#intruder 1989 imagine

[d1sc01nf3rn0]

I JUST WATCHED INTRUDER (1989) FOR THE FIRST TIME, AND I JUST RECOGNIZED ONE SONG FROM SPONGEBOB???? THE ONE THAT IS REALLY INTENSE AND APPEARS IN THE HASH SLINGING SLASHER EPISODE???

#imagine trying to watch a slasher movie and then the spongebob soundtrack comes out and you're trying to muffle your laugh #intruder 1989 #sam raimi #bruce campbell #slasher movies #spongebob #spongebob squarepants

[uranician]

// ASTRO NOTES V //

• Sagittarius Moons freedom is primordial.

• If you have your Venus or your Mars in a sign and a degree, and your partner Mars or Venus is in the opposition sign of yours, and opposition degree too, you are going to have a lot of sexual chemistry.

• A Sun with a lot of squares don’t like so much be the center of attention.

• Health problems that have to do with the hips are associated with bad aspected Jupiter or Libra bad placements.

• Leo Rising and the way they are the center of attention, wow.

• If you have Moon bad aspected by Saturn, be careful with your stomach and your eating habits. You should have established diets.

• Do you know about the conjunction of Saturn and Neptune? Each conjunction of these planets in the sky gives rise to an event related to communism (Neptune is misery, idyllic dreams). In 1917 the Russian Revolution triumphed; in 1953 Stalin died; in 1989, the famous Berlin Wall falls and with it communism.

• People with a strong Uranus with good aspects are genius. Those people are so smart, their brains are like thunders.

• Neptune conjunct Sun has a tendency to make your boyfriends, husbands, or people of the male sex lie to you. Horrible aspect in some senses, but for another part, those people are very creative, very imaginative. They have very open minds, sometimes even dreamy.

• Sun in 12th house is sign of enclosed essence. Those people can be very spiritual, with a very rich inner world, but they can have a lot of problems with hidden enemies.

• Libra Mercury is going to search agrees with the other most of the time.

• Scorpio Venus is not what people think in general. Is a strong Venus, giving uncontrollable sexual energy, but those people doesn’t like to feel the intensity of others. Their sexual intensity is their intensity, but they can’t be intensity in two senses. They need to be focused in one thing.

• The 10th house in Gemini could make you have two works.

• The indifference of Aquarius people is awesome. Those people are like: “What does it matter what others think or say?”, “I’m not interested in knowing if he/she is talking about me”, “Let everyone do what they want”. Why? Obviously, they are made of Saturn in traditional astrology. Saturn is cold and distant, and Aquarius and its capacity to scanning situations by watching them and without intruding, is very typical of this planet. It is like a limit, a cold limit they put.

• Mars in Gemini Rising and the way it broke your nose. If you have that, you are sensible to be punched, even crash, in the nose.

#astrology #astro notes #astro community #astrotips

[twittercomfrnklin2001-blog]

The Mutilator

There are films that, whatever their overall quality, turn sour in a moment and never recover. Whether it’s an inapt line, an insensitive joke or a poorly planned plot turn, it sends the film spiraling downward and destroys any good will the picture has previously built up. Buddy Cooper and John Douglass’ THE MUTILATOR (1984, aka FALL BREAK) is a poorly made, by-the-books slasher that generates more laughs (at, not with) than chills until a kill near the end that carries violence against women so far beyond most people’s boundaries (hard to believe, but yes, even I have boundaries) I wouldn’t blame anyone for turning it off, even had the film preceding it been better. Ed (Matt Mitler) takes his college chums on a trip to the beach to close down his drunken father’s condo for the season. Five of them are there to have sex. The sixth, Ed’s girlfriend (Ruth Martinez) is determined to keep her virginity, and you know what that makes her in slasher terms. Meanwhile, Ed’s dad has finally snapped for no reason other than to give the film a plot and starts killing them off. The inventiveness of some of the kills has led some to praise the film, though I didn’t think it could hold a candle to truly imaginative slashers like THE PROWLER (1981) or INTRUDER (1989). Anyway, it’s a sorry mess that makes me question the whole “I watch these so you don’t have to” thing. More interesting than the movie is the career of leading man Metler, a theatre artist who trained with Jerzy Grotowski and Eugenio Barba and specializes in using theatre for healing. So if the film helped him pursue his dreams, that’s at least something going for it.

#horror movies #slasher films #bad movies

[carnegiemuseumnaturalhistory]

Icarosaurus

by Zach Lyons-Weiler

Both visitors and staff love Carnegie Museum of Natural History’s Dinosaurs in Their Time exhibition for many reasons. For some people, it is the huge dinosaurs such as Tyrannosaurus and Diplodocus that capture the imagination. For others, it is the Quetzalcoatlus that soars above the latest Cretaceous display, or the cute Psittacosaurus with its strange tail ornamentation. But for me, my favorite specimen is a rather obscure fossil replica hidden in plain sight in the Triassic and Early Jurassic area of the hall. Its name is Icarosaurus, and it is quite possibly one of the strangest animals that we have on display. When one first sees it, it looks like a cast of a jumble of bones on a background of dark shale. However, as you will come to realize, Icarosaurus is far more than just that!

The Carnegie Museum’s Icarosaurus (which is a high-quality replica of the only known original fossil) is displayed in a glass case alongside many other casts and fossils from what is known as the Newark Supergroup, a large deposit of rocks that snake their way from South Carolina to New Brunswick and Nova Scotia. These rocks were deposited during the Triassic and early Jurassic periods, or from roughly 230 to 190 million years ago. The sedimentary rocks here are intermittently intruded by younger volcanic rocks, indicating that this area was undergoing tremendous geological change at this time. During the Triassic and Early Jurassic, the supercontinent Pangaea was in the process of splitting up. The eastern coast of North America was rifting from western Africa, opening a furrow that would become the Atlantic Ocean. Before it was ocean, though, the rift was filled with lakes that were similar to Lake Victoria and Lake Tanganyika in today’s Great Rift Valley in Africa. The climate was warmer, too, and so the environment was wet and tropical. Due to climatic changes and natural oscillations in Earth’s orbit, these ancient rift environments would go through stages, from deep lakes to mudflats. Each layer preserved the remains of life that lived during that specific interval. Layers of rock deposited in deep lakes often contain abundant fossils of fishes, invertebrates, and reptiles. Other layers preserve footprints of early dinosaurs and other animals. Still others preserve the remains of cynodonts, which were the forerunners of mammals.

Dating to the late Triassic Period, the remains of Icarosaurus were discovered in one of the deep lake deposits by three teenagers in a quarry near North Bergen, New Jersey, which is just outside New York City. Upon discovering the fossil, they realized its importance and donated it to New York’s American Museum of Natural History, where it was named in 1966 as Icarosaurus siefkeri. This is, to this day, the only known specimen of this reptile, so it is of tremendous scientific value. Other lizard-like reptiles had been found in these deposits, but what made Icarosaurus so unique were the extremely long and unusual ribs that extended from its body. These ribs are similar in form to those of lizards in the extant genus Draco, which have elongated ribs connected by membranes of skin that they extend to glide between trees in their Southeast Asian rainforest homes. Because the rib anatomy of this modern group is so similar to that of Icarosaurus, scientists reasoned that the latter would have glided between trees in a comparable manner.

Icarosaurus was not the first reptile to have evolved this trait, though. During the Permian Period, around 260 million years ago, reptiles such as Coelurosauravus had adapted to a gliding lifestyle. Other extinct reptiles that evolved gliding morphologies include Mecistotrachelos from the Triassic of Virginia and Xianglong from the Cretaceous of China. The extreme similarity between these distantly related reptile groups is a remarkable example of convergent evolution, which is a process where organisms evolve the same traits due to their populations facing similar selective pressures. Other examples of convergent evolution that can be seen in the Triassic and Early Jurassic exhibits in Dinosaurs in Their Time are the phytosaurs Redondasaurus and Rutiodon, which resemble their distant relatives, crocodiles, and ichthyosaurs such as Ichthyosaurus and Stenopterygius, which bear an uncanny resemblance to dolphins.

The high school students that discovered Icarosaurus were lauded for their donation, and the discovery of such an odd animal made headlines in both the local and national news. Unfortunately, though, the fame and unique nature of the fossil caused some issues. The man for whom Icarosaurus siefkeri was named, Alfred Siefker, repossessed the fossil to put it in his personal collection in 1989. It stayed there until 2000, when he tried to sell it at auction. Understandably, the scientific community was upset with this decision, because if the fossil were to be sold into a private collection then it would be unavailable for scientific study. It was bought at the auction for well under its appraised value, and the buyer, Dick Spight, donated it back to the American Museum that same year. The original Icarosaurus specimen is currently on display at that venerable New York institution.

