" and said it was something she'd never forget.

"There's very little that I saw in that video that is acceptable, and there's very little on that video that is consistent with federal civil rights obligations," she said.

The U.S. Department of Education issued new guidance on school discipline in July, requiring school officials to evaluate a student with disabilities before disciplining them.

Department of Education spokespeople said the agency wants schools to be responsible for the actions of their SROs, even if those officers are employees of a local police department.

"They are responsible for the actions of school resource officers that they employ and that they contract with in their schools, and that the civil rights obligation extends to them," Lhamon said.

Lhamon described the disproportionate impact on children with disabilities and children of color as "deeply distressing."

"It's a deep, deep concern for all of us," Lhamon said. "And it has been over a distressingly long period of time that we see students with disabilities disproportionately referred to law enforcement. We see students of color disproportionately referred to law enforcement."

TRAINING NEEDED

An SRO's training can be critical, according to Applin. He helped change the way Atlanta SROs interact with children.

After being in the top 10 nationally in elementary arrest rates, Georgia changed its approach in 2018. They trained their SROs to focus on helping students to reach graduation, rather than making arrests.

Part of that new SRO training involved "making a switch from being a warrior to a guardian," Applin said.

"One of the things that's stressed to my officers is that we're student focused," Applin said. "The whole idea behind why we're here is to create an environment where students can learn, teachers can teach. We're not here to criminalize our students."

Virginia has taken a different approach. Schools there arrested kids in elementary schools at five times the rate for the U.S. overall during the 2017-2018 school year, according to CBS News' analysis of Education Department data.

Donna Michaelis, who manages the Virginia Center for School and Campus Safety, said Virginia law requires school officials to report any crimes that occur at school — even minor ones like fights, vandalism, or disorderly conduct.

"In that list of criminal offenses, they are very serious things," Michaelis said. "It's not bullying. It is malicious wounding. It is kidnapping. It is threats to harm staff. They are serious crimes: threats to bomb [or] drugs."

Data from the Virginia Department of Education shows that, during the 2020-2021 school year, there were 24 bomb or other threats reported. There were nearly 700 reported threats to either students or staff.

The data doesn't contain any references to "malicious wounding" or kidnapping.

The most common offense in the data is "interference with school operations," which made up nearly 40% of the 14,000 incidents recorded in the data for that one school year.

DO SROS REALLY MAKE KIDS SAFER?

Amid the epidemic of school shootings in the US, many districts have looked to SROs to keep kids safe.

In late 2019, schools in Harford County, Maryland, added three more SROs to its elementary schools. A year later, the Michigan House voted to boost funding for school resource officers in the wake of the Oxford High School shooting that December.

And in 2022, after the Uvalde, Texas, shooting, some Fort Worth city council members argued schools needed more officers to protect kids from future attacks.

But Kupchik's research shows SROs don't make kids safer.

"There is some disagreement [among experts]," Kupchik said. "There have been some studies showing that police officers in schools can prevent some crime and misbehavior, but there are far greater numbers of studies finding the opposite, that they either have no impact or in some cases can increase crime. What they do all show consistently is that while we're not sure about any benefits, there are clear and consistent problems with putting police in schools."

Kupchik said schools with more police have more suspensions and more arrests.

"We see greater numbers of arrests and not necessarily for things like guns or drugs or what we're all afraid of," Kupchik said. "But for more minor things that are unfortunate, but perhaps don't need to result in an arrest record. Something like two kids getting in a fight after school."

Some schools have taken a similar view. Schools across the country, including those in Denver, San Francisco, Fremont, CA, and Chicago have voted to remove SROs.

In the wake of the murder of George Floyd, Minneapolis Public Schools removed SROs from their hallways. The result: a dramatic drop in student referrals to law enforcement, and a shift toward "restorative outcomes" rather than arrests.

Nearly every parent interviewed by CBS News for this story said their children were permanently traumatized by these experiences.

"The trauma from this has truly created PTSD," Gerardi said. "So, day by day, especially if he is physically hurt in any way — even accidentally — it can trigger a real PTSD response that affects the entire family. And, of course, it affects him."

Part of the problem, she said, is that he doesn't understand what happened to him.

"It was an instantaneous 'fight or flight' response, and we were there for literally years," she said. "So to try to calm his nervous system down … has taken a lot a lot of intense work. And it was terrifying. We're going we were going up against a police department, a city, and we live in a small town."

The problems only worsened when her son began running away. The very people she needed to help find him were those who harmed him: the police.

"After you go through something like this, it's hard to have trust that a sane person is going to show up that understands how to deal with a child," she said.

Other parents told CBS News similar stories. The father of one child told CBS News Colorado his child, who was arrested at age 5 and had documented disabilities, "regressed significantly" after the incident and even had to move to a residential treatment facility to receive more intensive care.

Mathies-Dinizulu said those effects can last a child's entire life.

"Children in particular, they could be incredibly resilient," Mathies-Dinizulu said. "But it's something that they will never forget. And because of that, if something traumatic or scary happens to them in the future — that type of accumulated stress from what happened at school, now it's happening again in another place."

The effects of that trauma can warp the way a child sees the world, Mathies-Dinizulu said.

"They may feel like they're not worthy, or they may feel like they're bad," she said. "Some of those symptoms of anxiety or depression or traumatic stress symptoms like flashbacks or anger and irritability might be tied to the traumatic event."

Gerardi said she hopes seeing her son's suffering will help people understand things need to change.

"This is 100% preventable," she said, "100% preventable. There's a lot of trauma and things in life that are not. This is not one of those. This could have been prevented."

#us politics #news #education reform #education system #department of education #school resource officers #SROs #police brutality #stop police brutality #police #police the police #defund the police #acab #2022 #cbs news #systemic racism #institutional racism #mental health #mental illness #learning disabilities #Individualized Education Plan #disabilities #discrimination #racism #abelism #Dr. Sonya Mathies-Dinizulu #Professor Aaron Kupchik #Catherine Lhamon #office of civil rights

[fatehbaz]

When you tag things “#abolition”, what are you referring to? Abolishing what?

Prisons, generally. Though not just physical walls of formal prisons, but also captivity, carcerality, and carceral thinking. Including migrant detention; national border fences; indentured servitude; inability to move due to, and labor coerced through, debt; de facto imprisonment or isolation of the disabled or medically pathologized; privatization and enclosure of land; categories of “criminality"; etc.

In favor of other, better lives and futures.

Specifically, I am grateful to have learned from the work of these people:

Ruth Wilson Gilmore on “abolition geography”.

Katherine McKittrick on "imaginative geographies"; emotional engagement with place/landscape; legacy of imperialism/slavery in conceptions of physical space and in devaluation of other-than-human lifeforms; escaping enclosure; plantation “afterlives” and how plantation logics continue to thrive in contemporary structures/institutions like cities, prisons, etc.; a “range of rebellions” through collaborative acts, refusal of the dominant order, and subversion through joy and autonomy.

Macarena Gomez-Barris on landscapes as “sacrifice zones”; people condemned to live in resource extraction colonies deemed as acceptable losses; place-making and ecological consciousness; and how “the enclosure, the plantation, the ship, and the prison” are analogous spaces of captivity.

Liat Ben-Moshe on disability; informal institutionalization and incarceration of disabled people through physical limitation, social ostracization, denial of aid, and institutional disavowal; and "letting go of hegemonic knowledge of crime”.

Achille Mbembe on co-existence and care; respect for other-than-human lifeforms; "necropolitics" and bare life/death; African cosmologies; historical evolution of chattel slavery into contemporary institutions through control over food, space, and definitions of life/land; the “explicit kinship between plantation slavery, colonial predation, and contemporary resource extraction” and modern institutions.

Robin Maynard on "generative refusal"; solidarity; shared experiences among homeless, incarcerated, disabled, Indigenous, Black communities; to "build community with" those who you are told to disregard in order "to re-imagine" worlds; envisioning, imagining, and then manifesting those alternative futures which are "already" here and alive.

Leniqueca Welcome on Caribbean world-making; "the apocalyptic temporality" of environmental disasters and the colonial denial of possible "revolutionary futures"; limits of reformism; "infrastructures of liberation at the end of the world."; "abolition is a practice oriented toward the full realization of decolonization, postnationalism, decarceration, and environmental sustainability."

Stefano Harney and Fred Moten on “the undercommons”; fugitivity; dis-order in academia and institutions; and sharing of knowledge.

AM Kanngieser on "deep listening"; “refusal as pedagogy”; and “attunement and attentiveness” in the face of “incomprehensible” and immense “loss of people and ecologies to capitalist brutalities”.

Lisa Lowe on "the intimacies of four continents" and how British politicians and planters feared that official legal abolition of chattel slavery would endanger Caribbean plantation profits, so they devised ways to import South Asian and East Asian laborers.

Ariella Aisha Azoulay on “rehearsals with others’.

Phil Neel on p0lice departments purposely targeting the poor as a way to raise municipal funds; the "suburbanization of poverty" especially in the Great Lakes region; the rise of lucrative "logistics empires" (warehousing, online order delivery, tech industries) at the edges of major urban agglomerations in "progressive" cities like Seattle dependent on "archipelagos" of poverty; and the relationship between job loss, homelessness, gentrification, and these logistics cities.

Alison Mountz on migrant detention; "carceral archipelagoes"; and the “death of asylum”.

Pedro Neves Marques on “one planet with many worlds inside it”; “parallel futures” of Indigenous, Black, disenfranchised communities/cosmologies; and how imperial/nationalist institutions try to foreclose or prevent other possible futures by purposely obscuring or destroying histories, cosmologies, etc.

Peter Redfield on the early twentieth-century French penal colony in tropical Guiana/Guyana; the prison's invocation of racist civilization/savagery mythologies; and its effects on locals.

Iain Chambers on racism of borders; obscured and/or forgotten lives of migrants; and disrupting modernity.

Paulo Tavares on colonial architecture; nationalist myth-making; and erasure of histories of Indigenous dispossession.

Elizabeth Povinelli on "geontopower"; imperial control over "life and death"; how imperial/nationalist formalization of private landownership and commodities relies on rigid definitions of dynamic ecosystems.

Kodwo Eshun on African cosmologies and futures; “the colonial present”; and imperialist/nationalist use of “preemptive” and “predictive” power to control the official storytelling/narrative of history and to destroy alternatives.

Tim Edensor on urban "ghosts" and “industrial ruins”; searching for the “gaps” and “silences” in the official narratives of nations/institutions, to pay attention to the histories, voices, lives obscured in formal accounts.

Megan Ybarra on place-making; "site fights"; solidarity and defiance of migrant detention; and geography of abolition/incarceration.

Sophie Sapp Moore on resistance, marronage, and "forms of counterplantation life"; "plantation worlds" which continue to live in contemporary industrial resource extraction and dispossession.

Deborah Cowen on “infrastructures of empire and resistance”; imperial/nationalist control of place/space; spaces of criminality and "making a life at the edge" of the law; “fugitive infrastructures”.

Elizabeth DeLoughrey on indentured labor; the role of plants, food, and botany in enslaved and fugitive communities; the nineteenth-century British Empire's labor in the South Pacific and Caribbean; the twentieth-century United States mistreatment of the South Pacific; and the role of tropical islands as "laboratories" and isolated open-air prisons for Britain and the US.

Dixa Ramirez D’Oleo on “remaining open to the gifts of the nonhuman” ecosystems; hinterlands and peripheries of empires; attentiveness to hidden landscapes/histories; defying surveillance; and building a world of mutually-flourishing companions.

Leanne Betasamosake Simpson on reciprocity; Indigenous pedagogy; abolitionism in Canada; camaraderie; solidarity; and “life-affirming” environmental relationships.

Anand Yang on "forgotten histories of Indian convicts in colonial Southeast Asia" and how the British Empire deported South Asian political prisoners to the region to simultaneously separate activists from their communities while forcing them into labor.

Sylvia Wynter on the “plot”; resisting the plantation; "plantation archipelagos"; and the “revolutionary demand for happiness”.

Pelin Tan on “exiled foods”; food sovereignty; building affirmative care networks in the face of detention, forced migration, and exile; connections between military rule, surveillance, industrial monocrop agriculture, and resource extraction; the “entanglement of solidarity” and ethics of feeding each other.

Avery Gordon on haunting; spectrality; the “death sentence” of being deemed “social waste” and being considered someone “without future”; "refusing" to participate; "escaping hell" and “living apart” by striking, squatting, resisting; cultivating "the many-headed hydra of the revolutionary Black Atlantic"; alternative, utopian, subjugated worldviews; despite attempts to destroy these futures, manifesting these better worlds, imagining them as "already here, alive, present."

Jasbir Puar on disability; debilitation; how the control of fences, borders, movement, and time management constitute conditions of de facto imprisonment; institutional control of illness/health as a weapon to "debilitate" people; how debt and chronic illness doom us to a “slow death”.

Kanwal Hameed and Katie Natanel on "liberation pedagogy"; sharing of knowledge, education, subversion of colonial legacy in universities; "anticolonial feminisms"; and “spaces of solidarity, revolt, retreat, and release”.

#abolition

[qqueenofhades]

I'm seeing a lot of leftists complain about Biden not being able to do anything and how Republican presidents were able to write executive orders for seemingly whatever they wanted, and I got confused. So i wanted to ask: why does it seem like Republicans can pass whatever they want whenever they want but Democrats can't?

Welp. This is, yet again, another Online Leftist "argument" that isn't correct, doesn't give an accurate view of the situation, and doesn't propose any helpful alternatives. I know that the Republicans can often feel like an overwhelming and unstoppable evil machine, but the truth is that despite the chaos and damage of Trump's four years to American democratic society and sociopolitical norms, he didn't actually pass much legislation -- even with a compliant Republican-controlled Congress from 2016-18. The Republicans didn't even succeed in legislatively repealing the ACA, despite trying zillions of times to do it, and mostly just passed tax cuts for rich people and other bad economic policy, since they could do it with budget reconciliation (the same process that Democrats used to pass the American Rescue Plan with only 50 votes in the Senate and no Republican support). Because budget/financial legislation isn't subject to the filibuster, the Republicans could pass it with the same simple-majority vote. But they didn't really succeed in doing much else.

Next, Trump's most onerous and infamous executive orders -- withdrawing from WHO and the Paris Agreement, the "Muslim Ban," etc etc -- were all in the list of things that Biden reversed on his first day in office. This is why, as myself and others have said, policy based solely on executive orders is never a long-lasting or ideal way to do something, since it's subject to instant repeal if an administration with different ideological priorities happens to succeed you. Besides, this whole "Biden should just executive order everything!!!" demand basically means that he should just... be Trump and try to exercise the presidency like a king? Online Leftists have no patience for or interest in the American democratic legislative process any more than the fascist wingnuts, and while I get the desire for a quick solution, that's still not going to be a magical panacea that fixes everything. It's not an excuse or an escape from having to put in the work.

Right now, Democratic control of Congress is slender and very contingent on whether Joe Manchin and Kyrsten Sinema feel like supporting something in the Senate, and as long as they won't budge on reforming the filibuster, that means Democrats are likewise limited in what they can do from a legislative perspective. It's unfortunate that people deliberately don't understand that there's a huge difference between 60 Democratic senators and 50 Democratic senators, but there is, and since the Obama-era 59/60 Democratic Senate included seats in red states that a Democrat will never win again in the post-Trump era, it's always going to be a matter of very thin margins and major wrangling. None of this is to say that the Democrats shouldn't be doing more; obviously, they should, and I was sharply critical of Biden's initial response to the Roe overturn. Everything I have seen since has confirmed my opinion that the administration wasn't prepared, might not have thought it would really happen even after the draft leaked, and were wary of taking too "drastic" steps or openly trying to overrule the Supreme Court. This results from, as I have said before, Biden's over-reliance on his outdated belief that American democratic institutions will function more or less properly, even if they're currently staffed and controlled by terrible anti-democrat fascist evangelical nutcases. And that is... just not true, unfortunately.

That said, Biden has picked up the pace in recent days: he issued an executive order to maintain abortion access insofar as possible, the Department of Health and Human Services issued guidance that any federally funded hospital must provide a life-saving abortion regardless of state laws, Democrats in the Senate are trying to pass legislation preserving the right to travel out of state for care, and there is talk of Biden declaring a federal public health emergency, which would likewise preserve access at least in the life-threatening cases. None of this happened in the first weeks after the overturn, and I'm glad to see it happening now, even if there are still more steps to be taken. But as I have explained many, many times, an executive order does not magically work everything out and fix it immediately. It directs the relevant federal departments to come up with and implement a solution, and that still takes time and effort. And as I said, it is the least durable and most easily overturned form of policymaking, and should not be the option of first resort for any number of reasons.

The current leftist demand just seems to be "issue an executive order that instantly fixes everything and makes SCOTUS irrelevant so we don't have to feel any guilt about not voting for Clinton and laughing off everyone who warned us that this was going to happen." And that, likewise, is totally unrealistic. Biden can take concrete steps with his executive authority to ameliorate the situation to some degree; he has done some already, and hopefully will be pushed into more. But there is no way to simply remove SCOTUS as a major political piece, or make its decisions irrelevant, or wave our hand and pretend it doesn't exist. There are still obviously far more barriers to abortion care and access than there were while Roe was the law of the land, and that was the direct and intended result of them overturning it. That is not going to disappear.

Anyway. The claim that "Republicans can always do whatever they want and Democrats can't because they just don't try" is not true. As noted, the Republicans didn't actually do that much during Trump's time in office, and all their major victories now are coming as a result of the Republican-hijacked SCOTUS handing down decisions that are not easy to reverse, challenge, or otherwise get around. This is exactly why the Republicans played the long game with the direct goal being to capture the judiciary, especially the Supreme Court, and why Democrats need to expand or significantly reform it if any of us plan on having any civil rights again in our lifetimes. But to do that, we need to get an actual working majority in the Senate, hold the House, and then keep the pressure up for the promised filibuster reform and subsequent legislation to actually get done. I know that pointing out that things take time and have concrete steps that need to be accomplished in a certain order isn't as satisfying or pithy as "just do it all now and stop making excuses!!!", but it is, alas, still the case.

#anonymous #ask #politics for ts

[tanadrin]

while it doesn’t seem to actually support an actionable political program, i certainly sympathize with the frustration behind the slogan “abolish the police.” it certainly feels conceptually easier to grapple with than “reform a fractally dysfunctional set of institutions protected by an entrenched set of interests and a broadly-shared political outlook that is deeply opposed to any attempt to dilute its currently-existing power.”

like, the strangehold on american culture and politics that the current model of the police force has feels very roughly akin to the armed forces in one of those countries where the army is a parallel state with its fingers in every corner of the economy, in that no one positioned to actually make useful changes to the system is personally or ideologically interested, and there isn’t a strong enough political consensus to force top-down change. those are the kinds of situations that can limp along for years before they really break, and when they do, the rupture is a catastrophe more than it is an opportunity for productive change.

obviously american municipal police departments are not organizationally much like (say) the iranian revolutionary guard, but the situation feels about as intractable. even if you could fire every cop in memphis tomorrow, from the beat cops to the police chief, and have your pick of replacements, where are you going to get them? other police departments with broadly similar cultures and training, unless you start sourcing them from norway or something.

[drsonnet]

(2024)

APRIL 1968..#ColumbiaUniversity In 1968, students occupied buildings and hundreds were arrested. Credit...Larry C. Morris/ TheNewYorkTimes

A protest 56 years ago became an important part of Columbia’s culture.

During the Vietnam War, students seized campus buildings for a week until university officials and the police cracked down.

By Vimal Patel April 18, 2024

Columbia University is no stranger to major student protests, and the uproar that unfolded at the institution on Thursday had echoes of a much bigger revolt in 1968 — another time of upheaval over a war many students deeply believed was immoral.

That year, in April, in the throes of the Vietnam War, Columbia and Barnard students seized five campus buildings, took a dean hostage and shut down the university.

By April 30, a week after the protest started, university officials cracked down.

At about 2 a.m., police began clearing students from Hamilton Hall “after entering the building through underground tunnels,” according to the student newspaper, The Columbia Daily Spectator. Minutes later, police entered Low Library, again through tunnels, removing occupying students by force.

By 4 a.m., they had cleared all buildings, resulting in more than 700 arrests — one of the largest mass detentions in New York City history — and 148 reports of injuries, the student newspaper reported. Officers trampled protesters, hit them with nightsticks, punched and kicked them and dragged them down stairs, according to a New York Times report.

Most of the injuries were cuts and bruises, relatively minor as compared to some of the brutal arrests of protesters at the height of antiwar and civil rights demonstrations at the time. The university also sustained some property damage, including smashed furniture, toppled shelves and broken windows.

In the end, the protesters won their goals of stopping the construction of a gym on public land in Morningside Park, cutting ties with a Pentagon institute doing research for the Vietnam War and gaining amnesty for demonstrators.

The protests would also lead to the early resignations of Columbia’s president, Grayson L. Kirk, and its provost, David B. Truman.

The fallout from the violence hurt the university’s reputation and led to reforms favoring student activism. Today the university touts its tradition of protest as part of its brand.

On Thursday, another Columbia president, Nemat Shafik, took what she called an “extraordinary step” and authorized the New York Police Department to clear out a student encampment on campus.

#columbia university #students #NEMAT SHAFIK #gaza #free gaza #NYC #vietnam war #1968 #april 2024 #jerusalem #tel aviv #Israel #BDS #WAR #WAR ON GAZA #free palestine #PALESTINE NEWS

[aumarchive]

Interview with Nakayama Hisashi, former member of Hikari no Wa (Aum Shinrikyo branch)

cw: cults, domestic violence, sexual manipulation, conspiracy theories, verbal abuse

Do not harass anyone mentioned here. I'm only citing Mr. Nakayama's name and website because he let me do so.

Do not tag as true crime

Originally posted on Reddit by me

Matryoshka dolls are a well-known symbol of Russian arts and crafts; a majestic doll that, by the hands of others, is forced to reveal itself smaller and smaller until, finally, its tiny, hollow interior becomes visible.