Overall, Icarosaurus is a remarkable little animal that deserves more attention than it gets. Look for it and other unique prehistoric animals the next time you visit the Dinosaurs in Their Time exhibition.

Zach Lyons-Weiler is a Gallery Experience Presenter in CMNH’s Life Long Learning Department. Museum staff, volunteers, and interns are encouraged to blog about their unique experiences and knowledge gained from working at the museum.

Further reading:

Colbert, Edwin Harris. “The Triassic gliding reptile Icarosaurus.” Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History; v. 143, article 2. (1970).

https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/icarosaurus-home-to-roost/

Colbert, Edwin Harris. “Adaptations for gliding in the lizard Draco.” American Museum Novitates; no. 2283. (1967).

#Carnegie Museum of Natural History #Icarosaurus #Paleontology

[path-of-my-childhood]

Swift retreated to a country cabin to create a lockdown album full of imagined characters, dark musings and intimate moments, deepened by a new richness to her singing.

We’ve all thought it this year: wouldn’t it be nice to escape to a cabin in the woods, to reconnect with nature, nourishing ourselves and our creative impulses? Taylor Swift’s eighth studio album evoked such a log cabin -somewhere between a Headspace bedtime story and a Bob Ross painting - that felt like a respite from global events.

Released with little warning at the end of July, Folklore was recorded during lockdown between Los Angeles and New York, with remote production by Aaron Dessner of the National and Jack Antonoff. The cottage imagery was conjured up by a marketing campaign as unsubtle as the music itself was delicate. But the escapism it offers is very real. Making few references to the conditions that brought about its existence, it inhabits a world of doomed teenage romance, waspy knitted cardigans, and beguiling, glamorous women wearing impossibly high heels.

Each Swift album comes with a story and corresponding aesthetic - sleek and sophisticated on 1989, gothic and dangerous on Reputation, pastel-hued and positive on Lover. This time, the story was about the songwriter going back to basics with an album of folksy electronica, the colour palette a tasteful monochrome. To a degree the project echoed the ultimate male musician cliche - gruffly heading into the woods in search of authenticity - yet Swift has never needed to assert her songwriting bona fides, a core part of her brand since her teenage debut. Instead, a year of cancelled tour dates allowed her to make an album without having to consider the nosebleed seats, the result wistful, romantic and adorned with entrancing melodies.

Swift has always been able to capture small, intimate moments with just a few words. Folklore expands the focus from her personal relationships to imagined characters, widening the emotional and narrative range. (Another album about her “London boy”, actor Joe Alwyn, might have proved tiresome.) The Last Great American Dynasty, about 20th-century socialite Rebekah Harkness, is a perfectly self-contained short story: crisp, acerbic, affecting. Moving away from more obviously biographical songs allows for timelines to intermingle, as they do in one’s memory: alongside songs about illicit trysts in luxurious rooms, the interconnected songs Cardigan, August and Betty are set in a world of homerooms and skateboards. Sweeping, Lana Del Rey-tinged melodrama suffuses the songs, alongside introspection, self-doubt and regret, deepened by a new richness to her singing.

Occasionally, reality intrudes at the log cabin. The second half of the album drops the pace, becoming more meditative, even bleak. Epiphany looks at the final moments of a person’s life: “Someone’s daughter, someone’s mother / Holds your hand through plastic now,” Swift sings, blending her grandfather’s experiences in the second world war with the imagined experiences of a healthcare worker during the pandemic. And when her lyrics move beyond the vengefulness that has been her recent trademark to examine the dynamics of rage, it is impossible not to think of her legal battle to gain ownership of her back catalogue, a reminder that even the most established women in music are still vulnerable to the whims of powerful men. “What did you think I’d say to that? / Does a scorpion sting when fighting back?” she sings on Mad Woman. “Before I learned civility / I used to scream ferociously,” goes the deceptively pretty Seven.

Whether you’re in a cabin in the woods or locked down in your living room, thoughts have felt louder and more intrusive than usual this year. Folklore found a moment of stillness in the turmoil, turning even the darkest musings into something sparkling and beautiful.

#the guardian #article #about taylor #taylor swift #best albums of 2020 #folklore album #folklore era

[makistar2018]

Inside Taylor Swift's Personal Diary Entries: Read All of the Biggest Revelations

By Tomás Mier August 24, 2019

Photo: DIA DIPASUPIL/GETTY

Lover of Diaries

Fans got an inside look at some of Taylor Swift’s most personal thoughts when they bought the deluxe version of her new album, Lover.

Along with some behind-the-scenes recordings, each album featured a 30-page booklet with excerpts from her personal diaries — some even from she was just 13!

“I’ve written about pretty much everything that’s happened to me. I’ve written my original lyrics in those diaries, just feelings,” she said on an Instagram Live announcing the booklets. “It’s everything from pictures drawn, photos of that time in my life, I used to like tape stuff in my diaries.”

Here are the top 10 takeaways from her personal diary entries.

Photo: CHRISTOPHER POLK/GETTY 

Swift the Lyricist

If the diary entries are filled with anything, it’s a deep dive into her song lyrics.

“Red” was born on a long flight — and everyone she played it for loved it.

“Its [sic] so different than anything we’ve done,” she wrote in 2011. “I can’t even tell you how alive and worthwhile I feel when I’m writing a new song and I finish it and people like it. It’s the most fulfilling feeling, like getting an A+ on your report card.”

The diaries also share early versions of “All Too Well” and songs like “Long Live,” “White Horse,” “Holy Ground” and “This Love.”

In a 2014 entry, she writes about the creation of her ultra-hit “Shake It Off.”

“The best way I know how to describe it is that the chorus just fell out of the sky,” she wrote in 2014.

“We all went home and I wrote the first and second verses and brought them in the next day. We wrote this chanty cheer leader bridge that I absolutely LOVE,” she continued.

As for the album cover that would accompany “Shake It Off,” she wrote that she “saw it within 10 seconds.”

“The craziest moment came when something caught my eye. The cover photo is photo 13. I kid you not,” she wrote about the polaroid cover to 1989, which she accompanied with a sketch.

Photo:  HENRY LAMB/BEI/REX/SHUTTERSTOCK

A Glamorous Gala

In a diary entry, Swift writes about being invited to “this event called ‘The Met Gala.’”

To an 18-year-old Swift, that day was “THE party of the year.”

“The paps started SCREAMING for me. It was crazy,” she wrote in May 2008. “We made our way up the red carpet, posing for everyone. All of the women looked so glamorous in their gowns.”

Along with meeting Anna Wintour, George Clooney, Julia Roberts and Giorgio Armani at the event, she wrote that “models stood as decorations, standing still and wearing gorgeous gowns.”

Once inside, she lists “every celebrity ever created” at the event, including Scarlett Johansson, Tom Brady, Beyoncé, Victoria Beckham, Tom Cruise and Jon Bon Jovi “who called me over to talk to him.”

Photo: LARRY BUSACCA/GETTY 

Borchetta's Beginnings

Weeks before the release of Lover, a public feud involving Swift and her old label Big Machine made headlines when the label’s founder Scott Borchetta sold the label (and ownership of her masters) to Scooter Braun.

But years before, Swift had nothing but kind things to say about the label founder who signed her.

After meeting with Capitol Records and not being offered “the deal I would want,” she met with Borchetta — and left with feelings of excitement.

“I really loved all the stuff he said in the meeting, and he stayed for the whole Bluebird show,” she wrote in November 2014. “And he’s SO passionate about this project. I think that’s the way we’re gonna go, I want to surround myself with passionate people.”

A meeting with Borchetta also made “Sparks Fly” as she came up with the name of her second album.

“We were talking about the record and I had this epiphany,” she wrote in April 2010. “I didn’t talk in interviews about how I felt about much of what has happened in the last two years. I’ve been silent about so much that I’m saying on this album. It’s time to Speak Now.”

“Scott freaked out. He loved it,” she wrote in April 2010. “We have a title, ladies and gentlemen!”

Photo: SPLASH 

"The Hunters Will Always Outnumber Me"

Swift also opens up about the lack of privacy that comes with being a celebrity — and how she’ll never get used to seeing “a group of people staring, amassed outside my house, pointing, camera phones up…”

“They could never imagine how much that feels like being hunted,” she wrote.

Swift compares her “mostly perfect life” to “being a tiger in a wildlife enclosure.”

“It’s pretty in there, but you can’t get out,” she described in the August 2013 note.

“No matter how big my house is or how many albums I sell, I’m still going to be the rabbit,” she added. “Because the hunters will always outnumber me. The spectators will stand by, shaking their heads, going ‘that poor girl.’ But the point is, they’re still watching. Everyone loves a good hunt.”

But her feelings about being “hunted” also translated into worrying about her generation’s obsession with taking photos “so that they can spend all day checking the comments underneath.”

“They will never truly experience a moment without attempting to capture it and own it,” she wrote, comparing pulling a flower from the ground to take photos. “Nevermind that picking a flower kills it, the same way taking a picture of a moment can ruin it altogether.”

Swift has notably kept comments off of her post to improve her mental health.

“I’m training my brain to not need the validation of someone telling me that I look 🔥🔥🔥,” she wrote in Elle. “I’m also blocking out anyone who might feel the need to tell me to ‘go die in a hole ho’ while I’m having my coffee at nine in the morning.”

Photo: AL MESSERSCHMIDT/GETTY

From Fearful to "Fearless"

Though Swift is now known for her jaw-dropping stage presence, as a young singer she wrote that she would “get stage fright every time I walk onto a stage.”

“I wish it wasn’t so, but I can’t blame my mind for freaking out about performances,” she wrote in 2010, days before releasing Speak Now. “Criticism of my performances has been the biggest source of pain in my life.”

“I sometimes feel like my college degree is in acting like I’m ok when I’m not,” wrote a 20-year-old Swift.

But even as a burgeoning singer at just 13, she would get hate while on stage. During one performance, her guitar pick broke in half and fell while she was playing.

“There was this huge silence! It was awful! I had to bend over and pick it up in front of everyone!” she wrote next to the broken pick. “And while I was singing, this guy was shouting stuff like, ‘Go on, b*#@! Sing that country bulls#*%! Go on motherf—!.’ It was awful.”

Photo: SCOTT GRIES/GETTY IMAGES

Done with Dieting

In her diaries, she also candidly writes about sticking to a diet as a teen.

Soon after Thanksgiving 2006, she returned to Nashville to her “own comfy bed” and planned to go out to eat with her best friend Abigail Anderson during a day off.  

“Oh and I’m dieting again,” she wrote right after.

“Over the holidays I didn’t watch what I ate and man its [sic] so weird how fast I can gain or lose weight… It’s crazy,” she ended the note. “So I’m going to lose some now.”

Earlier this year, she wrote about finally being okay with gaining weight.

“I learned to stop hating every ounce of fat on my body,” she wrote in Elle. “I worked hard to retrain my brain that a little extra weight means curves, shinier hair, and more energy.”

The “Daylight” singer also said that she’s constantly working on her body image.

“I think a lot of us push the boundaries of dieting, but taking it too far can be really dangerous. There is no quick fix,” she said. “I work on accepting my body every day.”

Photo: CHRISTOPHER POLK/GETTY IMAGES

"I'ma Let You Finish, But..."

“Ahh… the things that can change in a week…” wrote Swift in a Sept. 18, 2009 journal entry.

Five days had passed since Kanye West crashed Swift’s Video of the Year acceptance speech at the MTV Video Music Awards, but the whole ordeal was all she — and everyone else — could think about.

“If you had told me that one of the biggest stars in music was going to jump up onstage and announce that he thought I shouldn’t have won on live television, I would’ve said ‘That stuff doesn’t really happen in real life,’” she wrote.

“Well… apparently…. It does,” she ended the note.

Little did 19-year-old Swift know that West would cause more tumult in her life seven years later. In an August 2016 note, she simply wrote, “This summer is the apocalypse.”

The “apocalyptic” summer came when West referred to the singer as “that bitch”in his track “Famous” and featured a nude version of the “Shake It Off” singer in its accompanying video.

Then, Swift said she never approved of the lyric after his wife Kim Kardashianleaked a phone call conversation between the two singers.

“Being falsely painted as a liar when I was never given the full story or played any part of the song is character assassination,” she wrote then. That “Cruel Summer” ordeal would go on to inspire her sixth album, reputation.

Photo:  SPLASH NEWS

A Joe Alwyn “Love Story”

Like in Lover’s lyrics, Swift doesn’t hold back about her deep feelings for boyfriend Joe Alwyn in her personal diary.

Clearly writing about Alwyn, the singer confessed about wanting to keep their relationship under wraps as much as possible.

“I’m essentially based in London, hiding out trying to protect us from the nasty world that just wants to ruin things,” she wrote in a January 2017 note. “We have been together and no one has found out for 3 months now. I want it to stay that way because I don’t want anything about this to change or become too complicated or intruded upon.”

“But it’s senseless to worry about someday not being happy when I am happy now,” she concluded. “OK. Breathe.”

But Swift wasn’t always so sure about love being real — especially when it came to Valentine’s Day.

“I somehow feel like it’s my destiny to roll my eyes at happy couples and resent Valentine’s Day. I also feel like I’m the girl before ‘the one.’ I’m not ‘the one,’” she wrote at 19. “I’m the girl you think is the one for you, and when it doesn’t work out with me, you meet the next girl and realize she IS the one.”

And as a mere 13 year old, she imagined the first time she’d have her first kiss — and about being “such a romantic.”

“I just dream about looking into someone’s eyes and feeling something I’ve never felt before, you know?” she wrote. “I just never was able to put a face to my fantacy [sic]. But something tells me that my first kiss is really far away from happening!”

Photo:  LARRY BUSACCA/WIREIMAGE

The Night Before...

Before the 2014 Grammy Awards, Swift was confident her album Red would take home the biggest award of the night.

“It’s the middle of the night and I was at the Clive Davis party tonight which means… the Grammys are tomorrow,” she wrote. “Never have I felt so good about our chances. Never have I wanted something so badly as I want to hear them say ‘Red’ is the Album of the Year.”

Though she was up for four awards that year, Swift would head home empty handed.

Though she had won that award two years prior with Fearless, it wouldn’t be until her 2014 album 1989 that she’d take home the coveted prize again. In her 13-year career, Swift has won 10 Grammys from 32 nominations.

Photo:  MICHAEL LOCCISANO/FILMMAGIC

“This Might Be Worth Money Someday”

Though her diary entries are filled with some insight into the more complicated times in her life, the entries also feature some cute memories of her youth — including her middle school class schedule, some song lyrics and memories about listening to Sugarland for the first time.

Accompanied by drawings and the number 13, in her first journal entry, she signs her name and writes “(That could be worth money someday!! Just kidding hehe).”

Under “Journal #1,” a 13-year-old Swift writes a poem: “The world is as big as you make it / Never be shameful to fly / When a chance comes you should take it / May you never be scared of goodbye…”

After performing at a school talent show, Swift wrote: “I ❤ SCHOOL!”

Reminiscing on the grand day, Swift wrote, “I got a standing ovation and everything.”

People

#taylor swift #lover #ts7 #diary #2019.08.24

[bluewatsons]

Susanne Karstedt, Emotions and criminal justice, 6 Theoretical Criminology 299 (2002)

Abstract

During the last decade, a process of ‘emotionalization of law’ has spread around the globe, changing the criminal justice system in many ways. Anger, disgust and shame are perceived as ‘valuable barometers of social morality’ and brought back to criminal procedures. The ‘return of emotions’ to penal law and criminal justice is linked to and illuminates the moral imagination of late modern societies. This article seeks to address two facets of the ‘return of emotions’ to criminal justice. The first part explores the changes in the public sphere and in the pattern of emotional culture in late modern societies that are responsible for the re- emotionalization of the penal realm. In the second part, problems that emerge in the criminal justice system are addressed. Bringing emotions back involves profound problems that go beyond the mere instrumental use of emotions in criminal justice, or a restricted perspective of ‘what works’. Three ‘core’ problems—and associated—questions are discussed: first, are emotional reactions towards crimes ‘natural’ or ‘primordial’ such that they should occupy a prominent place in criminal justice that has been unduly ignored? Second, and relatedly, do emotions constitute our moral principles? Finally, should institutions elicit or even require ‘authentic emotions’ from individuals? These questions are addressed within the framework of contemporary emotion theory and the consequences of this perspective for the ‘use’ of emotions in criminal justice are discussed.

Emotions pervade penal law and the criminal justice system. Offenders, victims and witnesses bring their emotions to the courtroom, criminal courts deal with crimes of passion, and their decisions can occasion public outrage and anger, or feelings of vengeance among victims. Offenders feel shame and remorse when they have transgressed the laws, and offences provoke feelings of moral disgust. At the same time, victims as well as offenders elicit our compassion and sympathy.