Though they have dozens of tales attached to their creation and meaning, none of it is grounded on reality: these dolls were invented pretty recently with fully comercial purposes. Matryoshka aren't exactly meaningful for their land's mythology, nor original. But at least they're cute and saleable.

So is Fumihiro Joyu, ex-spokesman and executive of Aum Shinrikyo.

Joyu is the kind of person who will never run out of stories to tell about; graduated from Waseda University, one of Japan's most prestigious institutes to this day, he quickly lost interest on the labour market and used his knowledges in a new, weird yoga classroom, which would later become the infamous Aum Shinrikyo. And Aum surely got Joyu busy; he served as a spokesman, public relations representative, head of Aum's russian branch and almost as one of its men of action: in 1993, he attempted to spread anthrax in Kameido, Tokyo. It failed miserably.

But he only became infamous in 1995, when he defended the cult against allegations that they were responsible for the subway sarin attack at all costs. His devotion didn't earn him any prestige, just a lot of fans willing to steal and auction off his dirty socks and a saying attached to his name: ああいえば上祐 (Aa ie ba Joyu, which roughly translates to "If you say so, Joyu"). After being sentenced to three years of prison in late 1995 due to charges of perjury and forgery of private documents, he declared that "Master Asahara is a guide, a savior, and everything to me". It seemed unlikely that his adoration would be shaken.

But after being released from prison in 1999, it seemed that Joyu had a change of heart. He didn't leave Aum (in fact, Joyu became its De Facto representative under the name Aleph), but tried to reform it, reflect on its multiple incidents and eliminate Asahara Shoko's influence. In 2007, after a series of conflicts with Asahara's wife, children, and other executives, Joyu announced he was going to leave Aleph and launch a new organization: Hikari no Wa. According to its website:

Hikari no Wa is not a religion. This is a classroom where you can learn the wisdom and philosophy of happiness from the East and the West, including Buddhist thoughts, meditation methods, and modern psychology, without believing in a specific guru, god, or sect.

The classroom, of course, was met with protests and doubts. The U.S Department of State only lifted its designation as a terrorist foreign organization (TFO) as late as 2022, and Japanese police still surveils it.

Since then, despite still being considered a controversial figure, Joyu has made attempts to clear his image; according to Hikari no Wa's website, the classroom pays compensation to the victims of the subway sarin attack, deprogramms Aleph believers and apologises for its representative's former criminal activities. Joyu also seems to have invested in unusual methods of self-promotion, such as taking part in a hiphop EP where he sings while an edit of the 1995 subway attack plays in the background. He also published a book on how to identify dangerous cults despite his status as a potential cult leader.

There is very little information about Hikari no Wa in English. Its only known activities are events and speeches about spirituality held by Joyu himself, its alleged "Aum liquidation" and its "Pilgrimage to Sacred Places".

However, around February 2024, I stumbled upon a fairly obscure site: stop-hikarinowa.com. According to itself, its purpose is to:

Ask Hikari no Wa to disband.

Promote the exchange of information and people-to-people exchanges on the issue of Hikari no Wa.

Provide support for Hikari no Wa members to withdraw from membership.

Disseminate information to society about the problems of Hikari no Wa.

In addition, we will carry out all activities that we deem necessary for issues related to Hikari no Wa and Aum Shinrikyo.

It also claims Hikari no Wa is, in fact, a cult:

Just like Asahara in Aum Shinrikyo, I think it boils down to the fact that Joyu is in control of everything in Hikari no Wa. It's true that Hikari no Wa changed its doctrine because it wanted to get rid of probation, and it also said that it was a philosophy and thought class. All of the reforms that have been carried out over the past 10 years have been carried out at the discretion of Joyu. This fact proves that it is possible to return to the doctrines and operations of the past with the sole intention of Joyu. As long as he's under inspection, he can't do anything as crazy as Aum (and this is the same for Aleph), but if it were to be removed, no one would be able to stop him from running wild like he did with Aum. The guru becoming a dictator is common to other cults, but if a cult that has crossed the line in the past is allowed to go unchecked, it will be a different danger than other cults. The danger of Hikari no Wa varies greatly depending on what happens to the government's surveillance, but at least it seems that it is an organization that cannot guarantee even safety without national surveillance. * On "Frequently Asked Questions"

I contacted its representative, Nakayama Hisashi who's both a former Aum believer (from 1996 to 2007) and a Hikari no Wa one (from 2007 to 2016) and managed to interview him on March 30, 2024.

The interview go as follows:

Q: Tell us about yourself. You joined Aum to find out more about its practices, but what made you stay for such a long time? A: It was cosy. Aum believers are serious and selfless, so it was really healing to talk to such people.

Q: From what I have read, despite precarious living conditions, including poor diet and cockroach-infested flats, Aum believers formed a strong sense of community. What was daily life like when you joined the organisation? A: Food was considered a bother, and the idea was that it was good if you could get the minimum amount of energy. Even cockroaches were souls that were trying their best to live, and we looked after them with compassion. Such different values from the world were fresh and a strong sense of community existed. It was a similar life in Aum and in Aleph. In Hikari no Wa we secularised, so the ordained people remained Aum, but they disliked the filthy environment.

Q: When did you first come into contact with Joyu? What was your first impression of him? A: Around 2005. My first impression was that he was a hard-working practitioner.

Q: Were you aware that he was at odds with the Asahara family? Were there any tensions within Aum in the late 2000s? A: Initially I did not know that there was a conflict. Inside Aum, the explanation was that Joyu was in training, so I didn't think there was a conflict. Believers like me were not informed of anything. When Joyu came out of prison and the Group Regulation Law was passed, believers though Aum was going to be destroyed, so there was a sense of tension, and although there were people who opposed Joyu's methods, none of us thought that there would be a split later on.

Q: When Hikari no Wa was formed in 2007, why did you join it instead of staying with Aleph? What convinced you? A: Because they sympathised with the idea of social reconciliation by acknowledging the incident. And I was banned from Aleph for having contact with Joyu.

Q: What were the first days of Hikari no Wa like? I have seen a video from around 2009[1], and it seems that many people protested its existence. A: Hikari no Wa was not trusted at all, even if they said they were reflecting on Aum. I thought that if I reflected sincerely, society would one day understand me. Perhaps it was only the believers who were deceived by Joyu's words that he had reflected on his life.

Q: What was your daily life like? Did you go to work or interact with normal society? Did you talk to family and friends? A: I moved from one job to another and worked on construction sites for a long time. I told my family about it, but my wife was vehemently against it, so I didn't talk much about being a believer. Once I mentioned that I was a member at work, but I was discriminated against so quit my job. Since then, I stopped talking about Hikari no Wa to my friends. But I did have normal social interactions outside of the classroom.

Q: I assume you are familiar with the B.I.T.E model, which lists cult behaviour. Let's use it to ask some questions. To what extent was your personal life regulated by Hikari no Wa? Was your diet, social or sex life regulated by the cult, or did you need permission to make major decisions? A: I was a noisy believer [laughs], so I was never dominated by the cult. But they were giving detailed instructions to other people on how to spend their money. I would immediately announce it on social media, so I guess the cult was also cautious. It seems that I was treated differently from the others.

Q: I watched some videos from Hikari no Wa's Youtube channel[2] and they seem to travel frequently. At the same time, they pay compensation to Aum victims. I wonder if a tremendous amount of money is being taken from its believers, or if Joyu is making money in other ways. A: The pilgrimages are a means of collecting large sums of money from believers. Devotees are desperate to join in (laughs). "Why is it so expensive?" I asked him, and he excused himself by saying, "Because I'm compensating them". Compensation is the excuse for the high participation fees. But we couldn't operate on that alone, so some of our staff went out to work, and I think we took a lot of money from the rich and quiet believers.

Q: Hikari no Wa page claims to be a place to learn psychology and natural doctrine, without any religious elements. Is this true? Joyu is not licensed to talk about psychology, and he seems to be getting increasedly incoherent. A: I was confused too. In the classroom, I was reading sutras and doing zazen[3]. And then they said, "It's not a religion", so I thought they were deceiving the world. I think that Joyu himself probably doesn't know what he is doing anymore (laughs).

Q: I saw you accuse Joyu of still being an Aum believer and simply hiding Asahara. Can you elaborate on that? A: When I left Aleph, Joyu said to me: 'I will surely share my reincarnation with the Venerable Master (Asahara). So if you follow me, you will surely meet the Venerable Master again." In other words, following Joyu means that no matter how much you deny Asahara, you are recognised in the doctrine of Aum. Joyu still does not deny reincarnation; if there is reincarnation, then Joyu and Asahara will meet again, and people who are closely related to Joyu will meet Asahara again. The only way to deny this is to deny reincarnation or to dissolve the organisation and live modestly. Because of this idea, everything that Joyu says and does to get people to recognise him is to hide Asahara. There's no retraction or apology to his followers for what he said at that time. I don't think he is remorseful at all.

Q: Wait, that's big! Do you have evidence? A: It was just my experience because it was in a private conversation. I've told the public security authorities and I also think it's evidence for the renewal of my observation, but it's just my testimony, I don't think it's evidence.

Q: That is unfortunate, but I still think it stands out. From reading various discussions of yours, it seems that there is sexual manipulation going on within Hikari no Wa. Can you tell us a bit more about it?" I saw terms such as "sexy business". A: It's a technique known in Japan as 'shirokoi business'. In Aum, love was also an affliction, but having romantic feelings for the Venerable Master (Asahara) was considered a good thing. Intense romantic feelings of wanting to be recognised by the Master and to keep him to oneself were considered to be a form of faith. Joyu frequently appeared in the media during the Aum Affair, which gave rise to a group of fans called "Joyu Gals". Such Joyu fans started coming to Hikari no Wa. Not only 90s Joyu fans, but also new fans are still coming to Hikari no Wa through YouTube and events. They are taking money by cleverly utilising such fan psychology and romantic feelings. The method is to stimulate women's romantic feelings and dominate them by saying, for example, "I have a connection with you from the past". In Japan, there are 'host clubs' where men entertain women, and the sales method is similar to this. Although there was only one victim, I was consulted by a victim who said she actually had sexual relations with Joyu. But at the strong request of the victim, we don't really take it up.

Q: I have also read that Joyu is prone to domestic violence, please elaborate on this. A: Joyu has a strong desire for control, so he would yell at staff and others when he didn't like something, and sometimes beat them up. When I asked someone who was actually hit, he said that he had his karma taken away (laughs). I think this is a typical example of Aum thinking, which is pro-violence. I criticised him a lot, so I don't think he does violence now, but I think he still uses words to corner his opponents. Joyu has a male-dominated mindset, so his desire for domination over women is particularly strong, and I think it tends to lead to violence.

Q: Have you witnessed physical or verbal violence? or have you been subjected to violence? Again, there is no intention to invade your privacy. If you do not wish to answer, you do not have to. A: I have never been hit directly. However, when I quit, I was verbally abused. I saw him shouting at staff on many occasions. Old believers know this all too well. He didn't have any anger control at all (laughs).