Law has by no means been blind to this invasion of emotions into its very realm. It explicitly references and grants legitimacy to emotions through legal defences (as in crimes of passion); by establishing specific categories of behaviour like ‘hate crimes’, or by restricting the admission of evidence that might influence the emotions of jury members and judges (as, for example, in victim statements—see Posner, 2000). Legal institutions and in particular the criminal justice system are the very institutions in society that are designed to deal with the most intense emotions and emotional conflicts, with individual as well as collective emotions. The criminal courts and procedures are a prominent institutional space and institutional mechanism for emotions in society.1

The particular position of penal law and the criminal justice system in the emotional space delineated by societies has long since captured the imagination of social theorists, and figures prominently in the work of Durkheim and Elias. Both realized that penal law was deeply embedded in the emotional culture of societies, and intricately linked to the structural and institutional patterns of society. Consequently, decisive changes in the ‘morality’ (Durkheim) and ‘mentality’ (Elias) of societies are at the roots of the historical development of penal law and punishment, and criminal justice illuminates—or more technically, indicates—subterranean shifts in the emotional culture of societies. Interestingly, both of these theorists interpreted the historical change from traditional to modern society as a pathway that continuously and consistently limited and changed the role of emotions in the public sphere, and, as a result, modes of penal law and punishment. Modern societies, highly differentiated and interdependent, rely on other and more subtle mechanisms to ensure compliance with norms than the crude and simple arousal of moral and collective emotions by criminal proceedings and the (public) execution of sanctions.

In jurisprudence, the history of penal law and criminal justice is in fact cast as a process that has more strictly confined and more precisely outlined the space of emotions, and limited the amount of emotionality that is admitted in courts. The conventional story of modern penal law portrays a narrowly delineated list and proper roles for emotions in the legal realm, so that emotions do not intrude into the true preserve of law: reason (Bandes, 1999a: 2). Such a juxtaposition of reason and emotion, one deeply embedded in modern thought, seems within the normative framework of jurisprudence to ignore vital facets of the actual role of emotions in law and legal procedures (see Douglas, 1993). The edifice of penal law itself is erected on a strong undercurrent of emotions: the fear of sanctions, that should instil compliance, or vengeance that is to be channelled by legal procedures (Elster, 1999). Popular wisdom as well as criminological theory have both established fear of sanctions as a cornerstone and powerful mechanism of the criminal justice system, the thing that makes it work.

Far from precluding rational action, emotions may facilitate a ‘rational response’—for example, to the experience of injustice. The ‘handling of emotions’ within the criminal justice system is not a priori ‘rational’, neither in its procedural arrangements nor with regard to its final out- comes, but designed according to specific functions. Both offenders and victims react by no means in principle emotionally, but make ‘rational decisions’ when dealing with the criminal justice system: offenders try to find ways of beating the system, or victims weigh the advantages and disadvantages of invoking the law (Poletta, 2001).2

During the last decade, the secular process of restricting the space of emotions in the penal realm seems to have taken a turn towards bringing emotions back in. A process of ‘re-emotionalization of law’ or the ‘reasser- tion of emotionality in law’ (Laster and O’Malley, 1996) spread around the globe, and has changed the criminal justice system in many ways. The ‘return of emotions’ to criminal justice and penal policies has occurred in two arenas: the emotionalization of public discourse about crime and criminal justice, and the implementation of sanctions in the criminal justice system that are explicitly based on—or designed to arouse—emotions. Both developments corresponded to the changing space of emotions and the emotional culture of late modern societies, and it can be assumed that these processes have fuelled one another.

This article seeks to address both these facets of the ‘return of emotions’ to criminal justice. In the first part, I argue that changes in the public sphere and emotional culture of late modern societies are responsible for the re- emotionalization of the penal realm. In the second part, I address the problems that consequently emerge in the criminal justice system. Bringing emotions back involves profound problems that go beyond the mere instrumental use of emotions in criminal justice, or a restricted perspective of ‘what works’. I will discuss three ‘core’ problems and a series of associated questions: first, are emotional reactions towards crimes ‘natural’ or ‘primordial’, such that they need not only a proper but a prominent place in criminal justice which has been unduly ignored? Second, and relatedly, do emotions constitute our moral principles? Finally, I deal with a series of questions concerning the invisibility of emotions; should institu- tions elicit or even require ‘authentic emotions’ from individuals? What is the different role and impact of emotions in criminal justice in a culture which ritualizes emotional expression or promotes individualistic, authentic expression? These questions will be addressed within the framework of contemporary emotion theory.

The ‘return of emotions’

‘The Return of Shame’—as described in a Newsweek article in 1995—has brought back an emotion to the criminal justice system that had been dismissed as hopelessly old-fashioned during previous decades. Judges in the United States were the first to remake the courts and the criminal justice system as a public space of emotions. Offenders were ordered by courts to wear T-shirts in public that identified them as thieves. Young offenders had to apologize on their knees to their victims with members of the community present. Sexual offenders had to erect signs on their front lawn warning the public about the inhabitant; another court order sent the victims of a burglary to the house of the offender to take from it what they liked (see Massaro, 1991, 1997; Anderson, 1995; Karstedt, 1996). What is striking about these sentences, is not only the explicit use of emotion, but the way it is done, the great emphasis placed on their publicness. The thin line between shame, humiliation and stigmatization was consistently ignored, and the question of whether shame has the impact intended if imposed in such ways never asked (see Elster, 1999: 145). The effects of constant and public terrorization of norm-violators by an emotional mechanism (which the judges assumed to be shame) on the offender and/or watching spectators was never questioned in these cases. The revival of shame in the first instance came with ‘episodic, almost whimsical bursts of judicial, legislative or prosecutorial inspiration’ (Massaro, 1991: 1940), which were nonetheless the first and most visible signs of the return of emotions.

The influential movement of restorative justice in criminology and criminal justice is based in contrast on a theoretical concept. In his book Crime, Shame and Reintegration (1989), Braithwaite carefully developed a theoretical argument to the effect that shaming the offence, but not the offender, will reintegrate the offender into the community. In indigenous procedures of ‘conferencing’ from New Zealand and Australia he found settings in which shaming and reintegration could simultaneously work.3 In particular, he gave the victims a strong role and presence in these procedures. Their participation should make the process of shaming powerful and lasting. The conferences were designed to allow for emotional experiences and expressions of shame, remorse, guilt and anger, but also of sympathy and forgiveness. The fact that procedures of restorative justice have become the most successful reform movement in criminal justice world-wide shows that the return of emotions has struck a cord in the criminal justice system and with the public. In instances as diverse as drunk driving, teenage shoplifting and domestic violence (as well as in the Truth and Reconciliation Commissions for perpetrators of past regimes) emotions were brought back into legal procedures and made an essential part of them. While restorative justice brought victims to centre-stage, it made it perfectly clear that justice is relational, something that establishes an emotional connection between the victim, the offender and the often neglected actors who actually impose the punishment (see Elster, 1989; Karstedt, 1993).

Criminology and jurisprudence have rediscovered both individual and collective emotions (Skillen, 1980; Pratt, 2000; Freiberg, 2001). Leading figures in the economic analysis of law (Posner, 2000) have turned to emotions, and discovered that ‘the violation of norms triggers strong, emotional reactions, in the offender as well as in others’ (Elster, 1989: 100). But it comes as a striking fact that the ‘moral sentiments’ identified by most of these authors as the foundations of law are what can be termed ‘negative emotions’ (Solomon, 1990; Bandes, 1999b; Kahan, 1999; Posner, 2000). Moral disgust, revulsion and feelings of vengeance are found to be ‘valuable barometers of societal morality’ (Bandes, 1999a: 4), serving as a legitimate foundation for law and legal procedures. This stands in stark contrast to early theories on moral sentiments found in the writings of Adam Smith, Hume and Hutcheson. These authors embedded the moral bond in emotions of sympathy and empathy, wherein the ‘strong sentiments of morals’ are based on ‘indignation’ as well as ‘tender-heartedness’ (see, for a discussion, Solomon, 1990, 1994; Boltanski, 1999).

These developments are in line with changes in public and political discourse about crime, and take up the process of emotionalization that is characteristic of the public sphere of late modernity. The return of shame, restorative justice and the emotionalization of public discourse about crime and law, are responding to changes in wider emotional culture, and changing the moral imagination of these societies. The media engage their public in ‘distant suffering’ (Boltanski, 1999)—compassion and sympathy with victims, expressions of moral disgust towards offences and the perpetrators. An intensely emotional discourse about crime thus comes to be fuelled by the most recent and most heinous offence. Crime policies are explicitly based on the expression of collective emotions of fear and anger about crime. Politicians compete with each other in addressing the ‘emotional’ needs of the public, and in turn mirror these emotions back to the audience and the electorate. National and even global audiences become highly emotionalized ‘moral spectators’ in the spectacles of distant suffering of victims and perpetrators.

In a public sphere constituted by distant suffering, and the emotions it arouses and the moral commitment it induces, the task of criminal justice is extremely simplified: justice for victims means making offenders suffer the harshest punishment available. But as Boltanski shows, social distance and what Hirschman calls ‘benevolent disinterest’ are nonetheless required from truly moral spectators. They have to show a certain amount of impartiality and even, paradoxically, indifference if their emotions and moral commitment are to become authentic (Boltanski, 1999; Karstedt, 2000). The emotionalized discourse about crime and criminal justice in the public sphere is defined by the absence of such indifference and impartiality. Even if we do not agree with Charles Taylor (1992) that ‘victimization’ is the defining feature of public discourse in late modernity, a certain imbalance of public interest, moral commitment and compassion towards the victim is obvious.4 In Britain, public demands for representation of the emotions of victims in the criminal justice system have been widely supported. Their sorrow, rage and anger, and feelings of vengeance need to be voiced, and ‘healed’ by the sanction imposed on the offender. This imbalance in the collective emotional mood thus easily intrudes into the criminal justice system, where decisions disadvantage actual offenders.

The social context in which these developments take place is the increasingly emotionalized cultures of late modern societies (see Wouters, 1986; Vester, 1991; Barbalet, 1998; Neckel, 1999; Williams, 2001).5 Modern societies clearly stress individual autonomy and individual self-representation. This includes the open display of emotions and the claim that these have to be considered as singular and authentic expressions of the autonomy and identity of the individual. The significance of the expression of emotions corresponds to the importance of emotional experiences and fulfilment. Cross-cultural research shows that individuals are more risk-taking and thrill-seeking—both intense emotional experiences—in modern societies than in more traditional ones (Triandis, 1994; Karstedt, 2001).

At the same time, individualization in the display of emotions and emotionality is juxtaposed by an extremely distant emotionality that characterizes the public sphere, the aforementioned feature of ‘distant suffering’. The media bring home the ‘spectacle’ of suffering to very diffused spectators, and elicit strong emotional reactions like sorrow, rage, anger and compassion.6 Social movements and organizations try to convert these emotions into participation in their tasks and targets. Such distant moral sentiments are no longer embedded in direct interactions between individuals or in the social space of communities. As such they lack mutuality and duration, and become more fleeting and volatile. The objects of our compassion, anger and fear change quickly, the media operating with a keen sense of the half-life of emotional arousal in the public sphere.

Between the individualization of emotionality on the one hand, and distant emotionality on the other, the emotional space of groups seems to have been eroded. Joint experiences of emotions, emotions which are embedded in group rituals and the display of collective identity are not common in late modern societies. More often they take the form of deviant reactions—such as rioting or football hooliganism—when rage and anger is vented (see Dunning et al., 1986; Dunning, 1992; Frijda, 1996). The criminal law and criminal justice system respond to the bi-partite nature of emotionality in modern societies, on the one hand by opening up more space for the expression of individual emotions, on the other by increasingly responding to public and collective emotions. It comes as no surprise that shame has played a prominent role in this process, since this emotion establishes a link between the individual and the public sphere.

Three core problems

I want to explore the core problems and questions I outlined earlier using three exemplary ‘stories’. The first two of these illuminate problems and questions related to the nature of the link between emotions, law and morality. Is the criminal justice system linked to and founded on basic emotional reactions towards crimes and offenders, and are such basic emotions constitutive of morality?

When I came to the UK in June 2000, I was soon confronted with a tabloid-led campaign of ‘naming and shaming’ paedophiles that followed the abduction and murder of 8-year-old Sarah Payne. The public reacted with an extreme display of emotions: strangers left flowers and teddy bears at the site where Sarah Payne’s body had been found, the service became a media spectacle of outbursts of emotions, and vengeful groups gathered before the houses of those who had been named in a newspaper campaign as paedophiles. This differed considerably from what had taken place in Germany in a very similar case only a year before. Thousands of men had (more or less) voluntarily enlisted for a genetic test (by which route the offender was ultimately found), but the public display of emotional reactions was not comparable to what had taken place in Britain.

Emotional practices in public reactions towards crime are obviously and decisively shaped by specific emotional cultures and their institutional settings (such as modal national character, specific models, or characteristic features of the legal and political system), even if the cultures are otherwise very similar—as is the case with Britain and Germany—in their general emotional reactions (Mesquita et al., 1997; Mikula et al., 1998). This suggests that criminal justice is not based on specific basic emotions that are ‘primordial’ to its existence, but, rather, that the specific institutional and cultural pattern in which these emotions are embedded constitute and define the emotional reaction. Emotions seem to be only loosely coupled to the institutional framework which gives space to a diversity of emotions and emotional practices. The spontaneity of the public’s emotional reaction in Britain confirms more a well-established cultural pattern than a collective ‘natural response’.

My second exemplary story explores further the problem of basic emotions and their constitutive role in criminal justice. It was written by Plato in his Socratic dialogue ‘Protagoras’ (1987) nearly 2400 years ago. At the dawn of humankind, human beings were incapable of living together, their cities torn with violence and strife. Thus, Zeus feared that humankind was in danger of utter destruction. He sent his messenger who was, remarkably, the god both of merchants and thieves, down to earth with two gifts that should enable humankind successfully to establish communities and live together safely and amicably. These two gifts were shame and law, and Zeus gave orders to his messenger to distribute them equally among human beings. Thus, they were equally endowed with a ‘moral sense’ which was based on a strong emotion and gave them the capacity of autonomous moral judgements and, simultaneously, with a framework of common norms and principles.

It is clear that Plato posits a basic emotion—shame—as the foundation of morality and law, exactly the one that has figured prominently in the late modern return of emotions. Nonetheless, the link is not clear, and there are several types. Braithwaite adopts a position which can be described as ‘functionalist’, as for him shame as a moral sentiment has two functions in producing compliance: it inhibits people from transgressing the moral norms and laws, and it establishes the self as a moral self in one’s own and others’ eyes. According to the ‘constitutive’ position (Taylor, 1987) moral sentiments provide the motivation to comply with moral norms. Morality is based on the capacity of individuals to feel shame after having transgressed the norms, and accordingly the moral sentiment constitutes moral action. The ‘indicative’ link between emotions and morality establishes a relationship in which emotions are only the consequence or expression of moral engagement in one’s own actions or those of others, and of moral principles which have been accepted. Moral sentiments are neither constitutive nor a motivation for moral action, but are attached to a moral principle and judgement (see Nunner-Winkler, 1998). This is essentially the position of Durkheim, that strong moral sentiments indicate strong moral norms, and reinforce these norms following their violation.

My final exemplary story explores a problem, one that becomes important when emotions return to criminal justice in an emotional culture, concerning the authenticity of emotions: their invisibility.7 In 1517, Martin Luther started Reformation in Germany by hammering his 95 propositions to the door of the church in Wittenberg. In about one-third of them, Luther argued that no institution could and should interfere with individual repentance, and feelings of shame and guilt, let alone use or exploit them for institutional purposes. Interestingly, in some of his main arguments he contended that only God—not even always the offender—could know if these feelings were authentic and truthful (Luther, undated).

What is important here is not that this was one of the many steps on the way towards individualism and modernity, but that Luther was aware of the invisibility of emotions and the problems this fact causes for any social institution that deals with them. How can we know that offenders really feel shame and remorse in restorative justice conferences? How ‘true’ are expressions of anger voiced by victims? Would we rate a restorative justice conference less successful if everyone present only pretended his/her feelings, or would we rely on their actions, or the final outcome? How fearful or angry are victims really, or do emotional public responses to, and demands for action against, crime (as witnessed in the campaign for ‘Sarah’s Law’) merely indicate a public caught up in media and political scripts?8

Obviously, the quest for authentic emotions in late modern societies and the fact that they are ‘invisible’ contradict each other, and even in societies where the authentic display of emotions is demanded and rewarded, people will hide many if not most of them. Significantly, shame cultures have ritualized and formalized the expression of shame, authenticity is not requested and the strength of emotions is not relevant. It is hard to discern if that has an impact on the intensity of the emotion. In the absence of such formalized emotional practices, the return of shame resulted in sentences and practices which tried to elicit an intense and authentic feeling of shame, and there were few restrictions on how that was achieved.

Answers to these questions and solutions to these problems will define the role and the space of emotions in criminal justice. Contemporary psychological theory has in particular addressed the problems of basic and universal emotions, how emotions are linked to social settings and the way cultural practices influence, regulate and define emotions.