Q: Why did you start to leave Hikari no Wa? Did other members also quit? A: I loved Hikari no Wa, not Joyu, so I wanted society to be a comfortable and secure place for the followers who gathered there. In reality, however, the believers were only paying money and being used. I wanted to reform that, but I couldn't do it and was forced to quit. I was also exhausted, so it was probably just as well. There were more than 100 staff members at the time of the Aleph Joyu Faction, but by the time Hikari no Wa was established, there were only about 60, and now there are less than 10. Those who had survived Aum and Aleph gave up on the Joyu and quit. Originally, Aum was a cult with two sides of the same coin, and only those close to them would have known the true nature of the guru, but as it became smaller and smaller, I think the number one reason is that the true nature of Joyu could not be hidden and came to the surface (laughs). The same is true of Aleph, as the closer to Asahara you were, the less you remain in Aleph. The only people left in Aleph now are people who don't know Asahara directly. The same is true of Hikari no Wa, who fled as they learnt about Joyu's character. People who found out that he was the king of the naked left. Conversely, the staff who remain now are people who don't want to admit that Joyu is naked, so they may no longer run away. It's pitiful.

It's important to note that, in July 11th 2018, it was revealed Joyu witnessed the murder of a female believer[4] back in 1991, though he didn't say anything until he could no longer be charged for it, and he still avoids this topic. Nakayama says:

After I left, it was revealed after Asahara's execution that Joyu had left female followers to die during his Aum days and had been covering it up for a long time. When I found out about the incident, all the slight remaining feelings I had for Joyu were gone. I thought that everything I had been working on with hope, saying that I would reflect on the incident, was a lie. I now seriously hope that the cult will be disbanded.

Moving on.

Q: Sorry to digress, but I was very interested in Hikari no Wa's instance on science. Joyu often talks about psychology, even if he's not licensed to talk about it. And he apparently gathered at events without masks during the pandemic. A: Right. What the Joyu says publicly, he says it with an awareness of what society will think of him. He pretends to be a sensible person. But in his true feelings, he thinks completely differently, and what he says and what he does are completely different. If you look at what he does, not what he says, you can see what he really thinks.

Q: Sorry to be too straightforward, but is Joyu a conspiracy theorist? I'm not talking about extreme and flash cases like Qanon. It's about things like "this disease can be cured with X, Y and W" A: He has not been vaccinated. This may be because he believes that vaccines are not desirable from a parrot doctrinal point of view and that if he practices, he will not get infected. I don't want to call it a conspiracy theory, but I think he thinks that practising is a better way to fight infection than vaccines or medicine.

Q: That's bad. Do believers have the freedom or critical skills to get themselves vaccinated? A: It might be different for different people. Maybe many people think the same way as Joyu. That is, that practice is more effective than medical treatment. If Joyu would be asked by his followers, he would not deny the vaccine, but he would not dare to recommend it either. Since many people are dependent, I think many of them would not take the vaccine themselves if Joyu had not taken it.

Q: Sorry to change the subject again, but there is one more thing I wanted to know. I browsed through some of the accounts and posts and found screenshots of Joyu himself talking about and endorsing Vajrayana[5]. One of them was yours[6]. Is it authentic? A: I always think about the risk of a court case when I send out screenshots, so I don't fake it. Hikari no Wa always say it'll go to court and then ask me to delete it.

And, then, the interview ended. I had more to ask, but it was 3 AM and I didn't want to waste more of Mr. Nakayama's time.

It's important to note that all of this is simply alleged and I'm solely giving voice to a former member. Joyu has still a large platform, with around 17k followers on Twitter, and appears on documentaries and interviews as an cult expert of some sorts. It's not uncommon for former cult members to study about it later on, but Joyu didn't go through any deprogramming initiative, not even during his time in prison. And, of course, it's certainly unusual for an ex-believer to establish a "non religious' (though with holy pilgrimages) and "non guru centered" (though he's the only member with an online presence) organization.

Do not track and harass former Aum/Hikari no Wa members. Mr. Nakayama gave me permission to say his actual name and site, but this experience has been traumatic to many people.

During my research, I found a quote associated with Joyu in some foruns and websites, but couldn't find any proof it was actually his nor the context in which it was supposedly said.

A snake that doesn't shed its skin will die

Matryoshka are self aware, I guess.

#aum shinrikyo #interview #spiritual abuse #cult mention #organized abuse #pipeline #cw antivax

[danvolodar]

Pathologic and the Town's Russianness: 4

This part will deal with a relatively major topic in Pathologic - religion. Or, well, with the major discrepancy between religion in the Town and in historical Russian Empire.

Most of this post will be about the denizens of the Town, but let's briefly mention the Kin. They have a pretty clear-cut pagan religion, with multiple personified deities: Bos Turokh, Boddho, Suok (the difference with historical religions, of course, being the fact that the magic actually works in the Steppe). The state's apparent non-interference with them practicing their religion fits well enough into the Imperial policies of the early XX century. What doesn't is the lack of control. The Empire was very much a bureaucratic behemoth, it sought to control anyone who influenced the minds of its citizens. The Interiour Ministry had a Department of Spiritual Affairs, and its officials had their fingers in every pie, demanding the right to veto religious leader assignments in the local communities, paying state wages to those of these leaders who played nice, etcetera. However, apparently, the historical Department was chronically understaffed (to the point of its aforementioned veto rights being unenforceable), and the game is very reductive when it comes to the official state apparatus in general, so all in all, the way the Capital-based civilization treats the Kin religion is a passable fit for the Russian Empire.

Quite a different story with the majority religion. In the Russian Empire, Orthodoxy was de-facto a state religion. While ethnic minorities were allowed to practice their religions undisturbed (by early XX century, mind, that hadn't exactly been that way throughout the entire Imperial history), ethnic Russians were mandated by law to be Orthodox Christians. Not being a practicing Orthodox was literally a felony.

Historical precedent showed that even for a scion of one of the Empire's most noble families a single religious misstep could lead to fatal consequences: in the 1730ies, Mikhail Alekseyevich Golitsyn was forced to become a court jester for secretly converting to Catholicism to marry a German, his marriage was dissolved and he was ordered to remarry another jester.

Of course, quite some time had passed since that incident, yet the Church remained intimately intertwined with the state. The semi-independent Patriarchate was replaced as its governing body with the Most Holy Synod, a state organ with mixed clergy and layman membership, during Peter I's reforms, which factually made the Church a part of the state apparatus. Ever since then, caesaropapism remained the norm. The Church had multiple functions that nowadays would only be expected of the state, such as birth registrations or running primary schools. A church was an essential part of any settlement, the presence of one differentiating a small hamlet (деревня, derevnya) from a village (село, selo). Vital events such as marriages or burials could only be done through the Church (and since the Old Believers could not participate in the Nikonian rituals, bribes from them sometimes formed a large part of parish incomes). The Church as an institution - much like the other parts of the Imperial state machine, - was facing a crisis of confidence by the early XX century, but common folk were still expected to regularly come to service, confess and receive communion. The faith became so ingrained into the language that even the Soviet militant atheists could not remove all the "thank god"s and "help god"s on every occasion from it (starting right with thanking someone: the word for "thanks" in Russian is spasibo - спасибо, literally means "god sav[e you]") .

None of that is present in Pathologic. There is not a single church in the Town, apparently - not even family chapels. References are sometimes made to religion, and that implied baseline seems to be Orthodox Christianity, but nothing indicates anyone in the Town is an active, practicing believer. The game actually takes it to a hilarious degree: in the Diurnal ending, when Saburov tells Artemy that Katherina is going to bring Cathedral back to life, he shoots back: "Just tell me she's not religious. Anything's better. Even a second plague".

To be fair, the educated class being fashionably atheist matches the late Empire well enough - both because of the aforementioned crisis of confidence in the Church, and because of the general naïve positivism of the era. Dankovsky is pretty stereotypical in that regard (and his talk of angels does not really contradict that atheism, or even hints at him being brought up a Christian, to begin with, given that there are of course angels in Judaism).

However, just like the Soviets, IPL apparently haven't been able to get rid of Orthodox sentiments altogether. A remarkable example is a dialog snippet with Big Vlad, when he's in the Termitary and Capella is dead (if memory serves). The only thing he says to Artemy, essentially, is "forgive me if I have ever wronged you": a very Christian repentance before death. One of Artemy's dialog options then is even more so. In the English translation it's "God is merciful", the Russian original is literally "God will forgive": a characteristic non-answer which sounds like a blessing, but actually means something like "God will forgive [you, but I will not, despite you asking, because Lord's mercy is without limit, while mine isn't]".

Finally, time to mention the elephant... well, animal... steppe creature... in the room - Clara and her sainthood. Ironically, that is the most Orthodox plotline in the game. Just like the other Christian denominations, Orthodoxy recognizes multiple modalities of sainthood, which of course has to do with it being, like Catholicism also, two different religious practices in one coat: one for the monks, the other for the laymen and the clergy who have not taken up the vows. Saints can come from both parts of the divide, they just need a feat for the betterment of the faith and the humanity at large: a martyrdom, or converting a large number of non-believers, or protecting the Orthodox flock from depredations... The Changeling, however, can be understood as a yurodivy - an Orthodox saint that is a fool for Christ, that is, operates outside the usual societal norms on direct divine inspiration. Usually coming from laymen stock, such saints don't earn their veneration by following the canons of monastic or even layman life, but rather, submit themselves to God immediately. Clara's "God reveals himself to people by my hands" is a 100% hit on that modality: it's not her performing miracles by God, but God revealing himself to the world through her. It is, in a way, like the Sufi mystics seeking to suppress the nafs (ego) to reach communion with God.

Then, of course, comes the blood sacrifice. Well, I don't think there's a long explanation needed here on why this is not an Orthodox Christian idea. Yes, the sacrifice of Jesus redeemed the Original sin, but Jesus is God. One cannot be saved by another man's sacrifice in Orthodoxy, much less by turning another man into blood sausage. Yes, repentance is commendable (based on Luke 15:7), and sacrificing yourself for others' sake, too (John 15:13) - so the Humbles themselves can be seen as repentant sinners; but there can be no justification for these who slaughter them. Worse still, establish a process of slaughtering them, requiring ever more victims. That, naturally, run against the foundations of Orthodox Christianity (the sixth commandment).

So, to sum this part up. The way the Capital treats the religion of the Kin passably resembles what the Russian Empire could've done; the atheist educated class also fits the mold. But the rest of the game's setting, particularly the lack of day-to-day organized Church presence in the Town, could not be any further from the historic Imperial society. Similarly, Clara's sainthood in itself fits into the religious life of the Empire well enough; but the Humbles ending absolutely destroys it.