Perspectives from contemporary emotion theory

Though an extremely diverse field, contemporary emotion theory does not conceptualize emotions as ‘unitary, elementary entities’ but instead as ‘multi-componential phenomena’.9 Rather than assuming homogenous emotional states and a definite number of basic and universal emotions, emotion processes consisting of ‘concurrent changes in several different components’ are of central importance, thus making emotions dynamic.

Such a perspective is based on the notion that human beings have a universal emotional potential, but that this is realized in actual emotional practices, and in concrete social and cultural settings. Across cultures, emotions like anger and fear, or disgust and shame therefore simultaneously can be similar in some respects, and different in others. Expressions of emotions will vary from culture to culture even if they have a universal base. Thus, universal recognition of a particular facial expression as depicting anger, or blushing as a sign of shame, does not rule out the possibility that the counterparts of both emotions in other cultures may be different in those events that arouse them, and with regard to the actual emotional practices in which they are embedded. This applies equally to different contexts within a culture. The components of an emotion do not automatically follow from each other or from context-specific characteristics. A procedure explicitly designed to arouse shame may equally arouse feelings of humiliation and anger. Universality of emotions therefore can be ‘established only for components of emotions rather than for emotions as a whole’ (Mesquita et al., 1997: 259–60).

Figure 1. Component-process-model of emotions. Source: Adapted from Frijda (1996)

The emotion process (see Figure 1) includes the following components: an antecedent event, an emotional experience and an appraisal of the event, physiological change and change in action readiness, a specific behaviour or emotional practice, a change in cognitive functioning and beliefs and a regulatory process which determines its course. The intensity and ‘power’ of emotions (Frijda, 1996), drastic action impulses, long duration of feelings as in revenge (Frijda, 1994) or profound changes in beliefs, are caused by the interaction of these components and the strength of emotions built up during the process.

Emotions result from individual concerns that are essential in the definition and appraisal of a situation. In particular, individual goals, motives and values that relate individuals with social and common concerns emerge when an event is appraised as harming or threatening. Concerns like prestige and self-esteem, or the sense of belonging are linked to emotions of pride and shame. Concern for identity and autonomy arouses intense feelings of anger if not treated with respect and recognition, and being shamed is a most powerful source of rage and feelings of revenge. Research on ghetto youths has established the close link between violent behaviour and the ‘search for respect’ (Bourgois, 1995).

Most important here is the fact that individual concerns are derived from social values and common or even universal concerns, and thus link individual and collective emotions. Concerns arise from social and moral values of justice and fairness, which are universal to all cultures (see Schwartz, 1992, 1994; Schwartz and Sagiv, 1995). Concerns about basic moral principles are affected when these are injured. The collective nature of such concerns implies that not only individual experiences but equally experiences of others are events that are linked to emotions of anger as well as sympathy and compassion.

Regulation rules are a component of the emotion process that are particularly important for the development of shared emotional practices. They control and inhibit the display of emotions, they define the proper social space for emotions, and they restrict emotional action. The role of regulation rules becomes obvious when control is lifted within the social environment: when collective expressions of anger and disgust are encouraged, articulation of hatred is rewarded, or revenge is subtly praised (Frijda, 1996: 20). Regulation rules define the importance of emotions of victims, and the amount of display in social space, and they equally restrict the emotional space of offenders. Legal procedures provide an elaborately regulated space for emotions.

What then are the implications of contemporary emotion theory for the core problems of primordial emotions, basic emotions and the link between emotions, morality and the law?

One of the most important conclusions from contemporary emotion theory is that penal law and legal procedures are not built on ‘basic emotions’, but are part of the emotion process. They establish an institutional context and regulatory processes for a diversity of emotional components. In particular, legal procedures have the task of establishing those rules of justice and fairness that prevent additional arousal of emotions of anger and feelings of revenge, and that enhance the acceptance of the legal and moral judgment by the offender and the victim. Evidence from research on procedural justice shows that violations of these basic rules arouse those feelings, and as a consequence, decrease the readiness of offenders to accept the judgment and the moral rationale behind it (Tyler, 1990). Resulting feelings of anger and revenge might change beliefs about the fairness and legitimacy of these institutions profoundly. The most important components of fairness rules are that offenders can tell ‘their stories’, that they are not humiliated before their own peer group and that their self-esteem is not stripped from them. Cross-cultural research has provided evidence of the universality of these values as well as of their importance in legal procedures (Schwartz, 1992). It is highly probable that the ‘return of shame’ to the courtrooms will violate these rules, and arouse much more anger and revenge in those who are treated in this way.

Contemporary emotion theory suggests that legal procedures and punishment fulfil different tasks and are linked to different emotion processes. The secular changes of penal sanctions during the last centuries provide ample evidence from history that penal punishments are not linked to universal and basic moral sentiments, but are embedded into the moral imagination of societies and the context of imagined communities (Ander- son, 1983). The spectacle of public executions obviously aroused thrill and excitement among the crowds, and it took some efforts during the 19th century to make it a more sombre event until they were finally banned from public view (Pratt, 2000).

The theory would imply further that a diversity of emotions is involved in the process of punishment, and that different emotions restrict and balance each other. It stresses the situational pattern in which emotions are aroused, and the importance of appraisal processes. Punishment is rarely imposed by those who were victims of the offence, and the emotions involved on the side of those who punish have barely got consideration (but see Elster, 1989). Parents or teachers mostly punish children for what they did to others. The type and severity of the punishment imposed by them therefore results from the social bonds that are established and the emotions of love and sympathy attached to them; these function as inhibitors to extremely severe reactions. Research on the expectations and experiences of sanctions by juvenile offenders shows that parents normally do not react in a way that would endanger those bonds, but try instead to secure and confirm these bonds in their reactions to an offence committed by their children (Karstedt, 1989, 1993). Courts and juries that are embedded in communities have hesitated to give death sentences, as in the case of a young woman who had murdered her two children. As long as victims were directly involved in the punishment of offenders, practices of restorative justice prevailed (Braithwaite, 2001). In the present context of the spectacle of ‘distant suffering’ where such bonds do not exist, the lack of inhibiting emotions of sympathy and empathy seems to give way to excessive demands for punishment by ‘moral spectators’.

Contemporary emotion theory clearly refutes the notion that moral principles and the edifice of law are erected on basic and universal sentiments, and that the latter constitute these principles. Instead, moral principles and axioms of justice and fairness define the concerns, and thus the events that arouse ‘moral sentiments’. Consequently, emotions like anger and disgust and shame are ‘indicators’ of our moral beliefs and convictions—they do not constitute them. ‘Once established, justice is naturally attached with a strong sentiment of morals’ (Hume, A Treatise of Human Nature, cited in Solomon, 1990: 198), but justice needs to be established first. Evidence from longitudinal research on the moral development of children shows that very young children understand moral principles (right versus wrong) but do not attach moral sentiments to them. These are developed at a later stage, the process of attachment being mostly finalized at the age of 10 (Nunner-Winkler, 1998). In particular, historical change and cultural diversity of emotions of moral disgust show that these emotions are linked to antecedent moral judgments and do not constitute them, as I will discuss in the following section.

Disgust, anger, shame: some cautious notes on the use of emotions in criminal justice

The recent discourse about law and emotions has been dominated by three emotions—disgust, anger and shame. Though this discourse lingers between constructionist perspectives and assumptions about ‘primordial’ emotions, between a constitutive, functionalist and indicative role of emotions for law and morality, there is nonetheless a strong consensus that emotions could and should be used in the legal sphere and in lawmaking more than in the past.

As noted above, legal theorists have identified disgust as a legitimate and valuable barometer of societal morality (Bandes, 1999a: 4; Kahan, 1999; Posner, 1999, 2000). Disgust should and could have a legitimate place in the legal arena. It has been argued that law should shape the cognitive contents of the emotion by leading us to feel disgust for heinous but not sufficiently punished acts like racial violence or hate crimes (Kahan, 1999; see Poletta, 2001 for a critique). In particular, the latter—more constructionist—perspective is in line with conclusions from emotion theory. Nonetheless, it has to be stressed here that universal components in the emotion process are embedded into concrete cultural settings which define the content of moral rules, and thus the situations when disgust is elicited. Cross-cultural studies in more than 35 countries show that feelings of disgust are mostly and universally related to moral evaluations and events of violation of moral norms, in contrast to anger, which is related to experiences of injustice (Scherer, 1991, 1997).