#pathologic #мор утопия

[haggishlyhagging]

At the time the Grimké sisters set off on their speaking four of New England in 1837, many sectors of the New England churches had already been long-standing supporters of colonization societies, and at first the sisters received a warm welcome. Indeed, what better appeal could there be than the living witness of two women from a prominent Southern family who had personally observed the horrors of slavery and who now denounced the institution as sinful? They were tangible demonstrations that the tactical campaign launched by the abolition societies was a good one. If Southern women could have a change of heart and mind on the issue, then surely Northerners could be easily won to the same persuasion. But the Grimké sisters went beyond denouncing slavery as sinful; they spoke against race prejudice as an indirect support of slavery, insisting that such prejudice had to be fought in the North as well as the South. Angelina argued that the female slaves

“are our countrywomen; they are our sisters; and to us as women, they have a right to look for sympathy with their sorrows and effort and prayer for their rescue.”

To denounce slavery as sinful was one thing; to call on Northern Protestants to rid themselves of race prejudice was a rather strong idea to many New Englanders. Before the year was out, the Congregationalist ministers were refusing to read notices of abolitionist meetings from the pulpit.

During their Boston stay the sisters were clearly influenced and encouraged by Garrison to strengthen the positions they had espoused at the beginning of their tour. They quietly emphasized the point in their lectures that if women were to become effective in the abolition movement, they had to free themselves from the social restraints that had kept them numb and silent and learn to speak and act as fully responsible moral beings. Many people, clergymen in particular, were very skeptical of, if not openly hostile to, this view of women in the abolition movement. Garrison seems to have taken the discord as an opportunity to denounce the clergy and to identify himself as a strong supporter of woman's rights. It is difficult to be sure of the distribution of views within the abolition movement concerning the stress on woman's rights by antislavery agents, for G. H. Barnes (1957), one of the chief historians of this movement, is so clearly critical of Garrison that one must look cautiously beyond his textual account to the evidence itself, and that is ambiguous. The correspondence between Weld and Angelina Grimké makes it is clear that Weld was eager to open the leadership of the movement to women, since they could reach other women more effectively than men could. Angelina seemed to become increasingly convinced that there was a need to mobilize the reservoir of antislavery sentiment and potential for action among women in more general terms. Since the sisters were speaking many times a week as they toured New England, they were in the throes of an intensive process of politicization themselves, and much of the assurance with which they now wrote and defended their ideas was probably rooted in this experience. But Weld advised caution without departing from his principled support for women. Other officers of the society used a much sharper tone in their letters to the women. Whittier asked how they could forget "the great and dreadful wrongs of the slave in a selfish crusade against some paltry grievance . . . some trifling oppression, political or social, of their own" (Barnes 1957: 157).

Despite the warnings from abolition society officials, Sarah continued her work on a series of letters on the equality of the sexes and on her response to the angry pastoral letter that denounced "the mistaken conduct of those who encourage females to bear an obtrusive and ostentatious part in measures of reform" (Barnes 1957:156).

-Alice S. Rossi, The Feminist Papers: From Adams to de Beauvoir

#Alice Rossi #Angelina grimké #Sarah grimké #us history #amerika #abolitionist history #womens history #racism #sexism #the more things change the more they stay the same

[coffeeandsadbooks]

Since the original post with all editions is getting way too long to reblog, I am making a new one. I would like to address a couple of things brought up by @eypril-eypril:

just because some institutions can be reformed in a positive and meaningful way doesn't mean all institutions can be reformed. institutions are not homogenous. we can have different opinions on this but i don't believe the monarchy is an institution that can be reformed because its too problematic at its core. personally i don't think it's fair to compare the parliament to the monarchy, the parliament is after all the monarchy's successor.

1. "Monarchy can't be reformed because it's too problematic at its core"

It is a very general statement so let's narrow it down to the Swedish monarchy since it makes the most sense in the context of Young Royals.

In 1980 Riksdag adopted changes to Act of Succession of 1810, which established absolute primogeniture, guaranteeing the right of an eldest child to inherite the throne regardless of sex. Thanks to that, one day Crown Princess Victoria will become the first female Swedish monarch in the modern age.

On LGBTQ+ issues the Swedish monarchy came a long way from King Gustav V being blackmailed over his affair with a man in 1950s to King Carl XVI Gustaf and Queen Silvia having a lunch under rainbow flags in a gay-owned restaurant in 2000 to Crown Princess Victoria making speeches at prides and being voted as Straight Person of the Year by the readership of QX magazine.

Those are two examples of changes brought from outside and from within the monarchy. They are might be not fast enough or not radical enough for some people but those are changes nevertheless. Opinions about the impossibility for the monarchy to be reformed are simply not supported by facts.

2. "Not all institutions can be reformed"

All institutions can be reformed. Absolutely each and every institution can be reformed. What was created by humans can be improved by other humans. All you need is consensus within society on what kind of changes should be brought to a dysfunction institution, political will to implement them, time and resources.

The most needed changes are rarely if ever come from an institution itself. A good example would be the problem of sexual abuse in US military. It was reported to the command for years with no success. It took the media coverage, involvement of Congress, Department of Justice and many other organizations to achieve something.

I appreciate whenever people are trying to make arguments instead of yelling — a rare thing in the fandom. If we could talk more about facts instead of personal beliefs, that would be awesome.

#young royals: context #yr fandom

[if-you-fan-a-fire]

"CANADA AND SPAIN IN THE SAME CLASS," Toronto Star. November 5, 1913. Page 6. --- So Says Dr. Bruce Smith in Arraignment of Penitentiary Methods. ---- STUDY EACH PRISONER ---- To Use the Indeterminate Sentence Plan Is Another Recommendation. --- Canadian Press Despatch. Kingston, Ont., Nov. 3. Dr. W. Bruce Smith, Inspector of Prisons and Charities for the Province of Ontario, gave interesting evidence before the commission appointed to investigate conditions at Kingston Penitentiary. The commissioners, C. M. Macdonnell, Dr. Etherington, and J. P. Downey, In addition to securing all the evidence possible touching the particular institution under investigation, are seeking information on prison conditions generally.

According to Dr. Bruce Smith, Canada to-day is classed with Spain in the matter of prison reform, owing to the indifference displayed in the matter of classification of prisoners. All other countries recognize the necessity of keeping first offenders separate and distinct from the more hardened criminals

Little Thought For Offender. One of the great troubles In Canada and one of the great hindrances to prison reform has been that altogether too much consideration has been given to the offence, and too little to the offender.

There should be a psycho-analysis of every man. His family, record and his clinical history should be charted in much the same manner as what introduced in recent years in Ontario hospitals for the insane.

Not only are the first offenders sent to our penitentiaries denied the modern methods likely to prove reformative, but the chronic offender is done a great injustice by indiscriminately releasing him and permitting aim to again become a menace to society. The man who, in many cases, probably from being mentally defective, has flouted every warning and shown no desire or ability to reform, should not be released, but kept indefinitely in custody, both as a protection, to the public and to the chronic criminal, The plan which has been adopted in New South Wales and is working with such advantage might well be followed in Canada. There, when three times convicted, the criminal is placed on the "habitual list," and is kept in custody until the authorities have every reason to believe that he is really desirous of living honestly. Then he is allowed out on probation when proper employment has been secured for him.

Clogging Wheels of Progress. Punishment is what has been aimed at instead of reformation. The mistake is recognized, but, for some reason or other, some one has for years been clogging the wheels of progress in prison reform at Ottawa. The parole system as carried out in Canada is farcical, and should be remodeled to comply with the probation systems which have in other countries proved so helpful in reformative work.

A proper probation system is only possible through the indeterminate Indeterminate sentence is now authorized as far as offences against the laws of the Province of Ontario are concerned. If some such legislation was passed at Ottawa it would be helpful to prison reform in Canada. Increased respect for Iaw and order has born the experience where the purposeful policy is pursued towards the criminal by reformatory methods for all first offenders and the permanent removal from society, with well-regulated custody and care, for the habitual.

#kingston penitentiary #royal commission #1913 kp royal commission #dysfunctions of the penitentiary #penal reform #department of reform institutions #crime and punishment in canada #history of crime and punishment in canada #kingston ontario #classification and segregation #utopia of classification #habitual criminal #indefinite detention #psychiatric examination #parole system of canada #probation

[mariacallous]

On February 8, an Oklahoma transgender teen named Nex Benedict died. While an exact cause of death has yet to be determined, we know that Nex was involved in a violent altercation with three girls in a girls’ bathroom at Owasso High School. The next day, Nex died. (According to reporting from NBC News, Nex identified as transgender and preferred he/him pronouns, but also used they/them pronouns.)

We also know from Nex’s family and friends that Nex experienced routine bullying and harassment at school because of his transgender identity—as did other LGBTQ+ youth according to a number of media accounts. What’s more, this harassment is taking place in a state where anti-LGBTQ+ legislation and rhetoric has proliferated in recent years. In 2022, Governor Kevin Stitt signed into law requirements that prevent trans youth from using the bathroom that matches their gender identity. (Nex’s mother said in a recent interview that the bullying Nex experienced intensified after the Oklahoma bathroom bill went into effect). What’s worse, Oklahoma’s state superintendent of education has vehemently attacked any efforts to make schools more inclusive for LGBTQ+ youth and is on the record stating his belief that transgender and nonbinary people do not exist.

On March 1, 2024, the U.S. Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights (OCR) announced that it was launching an investigation into Owasso Public Schools over concerns that the district failed to adequately respond to allegations of sex-based harassment (under Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972, which prohibits discrimination on the basis of sex). The investigation was opened in response to a civil rights complaint filed by the Human Rights Campaign (HRC)—an LGBTQ+ advocacy group.

In this post, I’ll outline what happens once OCR opens a new investigation, what I’m hoping to see from this investigation in particular, and why I’m ultimately skeptical of this enforcement tool as a lever for bringing about meaningful change.

What does it mean that OCR opened an investigation?

OCR enforces Title IX and other federal civil rights laws in publicly funded educational institutions—including all K-12 public schools. The agency’s primary enforcement tool is investigations into potential civil rights violations. Most investigations are opened in response to civil rights complaints received by the agency.

The bar for OCR to investigate a civil rights complaint is low. And that’s by design. OCR’s civil rights complaint process is intended to be a low-cost avenue available to parents, families, and community advocates concerned about potential violations in public schools—one that does not require hiring legal representation to pursue. But that also means we should not read too much meaning into the fact that ED opened a new investigation. OCR opening an investigation does not mean federal officials suspect that a civil rights violation took place. It only means that a complaint alleging a form of discrimination enforceable (in this case, Title IX) by OCR was made in a timely manner.

What happens once an investigation is opened?

The goal of an OCR investigation is to determine whether an alleged civil rights violation took place and to decide what district reforms are appropriate based on what the investigation uncovered. In practice, the scope and scale of OCR investigations varies widely. Sometimes OCR conducts large-scale investigations that include multiple site visits and meetings with a wide variety of stakeholders. Other times, OCR interviews only a few stakeholders alongside a review of extant documents and data. When and why OCR deploys more investigatory resources are unknown, but that means it is difficult to predict exactly what shape this investigation into Owasso Public Schools will take.

It is also unclear how far-reaching this investigation will be. In some cases, OCR only investigates allegations related to the specific incident outlined in the complaint. In other words, were Nex’s civil rights violated by Owasso Public Schools? In others, OCR investigators interrogate whether the alleged incident is one part of a broader pattern of civil rights abuses taking place. In other words, are LGBTQ+ students’ civil rights routinely violated in Owasso Public Schools? These differences may seem subtle but are hugely consequential for the ultimate scope of the investigation and the scale of any proposed district reforms.

OCR’s letter notifying HRC that an investigation was being opened seems to imply the latter approach—stating that OCR will investigate “whether the District failed to appropriately respond to alleged harassment of students” [emphasis added]. This is critical if OCR aims to address the conditions that led to the harassment and bullying that Nex experienced, especially considering reports of numerous other instances of harassment of LGBTQ+ youth in Owasso Public Schools.

It is also important to underscore that OCR is one relatively small federal agency that has not been adequately staffed or funded for at least the last two decades. This has become an acute challenge over the last several years as OCR’s caseload has exploded and as Assistant Secretary Catherine Lhamon has prioritized more systemic investigations. The consequence of this reality is that investigations can take years, and still not be particularly thorough. At best, an investigation like this could take less than a year. At worst, it could be several years before it is resolved.

What should happen next?

Most OCR investigations are not instigated by an incident as tragic as this one. It is imperative that OCR investigators handle this case with care. At minimum, that should include careful engagement with Nex’s family and friends (to the extent they wish to be involved), along with other members of the school’s LGBTQ+ community.

Hearing directly from LGBTQ+ students is also critical considering Owasso Public Schools’ initial response to news of the investigation. Per an official statement, while the district intends to cooperate with federal investigators, it “believes the complaint submitted by H.R.C. is not supported by the facts and is without merit.” Initial reporting also reflects inconsistencies between what Nex’s family and friends said took place, versus the school district and the police departments’ official accounts. Moreover, Oklahoma’s state superintendent, Ryan Walters, has publicly denied that Nex’s death had anything to do with his gender identity even as the criminal investigation into Nex’s death remains ongoing.

This context underscores how important it is that OCR works to draw its own conclusions about the bullying and harassment of Nex and other LGBTQ+ students in Owasso Public Schools rather than relying on conclusions drawn by the district and police department.

What might come of this investigation?

In theory, if a school district is found in violation of civil rights law, OCR can rescind federal funding or have the case referred to the Department of Justice for further judicial action.

In practice, findings of civil rights violations are exceedingly rare. Most investigations that lead to mandated reforms are resolved through negotiations between OCR and a district. OCR’s policies favor negotiated settlements over more forceful enforcement actions at every step of the investigation process. Thus, unless a school district is blatantly and repeatedly refusing to cooperate with OCR, the likelihood of some penalty for violating civil rights law is very small.

The agency’s preference for negotiating with districts also means that the resulting resolution agreements often include reforms that seem mild, at best, and wildly insufficient, at worst. Take, for example, a recent resolution agreement OCR entered into with Rhinelander Public Schools in Wisconsin. This case, like the Owasso investigation, involved persistent harassment of a gender non-conforming student by some teachers and students and a district’s repeated failure to adequately respond. In the negotiated settlement, the district agreed to 1) assess whether compensatory instructional time was owed to the harassed student; 2) provide trainings to both staff and high school students on what constitutes sex-based harassment under Title IX and the district’s Title IX grievance process; 3) improve how it documents accusations of sex-based harassment; 4) conduct a school climate survey “to assess the prevalence of sex-based harassment and obtain suggestions for effective ways to address harassment.”

Of these actions, only one was directly aimed at improving the school environment for LGBTQ+ students–mandatory trainings for staff and high school students. Putting aside the fact that OCR’s standard Title IX reforms seem insufficient to remedy widespread harassment of LGBTQ+ students—especially in a state where the top education official’s anti-LGBTQ+ biases are on full display, a large body of evidence indicates that these types of one-off anti-discrimination or diversity trainings are often ineffective.

Thus, unless OCR officials take a radically different approach in this case (which I hope they do given the gravity of the incident), the outcomes of this investigation are–unfortunately—unlikely to bring about significant reforms in Owasso Public Schools.

What can ED do to prevent discrimination against LGBTQ+ students?

The Biden administration’s long-awaited and much delayed updated Title IX regulations are expected to be released next month. This overhaul of Title IX is notable for several reasons, including that it codifies the Department’s interpretation that Title IX protections extend to discrimination based on gender identity and sexual orientation.

The pending adoption of the new Title IX regulations is particularly important in this case because in July 2022 a federal judge in Tennessee temporarily blocked ED from enforcing its new interpretation of Title IX after 20 conservative states—including Oklahoma—filed a lawsuit to stop its enforcement. This meant that OCR’s ability to enforce this more expansive interpretation of Title IX had been severely limited until the new regulations were formally in place.

This is not to say that updated Title IX regulations alone will be sufficient, and they will undoubtedly be challenged in federal court as Republican lawmakers and attorneys general have made clear. But its delays have led to an environment where districts must choose between complying with state law or federal guidance and where the rights of LGBTQ+ students remain painfully unclear—and in lots of states, including Oklahoma, under attack.

[justinspoliticalcorner]

Judd Legum at Popular Information:

While Buckley's view prevailed on April 30, over the years, Columbia came to embrace the protests — and political activism — as an important part of its legacy. In the aftermath of the police raid, the university sided with the protestors, "canceling the gym and severing ties with a weapons-research institute affiliated with the Defense Department." Kirk resigned as president within a year.  It also resulted in structural reforms at Columbia that were designed to give students and faculty a more formal role in setting university policy. In 1969, the University Senate, a 100-person body consisting mostly of faculty and students, was created by referendum. Today, the University Statutes stipulate that a president may only consider summoning the NYPD (or other "external authorities") to end a demonstration if it "poses a clear and present danger to persons, property, or the substantial functioning of any division of the University." Even then, the University Statutes require "consultation with a majority of a panel established by the University Senate’s Executive Committee" before the president takes action.  [...]

Columbia University in 2024

On April 18, 2024, Columbia President Minouche Shafik wrote the NYPD regarding a group of students who were occupying the campus' south lawn. The day before, the students had established a "Gaza Solidarity Encampment" in protest of Israel's operations in Gaza — and Columbia's investments in companies allegedly profiting from the war. The Israeli assault on Gaza, launched in response to Hamas' October 7, 2023, terrorist attack, has killed thousands of civilians and created a humanitarian crisis. Shafik accused the Columbia students, whose tuition costs $66,000, of trespassing on their own campus. She requested "the NYPD’s help to remove these individuals." Shafik claimed the students were not authorized to protest on the lawn and posed a "clear and present danger." (A policy limiting protests to designated areas was only put in place in February.)

The NYPD responded to the request by descending on the University and arresting 108 students. Some students were restrained in zip ties for several hours and transported to a local police precinct before being released. Shafik also said that all students "participating in the encampment" have been "suspended" for an indefinite period.

According to the NYPD, the protest was entirely non-violent. "To put this in perspective, the students that were arrested were peaceful, offered no resistance whatsoever, and were saying what they wanted to say in a peaceful manner," NYPD Chief John Chell said.  Antisemitism exists on and off the Columbia campus. But the mass arrests conflated peaceful pro-Palestinian protests with prejudice and hatred toward Jewish people. Shafik claimed she "complied with the requirements of Section 444 of the University Statutes." Section 444 requires "consultation" with the University Senate Executive Committee. While Shafik informed the committee of her decision, it is unclear if a genuine consultation occurred. "The executive committee did not approve the presence of NYPD on campus," Jeanine D’Armiento, chair of the Committee, told the Columbia Spectator. 

Like in 1968, shortly before Shafik called in the NYPD, she faced substantial political pressure from the right. On April 17, 2024, the day before the NYPD raid, Shafik testified for three hours before the Republican-controlled House Committee on Education. The hearing, Columbia in Crisis: Columbia University’s Response to Antisemitism, was modeled after prior hearings that forced the presidents of Harvard and the University of Pennsylvania to resign. (Shafik missed the earlier hearing because she was traveling internationally.)

Throughout last week's hearing, Shafik and other representatives of Columbia touted their "work with external investigators and the Federal Bureau of Investigation to identify and discipline students who breach policy." Shafik assured members of the committee that Columbia students "are getting the message that violations of our policies will have consequences."  During the hearing, Congressman Rick Allen (R-GA) told Shakik that, in the Bible, God is "real clear" that "if you bless Israel, I will bless you" and "if you curse Israel, I will curse you." Allen asked Shakik if she wanted "Columbia University to be cursed by God?"  "Definitely not," Shafik replied. 

[...] Shafik's actions, however, appear to have backfired. In the wake of mass arrests, the protests on the south lawn have continued and inspired others to protest in solidarity across the globe. The Columbia protesters are now calling not only for divestment but, in an echo of the 1968 protests, "an end to Columbia expansion into West Harlem."

Students at Columbia University launched Gaza Solidarity Encampment on the campus's south lawn to protest the Israel Apartheid State's occupation of Palestine and the university's investments in companies alleged to be profitting off the Gaza Genocide.

The university's chancellor, Minouche Shafik, called on the NYPD to arrest the students involved in the Gaza Solidarity Encampment. The NYPD called the protesters and protesters peaceful and non-violent.

The heavy-handed actions by Shafik have led to Gaza Solidarity Encampments spreading to other campuses, such as MIT, Tufts University, and Michigan.

#Israel/Hamas War Protests #Israel/Hamas War #Israel #Hamas #Columbia University #Gaza Genocide #Gaza #Gaza Solidarity Encampment #Minouche Shafik #Colleges #Rick Allen #Israel Apartheid State #Occupation of Palestine

[reasonsforhope]

"California used to need lots and lots of prisons. Big prisons, little prisons, prisons with special cells for gang leaders and prisons for those convicted of nonviolent financial chicanery. There were so many prisoners packed into so many prisons that federal courts intervened, mandating that the state find a way to alleviate the overcrowding.

At the inmate population’s peak in 2006, California incarcerated 165,000 people in state prisons.

Today — after a decade of sentencing reforms and a surge of releases tied to COVID-19 — California prisons house a little more than 95,000 people. 

So how many prisons does California actually need? 

“Difficult decisions have to be made, but if we don’t make those decisions, the alternative is paying hundreds of millions for prison beds we don’t need to be paying for,” said Caitlin O’Neil, an analyst at the Legislative Analyst’s Office. 

O’Neil is the co-author of a new report that lays out how the state can close up to nine of its 33 prisons and eight yards within operating prisons while still complying with a federal court order that caps the system’s capacity.

The potential closures signal a seachange in California criminal justice, representing the wind-down of the tough-on-crime policies that packed prisons in the 1990s and offering one of the few ways the state can cut costs in its $18 billion prison system.

California prisons held about 120,000 inmates as recently as 2019. That year, newly elected Gov. Gavin Newsom announced a goal to close a single prison during his tenure.

“I would like to see, in my lifetime and hopefully my tenure, that we shut down a state prison,” he said that year in an interview with The Fresno Bee editorial board.

Since then, he has already effectively closed two and his administration has plans underway to shut at least two more.