However, the fuelling of emotions of disgust has led societies to treat marginalized groups as if they were less than human, and in particular has instigated racial violence amounting to genocide (Nussbaum, 1999). In his book Ordinary Men, Browning (1992) shows how the members of a police battalion in occupied Poland voiced their disgust about the Jewish population, and how they used this emotion in their moral legitimation of the mass murder in which they participated.10 These emotions had been consistently fuelled among the population during the Nazi Regime (and before), and this process was related to laws that step-by-step deprived the Jewish population in Germany of their civil and finally human status. Most infamous in this process were the Nuremberg Laws issued in 1936, which prohibited marriages between Jews and other Germans, and barred Jews from employing German girls in their households and businesses with accompanying propaganda that Jews were paedophiles. Existing moral norms and the emotions attached to them were thus used to direct emotional reactions of disgust towards the marginalized group. Disgust is ‘brazenly and uncompromising judgmental’ (Nussbaum, 1999: 21) and therefore comes with a powerful potential for disruptive and violent consequences. As much as it might be ‘necessary . . . for perceiving and motivating opposition to cruelty’ (Nussbaum, 1999: 21), disgust is also heavily implicated in the commission of cruelty. Using it in the legal realm as a ‘barometer of social morality’ deprives the law of much of its own potential of establishing justice and fairness.

Anger is the emotion most clearly linked to concerns and values about justice and fair treatment (Frijda, 1996; Mesquita et al., 1997; Scherer, 1997). Notwithstanding cultural differences with regard to the intensity and the display of anger, the emotional link seems to be universal. We get angry when we and others are not treated fairly, or are humiliated, or when our social position and self-esteem are hurt. Legal procedures have a central role in society as they provide justice, both channelling such feelings and simultaneously arousing them. Anger of victims of crime might be linked to such a sense of ‘unfair’ treatment by fellow citizens. But it is much less clear how ‘anger about crime’ is aroused in those who have not been a victim and who have no personal experience of crime (Farrall, 2001). What kind of concerns and emotional experiences are involved, and what are the underlying emotion components and processes, when a majority of the population declares that they are ‘angry about crime’? Before designing ‘affective crime prevention policies’ (Freiberg, 2001) that take into account such emotional processes, we need to establish which kind of emotion and emotion process are involved, if at all.

Shame, remorse and guilt are emotions most closely linked to the criminal justice system and the community it represents. Among them shame is defined as the emotion that is embedded in the bonds to groups and communities, and therefore a visible physiological reaction—blushing—is attached to it. Shame is a tremendously complex emotion, dependent on specific contexts, related to a range of other emotions, and actions (Lewis, 2000). Violations of self-esteem, humiliation and stigmatization cause shame as well as anger, varying with the context and the concerns. Obviously, legal procedures have the potential to evoke shame in offenders, but like other modern institutions they do not require particular emotional reactions.11 The return of shame might have counterproductive consequences when shame interferes with procedural justice and fairness, and causes anger and defiance.

Legal institutions are not based on a small number of basic emotions, but on different and contradictory ones. Processes of punishment are linked to feelings of disgust as well as being embedded in emotions of sympathy. Any efforts to bring one of these to the forefront, and make it the foundation of criminal justice procedures, will necessarily ignore the range of moral sentiments which are involved in the individual as well as in the collective. The fact that emotional reactions are attached to moral norms does not necessarily imply the strategic use of emotions in, for example, defining laws against hate crimes or violations of human rights. The complex and complicated role and space of emotions within the legal system does not allow for easy solutions.

Notes

The place of emotions is not assigned exclusively to the criminal court. Tort laws and family courts similarly deal with intense emotions.

Research consistently shows that victims mostly want to have their damage restored, and that they are rarely vengeful in their demands for punishment for the offender (Sessar, 1992). Victims seem to be, in particular, sensitive to the impact of legal action within their social networks.

See, for revisions of the theory and practice, Ahmed et al. (2001).

At the turn of the 18th to the 19th century, public emotions and compassion started to be directed towards the offender, in particular those who were imprisoned. The attack on the Bastille during the French Revolution was driven by public outrage about innocent prisoners (though they were actually quite comfortably accommodated); operas like Beethoven’s Fidelio show how public emotions were expressed in the arts. The ‘longue dure ́e’ of compassion with the offender as a victim of society, which lasted through the 19th and 20th century, seems today to have come to a halt.

In terms of Elias’ theory of the civilization process, these developments are often analysed as ‘de-civilization’ (Fletcher, 1995, 1997; Pratt, 2000). Nonetheless, this perspective only grasps the regulation or de-regulation of the expression of emotions, and implies a strong bias towards processes of social control.

When I asked a movie director why people cry in the cinema, but not in the theatre, his answer was clear and to the point: ‘Close-ups’.

See Katz (1999: 316) for a more detailed discussion.

See Farrall (2001) for an exploration of ‘anger’ about crime. His results show that ‘anger about crime’ seems to be more an emotional reaction that people feel they ought to have than an actual emotional experience. Jones and Newburn (2002) show that notwithstanding public outrage and support for ‘Sarah’s Law’, its final failure in Britain shows it not to be a solely emotionalized public issue.

Ekman and Davidson (1994), and Lewis and Haviland-Jones (2000) provide excellent overviews.

Since Browning analysed the files of the investigation and ensuing interrogation that took place some 10 years later, these are memories of emotions, which nonetheless seemed to be still extremely vivid at that time. These emotions of disgust were expressed at a time when the moral code had been definitely changed, at least officially and in public.

We are not required to feel emotions about our work, or our superiors, or what we produce. Nonetheless, in a recent case in Britain the lack of display of shame and remorse by the offender was the reason explicitly given for a severe sanction.

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Fletcher, Jonathan (1997) Violence and Civilization. An Introduction to the Work of Norbert Elias. Cambridge: Polity.

Freiberg, Arie (2001) ‘Affective Versus Effective Justice. Instrumentalism and Emotionalism in Criminal Justice’, Punishment and Society 3(2): 265–78.

Frijda, Nico H. (1994) ‘The Lex Talionis: On Vengeance’, in S. van Goozen, N. van de Poll and J. Sergeant (eds) Emotions: Essays in Emotion Theory, pp. 264–89. Hillsdale: Lawrence Erlbaum.

Frijda, Nico H. (1996) ‘Passions: Emotion and Socially Consequential Behavior’, in R. Kavanaugh, B. Zimmerberg and S. Fein (eds) Emotion. Interdisciplinary Perspectives, pp. 1–27. Mahwah: Lawrence Erlbaum.

Jones, Trevor and Tim Newburn (2002) ‘Policy Convergence and Crime Control in the USA and UK: “Streams” of Influence and “Levels” of Impact’, Criminal Justice 2(2).

Kahan, Dan M. (1999) ‘The Progressive Appropriation of Disgust’, in S. Bandes (ed.) The Passions of Law, pp. 63–79. New York: New York University Press.

Karstedt, Susanne (1989) ‘Sanktionserfahrungen und Sanktionserwartungen von Jugendlichen. Eine Empirische Studie zur Integration von Individualund Generalpraevention’, in Bundesministerium der Justiz (ed.) Jugendrechtsreform durch die Praxis, pp. 168–96. Bonn: Bundesministerium der Justiz. 

Karstedt, Susanne (1993) Webs of Significance, Nets of Control. Experiences and Expectations of Sanctions by Juveniles. Bielefeld: University of Bielefeld.

Karstedt, Susanne (1996) ‘Recht und Scham’, Neue Kriminalpolitik 8(4): 22–5.

Karstedt, Susanne (2000) ‘Review: Distant Suffering. Morality, Media and Politics’, The Sociological Review 48(4): 670–2.

Karstedt, Susanne (2001) ‘Die moralische Staerke schwacher Bindungen: Individualismus und Gewalt im Kulturvergleich’, Monatsschrift fuer Kriminologie und Strafrechtsreform 84(3): 226–43.

Katz, Jack (1999) How Emotions Work. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.

Laster, Kathy and Pat O’Malley (1996) ‘Sensitive New-Age Laws: The Reassertion of Emotionality in Law’, International Journal of the Sociology of Law 24(1): 21–40.

Lewis, Michael (2000) ‘Self-Conscious Emotions: Embarrassement, Pride, Shame and Guilt’, in M. Lewis and Jeanette M. Haviland-Jones (eds) Handbook of Emotions, 2nd edn, pp. 623–36. New York: Guilford Press.

Lewis, Michael and Jeanette M. Haviland-Jones (eds) (2000) Handbook of Emotions, 2nd edn. New York: Guilford Press.

Luther, Martin (undated) Die 95 Thesen Martin Luthers. Wittenberg: Horst Bargmann Verlag fuer Kunst und Touristik.

Massaro, Toni M. (1991) ‘Shame, Culture, and American Criminal Law’, Michigan Law Review 89(6): 1880–944.