In September 2021, the state closed Deuel Vocational Institution in Tracy. The California Correctional Center in Susanville is scheduled to close in June, along with yards at six other prisons. 

Two other prisons, in Blythe and in California City, are scheduled to close by March 2025.

Even after those shutdowns, according to the LAO analysis, the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation has the space to close five more entire prisons by 2027. Today, the corrections department operates 15,000 empty beds, according to the LAO. That number is expected to reach 20,000 empty beds by 2027.

“The state pays for empty beds, and that number hasn’t been justified at this point, “O’Neil said. “It’s really just math, simple arithmetic.”" ...

For prison abolitionists like Woods Ervin, co-director of the anti-prison activist group Critical Resistance, the LAO report’s conclusions were “super exciting” and come close to their group’s goals of closing ten prisons, and announcing the closures by 2025. 

“This is big,” Ervin said. 

-via Cal Matters, 2/23/23

#prison reform #prison justice #criminal justice #prison #california #united states #us politics #gavin newsom #good news #hope #we still have a long way to go but this speaks to a lot of really important progress

[dandelionrevolution]

Good News - April 8-14

(Actually 8-12 due to irl obligations)

Like these weekly compilations? Support me on Ko-fi! Also, if you tip me on here or Ko-fi, at the end of the month I'll send you a link to all of the articles I found but didn't use each week - almost double the content! (I'm new to taking tips on here; if it doesn't show me your username or if you have DM's turned off, please send me a screenshot of your payment)

1. Interior Department Finalizes Action to Strengthen Endangered Species Act

“These revisions, which will increase efficiency by reducing the time and cost to develop and negotiate permit applications, will encourage more individuals and companies to engage in conservation benefit agreements and habitat conservation plans, generating greater conservation results overall.”

2. Young Puerto Ricans Restore Habitat Damaged by Hurricane While Launching Conservation Careers

“Corps members help restore the island’s environmental and cultural assets and volunteer in hard-hit local communities. They also gain valuable paid work experience and connections to possible future employers, something many young Puerto Ricans struggle to find.”

3. Australian-born cheetah released in Africa for the first time ever. Watch the heart-warming moment Edie is set free

““The Metapopulation Initiative will bring in appropriate males, probably two initially, to breed with Edie,” King says. “It’s those future cubs, and their cubs, that will ensure the legacy of spreading Edie’s genetics across the southern African metapopulation. And we will have also provided Edie – a wild animal, let’s not forget – with a chance of a life in the wild.””

4. Baby Bald Eagles Confirmed in 2 of 4 Nests in Will County Forest Preserves

“A pair of fuzzy eaglet heads were spotted popping up out of one of the nests this week, officials said. Two weeks ago, monitors noticed adult eagles feeding an unseen hatchling (or hatchlings) in a different nest.”

5. New Hope for Love for Japanese Children Needing Families

“The new system, established by a 2022 law, offers private childcare institutions financing to transform their business model into “Foster Care Support Centers” that recruit, train, select, and support foster parents, and assist the independence of children living in foster families. If a childcare institution becomes a Foster Care Support Center, the government will fund full-time staff members based on the number of foster households they cater to.”

6. Nexamp nabs $520M to build community solar across the US

“Nexamp, a community solar developer and project owner, has secured a whopping $520million to install solar arrays around the nation in one of the largest capital raises to date for this growing sector. Community solar gives renters, small businesses and organizations the chance to benefit from local solar power even if they can’t put panels on their own roofs.”

7. A natural touch for coastal defense: Hybrid solutions which combine nature with common “hard” coastal protection measures may offer more benefits in lower-risk areas

“Common “hard” coastal defenses, like concrete sea walls, might struggle to keep up with increasing climate risks. A new study shows that combining them with nature-based solutions could, in some contexts, create defenses which are better able to adapt.”

8. Rewilding program ships eggs around the world to restore Raja Ampat zebra sharks

“A survey estimated the zebra shark had a population of 20 spread throughout the Raja Ampat archipelago, making the animal functionally extinct in the region. […] Researchers hope to release 500 zebra sharks into the wild within 10 years in an effort to support a large, genetically diverse breeding population.”

9. Forest Loss Plummets in Brazil and Colombia

“New data reveals a decline in primary forest loss in Brazil and Colombia, highlighting the significant impact of environmental reforms in curbing deforestation. According to 2022-2023 data from the University of Maryland’s GLAD Lab and World Resource’s Institute (WRI), primary forests in Brazil experienced a 36 per cent decrease in deforestation under President Inácio Lula da Silva’s leadership, reaching its lowest level since 2015. Colombia nearly halved (by 49 per cent) its forest loss under the administration of President Gustavo Petro Urrego, who has prioritised rural and environmental reform.”

10. New Agreement Paves the Way for Ocelot Reintroduction on Private Lands

“With the safe harbor agreement in place, partners plan to begin developing a source stock of ocelots for reintroduction. Over the next year, they plan to construct an ocelot conservation facility in Kingsville to breed and raise ocelots. Producing the first offspring is expected to take a few years.”

April 1-7 news here | (all credit for images and written material can be found at the source linked; I don’t claim credit for anything but curating.)

#hopepunk #good news #endangered #law #puerto rico #conservation #habitat #australia #cheetah #africa #big cats #bald eagle #birds #eagles #japan #foster care #solar #solar panels #solar energy #solar power #community solar #coastal #ocean #climate #shark #deforestation #rewilding #south america #ocelot #environment

[religion-is-a-mental-illness]

By: Allan Stratton

Published: Jul 23, 2023

Toronto is one of the most tolerant, multicultural cities in the world. And yet, according to many of its progressive journalists, academics, and politicians, it’s actually a den of systemic racism, sexism, homophobia and transphobia. Unless you’re a straight white man, daily life is supposedly an exhausting and dangerous struggle. If you live in the United States, the UK, Australia, or elsewhere in Canada, I’m guessing you’ve been told similar things about your own society.

I’m a gay man for whom these reports bear no relationship to the real world. Certainly, hate-crime statistics show a sharp increase in physical and verbal abuse against specific demographics, including my own. And there are even rare incidents of murder and arson. But to suggest that minorities live under constant threat from a bigoted majority is apocalyptic nonsense. This is especially true of Canada, an especially open, diverse, and welcoming country. Western nations, more generally, are incontrovertibly the most tolerant on the planet.

My heretical view (among fellow progressives, at least) may be due to my “positionality” (this being a faddishly woke jargon term that most English speakers would call “perspective”). The Holocaust and the internment of Japanese North Americans ended a mere six years before I was born. The pass system that turned Canadian Indigenous reservations into open-air prison camps was still in force. The United States was segregated by Jim Crow and redlining. Cross burnings and lynchings went unpunished. Marital rape was legal. Spousal abuse and unequal pay were commonplace. Gay sex and cross-dressing were criminalized, with outed individuals losing their jobs and children. “Fag bashing” was treated as public entertainment.

In the relatively few decades since, western governments have implemented universal civil and human rights protections for racial and sexual minorities. The speed and depth of this transformation has been so remarkable that it seems inconceivable that we ever lived as we once did. Has any other culture critiqued its failings and set about reforming itself so quickly?

This is not to suggest that everything is sunshine and lollipops. Human nature has not been repealed. Police departments without effective civilian oversight, for instance, continue to invite corruption and abuse. Nonetheless, we now have the tools to press for accountability, such as human rights tribunals and whistleblower protections.

It’s also important to acknowledge that while the relative increase in reported hate crimes may seem shocking, that rise is based on a remarkably low baseline. For instance, 2021 saw a 65 per cent increase in incidents (over 50 per cent of these comprising verbal slurs) targeting Canada’s LGB and T communities. But that still represents just 423 cases in a country of 40-million people. That’s hardly a “tsunami of hate.” The number is infinitesimal compared to the 114,132 domestic assaults and 34,242 sexual assaults recorded against women.

One often hears that a reversion to the backward ways of the past is just around the corner. And it is true that abortion rights now hang in the balance in many conservative U.S. states. But the idea that any Western country (especially Canada) is on the cusp of a wholesale rejection of liberal principles is absurd. Women will never again need their husband’s signature to open a bank account. Racial segregation is unthinkable (except, ironically, in certain progressive institutions). Marriage equality for same-sex couples is constitutionally protected in North America, and enjoys a historic 70 per cent level of support in the United States.

So, unlike those on the left who came of age in the 90s and the decades that followed, I don’t see an intolerant society destroying civil rights and minority safety. Rather, what I am now witnessing is a period of progressive overreach, led by ideologues with no (apparent) historical memory or understanding of how our liberal social contract evolved. They have turned language inside out so as to render words such as “woman,” “safety,” and “genocide” essentially meaningless; pursued policies that lock one-time progressive allies in a zero-sum culture-war conflict; recast free speech as hate speech; confused wishes (and, in some cases, fantasies) with rights; and punished dissenters from their Borg-think with social exclusion, “re-education,” and firing.

This radical attempt to unilaterally impose a new social order based on race and gender essentialism has ignited a widespread public backlash, which has been weaponized by the far right, destroyed public goodwill, and done more damage to the progressive cause than anything its reactionary enemies have done in recent years.

-

The civil-rights movements of the last century won victories by liberal means based on liberal values. This included an insistence on free speech and civil liberties; and an appeal to the universal values of dignity and equality, which in turn underpin the case for protecting individual human rights and freedoms.

In part, this was because we liberals understood math. We needed white, straight, male legislators to support our causes, a project that could only be engaged through free and open debate. Empathy-based co-operation enabled us to create bridges among our diverse groups: The Gay Liberation Front raised money for the Black Panthers. In turn, its leader, Huey Newton, supported the gay liberation and women’s liberation movements. Meanwhile, Jewish groups applied their historical understanding of discrimination to help lead the fights for women’s rights (Betty Friedan), gay rights (Larry Kramer), and black voting rights, with some even giving their lives as Freedom Riders

By contrast, today’s illiberal left explicitly rejects the principles of free speech and universality. It ignores the lessons of past civil-rights successes, often denying that such successes even took place. After all, how can one insist on the dismantling (or “decolonization”) of a system that has shown itself capable of self-correction and continuous improvement? The only framework that validates the progressive narrative of ongoing oppression and white supremacy is one that ahistorically presents mainstream liberal values as a failure.

The switch in social-justice circles from liberal to authoritarian ends and means has at least three major causes. The first is structural: As (originally) liberal rights groups such as the ACLU achieved their objectives, they were required to rewrite their mission statements and pretend away their past successes — this being the only way to justify their ongoing existence.

Far from seeking to “burn it all down,” most of us within the original LGB and T movements simply wanted equality within existing social structures. We used liberal “respectability politics” to make our case, and (for the most part) folded our tents when we achieved our goal. The unwitting effect of this was to leave our old organizations to the radicals, who had long condemned us as sellouts to the patriarchy. Their goal is nothing less than the remaking — or “queering” — of society, a vaguely defined project infused with a deep suspicion of, or even hostility to, capitalism and the nuclear family. The liberal LGB and T wish to live and let live is now the authoritarian “live as we live.”

The second factor is generational change. Just as children separate from their parents in their passage to adulthood, so does each generation define itself in contradistinction to its immediate predecessor. Without personal memory of past struggles, present conditions are taken for granted. And so the battle against current injustices (real or otherwise) is seen as humanity’s defining and timeless struggle.

My generation mocked our parents’ conformity and stoic, suck-it-up ethos, forgetting that these traits had been necessary social adaptations during the Great Depression and World War II. Similarly, activists of this generation attack our commitment to free speech and integration within society, forgetting that these strategies were necessary for us to be heard during the Cold War, when outsiders were suspected as potential fifth columnists.

But perhaps the most significant factor has been the academic trend toward postmodernism, which instructs adherents that neither objective reality nor human nature exist in any certain, provable way. Reason, logic, and objective facts are rejected — or at least put in scare quotes — as are appeals to history and science. These are all held to be mere artifacts of language, which is itself presented as a reflection of existing power structures. And since these structures are presumed to systematically oppress the powerless, they must be deconstructed, dismantled, and decolonized, root and branch.

This kind of thinking isn’t just claptrap that flies in the face of day-to-day human experience. It also encourages a kind of intellectual nihilism that precludes amelioration of the injustices and power imbalances that supposedly concern many postmodern thinkers: After all, what could possibly replace our current power-based intellectual constructs except new power-based intellectual constructs?

Nonetheless, postmodern habits of mind (often flying under the banner of “critical” studies of one kind or another) have infected academic humanities and social science departments all over the west, much like the fungal parasite on The Last of Us. Its professorial hosts now work to dismantle their own institutions, attacking the “colonial” concepts of science and empiricism in favour of undefined and unfalsifiable “ways of knowing.” Meanwhile, their students have incubated its spores and spread them into the wider society, including corporate human-rights offices.

Progressives (rightly) have denounced Donald Trump and his supporters for their paranoid belief that the 2020 U.S. election was “stolen.” But these right-wing conspiracy theorists are not so different from campus leftists when it comes to their à la carte approach to accepting or rejecting reality according to passing ideological convenience

In particular, the idea that pronouns serve as magic spells that can turn a man into a (literal) women is no less ridiculous than anything Trump has ever said. The same goes for the mantra that while girls who cut themselves need therapy, girls seeking a double mastectomy require “affirmation.” Likewise: Racial segregation is a bigoted practice … except when it represents the very acme of progressive enlightenment. “Defund the police” doesn’t mean abolish the police, except when it means exactly that.

And then there’s Schrödinger’s Antifa, which presents these street thugs either as a very real force that rose up as a morally laudable reaction to fascism … or as something that exists only in Tucker Carlson’s fever dreams, depending on context.

But postmodernism and critical theory have done more than just damage our societies’ intellectual cohesion. Their denial of universal human nature eliminates empathy as a tool to bridge differences among groups, which are instead presented as warring sects prosecuting unbridgeable race (or gender) feuds. Since power is presented as the singular currency of the realm, the ability to shut the other side up is valued more than the ability to persuade it.

Gay men such as Andrew Sullivan and Andrew Doyle have been among the most prominent dissenters against wokeism — in part because we instinctively recognize the destructive nature of this power-fixated mindset. Our experience suggests that empathy and reason are far more important than threats and cultural power plays.

Dave Chappelle has said that the LGBT movement won public support more quickly than its black counterpart because of racism. But I believe the truth is different: Unlike racial and ethnic minorities, we exist in every demographic, every family, every ethnic category. When we gay men came out en masse during the 1980s AIDS pandemic, all communities realized that we were among its children, parents, and siblings. People have a harder time discriminating against their own than against outsiders.

Traditionally, the left has appealed to a sense of camaraderie and shared purpose. The resulting project of alliance-building has entailed negotiation among different groups, all of which may have different priorities and perspectives. But that alliance-building project becomes impossible when one sect or another demands that disagreement be treated as a form of thoughtcrime. Deplatforming doesn’t just hurt the target; it also hurts the movement, since the summary excommunication of dissidents means that adherents never need to acknowledge or address counterarguments, internal logical inconsistencies, or the off-putting nature of their message.

Indeed, ideologues such as Nikole Hannah-Jones claim that politics has a colour: Blacks who aren’t “politically black” are traitors who collaborate with “whiteness.” As seen through this lens, Asian-Americans who fight anti-Asian discrimination in the context of affirmative action are supposedly puppets of white supremacists, and the LGB Alliance, by standing up for same-sex attraction, is smeared as a transphobic hate group. (For asserting that biology is real, Stonewall UK even tried to destroy the career of one of the LGB Alliance’s founders, Allison Bailey, a lifelong social justice advocate who happens to be a black, working-class lesbian, and the child of immigrant parents. Thankfully, Stonewall did not prevail.)

Opponents of cancel culture often focus on its negative effects on conservatives. But it’s often woke organizations that end up imploding under its strains, typically due to internal battles over victimhood status and linguistic control. In recent years, many of these groups have been driven off the rails by single-issue gender activists who are willing to support misogyny and homophobia in the name of trans rights; or BLM activists willing to permit racism directed at “model minorities.” Even antisemites have been allowed to infiltrate left-wing political parties, the arts establishment, and anti-racist education initiatives. No wonder everyone involved with this movement is always complaining about how emotionally “exhausted” they are: They’re surrounded by toxic fellow travellers who gaslight them as right-stooges if they dare raise a complaint.

Another notable feature of militant social-justice movements is the sheer joylessness of their leaders and supporters, a condition that often seems to blur into a collectively embraced state of clinical depression and paranoia. This posture flows from their presupposition that they suffer endlessly due to the malignant primordial character of “whiteness” and heteronormativity (or, yet worse, cisheteronormativity). The language of individual agency and hope, which animates liberalism, is replaced with a soul-dead idiom by which the activist presents as a self-pitying victim of oppression, constantly at risk of suicidal ideation, erasure, and genocide.

Even privileged “allies” are encouraged to dwell on their whiteness, straightness, cisness, “settler” status, and other marks of intersectional Cain. By erasing the possibility of redemption, the movement alienates liberal allies who are seeking to build bridges with others en route to living successful and fulfilling lives in a way that escapes the politics of identity. The social-justice puritan, being primarily concerned with advancing his status within a cultish inward-seeking subculture that’s constantly inventing new grievances, on the other hand, finds such a goal unthinkable.

The use of words such as “harm” and “violence” to describe the microaggressions known to the rest of us as “daily life” is a particularly unattractive feature of social-justice culture. In the 1980s, gays and lesbians responded to daily discrimination with the chant, “We’re here, we’re queer, get used to it.” Today, the children and grandchildren of that generation, now enjoying full civil rights and perches within elites sectors of government, culture, and high society, instead tell us, “We’re here, we’re queer, and … we’re terrified to step outside.” As a gay man, it’s humiliating to hear this kind of maudlin rhetoric uttered in my name.

The broad public, long sympathetic and accommodating, has had it. People have no time for hysterical activists who whine, bully, and hector them about things they didn’t do and over which they have no control. This is particularly true when those same activists demand the elimination of women’s sex-based rights, the medical sterilization of children and teens, and the explicit exclusion of job applicants by race. The more that ordinary men and women came to learn about gay marriage, the more they accepted it. By contrast, the more that ordinary men and women come to learn about trans-activist demands and critical race theory, the more they’ve become repulsed.

Support for Black Lives Matter collapsed when the woke trivialized the arson and looting that accompanied the George Floyd protests. The public was completely onside with the left’s demand for police reform, but horrified by the extremist push to dismantle public security, and enraged that the left justified breaking pandemic restrictions for protests while insisting that grieving families be kept from their dying relatives in hospitals.

Likewise, Lia Thomas tanked support on gender radicalism. The public had long welcomed trans civil rights, sympathized with those suffering dysphoria, and accepted that even non-dysphoric trans-identified individuals should be able to live and present as they wished. But the sight of a strapping, butch male taking women’s prizes and opportunities was a breaststroke too far.

Facing resistance, the woke doubled down, insisting on automatic gender affirmation for everyone, including rapists and children. The result gifted social conservatives an issue of concern to majorities across the political spectrum. Now, progressives in the U.S. face a raft of bills that, among other things, resurrect false charges of Alphabet paedophilia. No wonder LGB groups are jettisoning the T: In the space of just a few years, trans activists have undone the good work that gay activists did over multiple generations.

The progressive movement must stand up to its extremists. We must restore the liberal social compact that won our civil and human rights. That means we should root our claims in areas of common ground, demanding fair treatment, but not the right to dictate what others think.

The most intense theatres of culture-war combat involve the education of children, an area in which liberal attitudes must be allowed to hold sway. Popular free speech principles should be applied to school libraries and curricula — which means opposing campaigns to root out books demonized by both the left and the right alike. In classrooms, an open exploration of history can provide a context for kids to discuss how injustices were overcome in the past and how they might be handled in the present. Students can be taught to brainstorm how to use their advantages to help the less fortunate, and how others in their situation have dealt with adversity. But they should never be taught that personal relationships and moral hierarchies are determined by the colour of one’s skin.

Likewise, boys and girls should be allowed to play and dress free of gender stereotypes, with a no-bullying policy strictly enforced. They should learn who they are by themselves, and be taught that they are more than the sum of their parts. They should not be labelled by ideological adults consumed by a mania for gender theory. In school, I skipped with the girls, had a lisp, and liked to play with china elves. That didn’t make me a girl, just as dressing butch and dreading the effects of a puberty doesn’t turn a lesbian into a boy. (I shudder to think what might have happened were I a child today.)

We should also return to the left’s traditional focus on class. Diversty, equity, and inclusion initiatives enrich the small group of well-educated profiteers who proselytize the DEI faith, but they’re actually worse than useless when it comes to workplaces, exacerbating intolerance among the hapless workers forced to submit to tedious seminars and questionnaires. Resources from the DEI industry’s rapidly metastasizing bureaucracies should be redirected to programs that materially help the poor: Unlike affirmative action programs, investments in deprived neighbourhoods disproportionately assist minorities without the creation of double-standards and racial left-behinds that serve to energize white nationalists. They also support social mobility and economic inclusion.

“I just want to say—you know—can we, can we all get along?” is how Rodney King put it in 1991. While many of us might read the underlying sentiment as self-evident, the militant social-justice left now treats it as a forbidden lie, since the entire movement is based on the conceit that peaceful and harmonious coexistence is impossible within a pluralistic liberal society that doesn’t forcibly “queer” itself, endlessly hector citizens about their bigotry, and segregate workers and students by skin colour.

I believe we can all get along. As a progressive, a gay man, a Canadian, and a liberal, I want no part of any movement — whatever it calls itself — that insists we can’t.

[ Mirror: https://archive.is/es3Q4 ]

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To the extent that liberal principles are actually being rejected, it's coming from both the authoritarian reactionary right, and the authoritarian postmodern left.

#Allan Stratton #liberal ethics #liberal values #liberalism #illiberalism #antiliberalism #anti liberal #critical social justice #social justice #wokeism #cult of woke #wokeness as religion #woke #toxic wokeness #religion is a mental illness