Massaro, Toni M. (1997) ‘The Meanings of Shame’, Psychology, Public Policy, and Law 3(4): 645–704.

Mesquita, Batja, Nico H. Frijda and Klaus R. Scherer (1997) ‘Culture and Emotion’, in J.W. Berry, P.R. Dasen and T.S. Saraswathi (eds) Basic Processes and Human Development. Handbook of Cross-Cultural Psychology, vol. 2, pp. 255–97. Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon.

Mikula, Gerold, Klaus R. Scherer and Ursula Athenstaedt (1998) ‘The Role of Injustice in the Elicitation of Differential Emotional Reactions’, Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 24(7): 769–83.

Neckel, Sighard (1999) ‘Blanker Neid, Blinde Wut. Sozialstruktur und Kollektive Gefuehle’, Leviathan 27(2): 146–65.

Newsweek (1995) ‘The Return of Shame’, 6 February.

Nunner-Winkler, Gertrud (1998) ‘Empathie, Scham und Schuld: Zur Moralischen Bedeutung von Emotionen’, in M. Grundmann (ed.) Konstruktivistische Sozialisationsforschung: Ansaetze und Methodische Ueberlegungen zu einer Konstruktivistischen Theorie der Sozialisation, pp. 118–43. Frankfurt: Suhrkamp.

Nussbaum, Martha C. (1999) ‘“Secret Sewers of Vice”: Disgust, Bodies and the Law’, in S. Bandes (ed.) The Passions of Law, pp. 19–62. New York: New York University Press.

Plato (1987) Protagoras. Greek/German, translated and commented by H.-W. Krautz. Stuttgart: Philipp Reclam jun.

Poletta, Francesca (2001) ‘The Laws of Passion. Reviewing Bandes’s The Passions of Law’, Law and Society Review 35(2): 467–94.

Posner, Richard A. (1999) ‘Emotion Versus Emotionalism in Law’, in S. Bandes (ed.) The Passions of Law, pp. 309–29. New York: New York University Press.

Posner, Richard A. (2000) Law and the Emotions. John M. Olin Law and Economics Working Paper No. 103. Chicago, IL: The Law School, University of Chicago.

Pratt, John (2000) ‘Emotive and Ostentatious Punishment: Its Decline and Resurgence in Modern Society’, Punishment and Society 2(4): 417–41.

Scherer, Klaus (1991) ‘Die Emotionalen Grundlagen des Gerechtigkeitsgefuehls’, in D. Frey and G. Koehnken (eds) Bericht ueber den 37. Kongress der Deutschen Gesellschaft fuer Psychologie in Kiel 1990, pp. 411–20. Goettingen: Hogrefe.

Scherer, Klaus (1997) ‘The Role of Culture in Emotion-Antecedent Appraisal’, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 73(4): 902–22.

Schwartz, Shalom H. (1992) ‘Universals in the Content and Structure of Values: Theoretical Advances and Empirical Tests in 20 Countries’, in M.P. Zanna (ed.) Advances in Experimental Psychology, vol. 25, pp. 1–65. Orlando, FL: Academic Press.

Schwartz, Shalom H. (1994) ‘Are There Universals in the Structure and Contents of Human Values?’, Journal of Social Issues 50(4): 19–45.

Schwartz, Shalom H. and Lilach Sagiv (1995) ‘Identifying Culture-Specifics in the Content and Structure of Values’, Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 26(1): 92–116.

Sessar, Klaus (1992) Widergutmachen oder Strafen. Einstellungen in der Bevoelkerung und der Justiz. Pfaffenweiler: Centaurus.

Skillen, A.J. (1980) ‘How to Say Things with Walls’, Philosophy 55(5): 509–23.

Solomon, Robert C. (1990) A Passion for Justice. Emotions and the Origins of the Social Contract. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley.

Solomon, Robert C. (1994) ‘Sympathy and Vengeance: The Role of the Emotions in Justice’, in S. van Goozen, N. van de Poll and J. Sergeant (eds) Emotions: Essays in Emotion Theory, pp. 291–311. Hillsdale: Lawrence Erlbaum.

Taylor, Charles (1992) Multiculturalism and ‘the Politics of Recognition’. An Essay. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

Taylor, Gabriele (1987) Pride, Shame, and Guilt. Oxford: Clarendon.

Triandis, Harry C. (1994) ‘Major Cultural Syndromes and Emotions’, in S. Kitayama and H.R. Markus (eds) Emotion and Culture. Empirical Studies of Mutual Influence, pp. 285–306. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.

Tyler, Tom R. (1990) Why People Obey the Law. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

Vester, Heinz-Guenter (1991) Emotion, Gesellschaft und Kultur. Grundzuege einer Soziologischen Theorie der Emotionen. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag.

Williams, Simon J. (2001) Emotion and Social Theory. Corporeal Reflections on the (Ir)Rational. London: Sage.

Wouters, Cas (1986) ‘Formalization and Informalization: Changing Tension Balances in Civilizing Processes’, Theory, Culture and Society 3(2): 1–18.

#emotion #emotionalization #emotion theory #late modernity #penal law #The Way We Live Now #justice #shame #criminal justice #jurisprudence #disgust #anger #morality #moral sentiments

[curtisit]

Citrix Solutions: A Quick Look

                                              Introduction

Citrix Systems, Inc., more commonly referred to as “Citrix” is a US based virtualization and cloud computing company that offers a variety of different services and technologies such as SaaS, networking functionalities and desktop virtualization. Since its founding in 1989, the company has reportedly generated over US$3.2b dollars in revenue and has over 9,000 employees, as of 2020 statistics.  

In 2017, Citrix stated that their solutions are in use by “more than 400,000 organizations including 99 percent of the Fortune 100 and 98 percent of the Fortune 500.” With such bold statistics, I wanted to find out exactly what the company brings to the table and noticing knowledge of their products being listed as technical requirements in job applications, it piqued my interest even further. How do Citrix solutions benefit their clients, and what exactly do terms like “cloud computing” and “virtualization” really look like?

In this post I will be expanding my own knowledge of Citrix’s Endpoint Management system and the benefit that it brings to companies and their employees. This will be done through studying official Citrix documentation, and in turn perhaps my own learning will benefit others.  

                                   Citrix Endpoint Management

Some people may remember this product by the name XenMobile. Now branded Citrix Endpoint Management, it is one of the company’s largest solutions, working in part with the Citrix Workspace platform. This piece of software is described as an “on-premises and cloud-based software that provides unified endpoint management for corporate and employee-owned devices for business use”, but what exactly does this mean? Let’s break it down and a little bit.  

Imagine a workplace where employees are assigned company devices such as laptops and cellphones, and sensitive data is stored on physical servers and storage devices. Said employees do work on their machines, store their files and access sensitive company information. At the end of the day, they pack the device up in their bag and leave with it, hoping to catch up on the work from their home. Now what happens if that device DOESN’T make it home with the employee, maybe it’s lost, stolen, or even accessed by an intruder with malicious intentions? Even worse, what happens if unauthorized persons gain physical access to company servers? This is where Citrix solutions come into play and make life a whole lot easier, offering an all-in-one environment in which workspaces and applications are deployed, configured and accessed remotely, and data is stored virtually, known as “cloud computing”

Citrix is what we call a “hypervisor”, or better described as a piece of software that simulates physical computers, known as “virtual machines”. If you’ve ever used an emulator before, it’s a very similar concept. These virtual machines can be running almost anything whether it be Windows 10, 11, XP, Mac OS, Linux distributions, the list goes on and on. This concept of creating a virtual version of something that would normally run off physical hardware is called virtualization, a term briefly mentioned earlier.  

Citrix Systems uses virtualization and cloud computing with something that you may be familiar with called Remote Desktop Protocol (RDP).  Essentially, this protocol allows remote connections between different computers. If User A wants to access files or make configurations on the machine of User B who is in a different location, they can provide each other with unique credentials and establish a remote connection which allows them to do so.  

With this in mind, we can start to piece together how everything works. Company data is stored online and accessible the same way, known as cloud computing. Workspaces, or the operating system environments in which employees access become virtualized and may be remotely accessed / managed via remote desktop protocol. Using these virtualized workspaces, users can then access the company data and applications.  

Now that we understand a little bit about virtualization, remote desktop protocol, cloud computing and how Citrix Solutions utilizes these concepts. But how does it affect the day-to-day work life of an employee whose company may use these solutions? Here is a realistic example of what that might look like.  

Employee “Bob” has many work-related files and applications in which he works with on the daily, however his business often requires him to travel. Bob’s company has recently implemented Citrix Solutions and he will be needing to access his files remotely for the first time. First, he contacts his IT department and requests that his account be enabled to allow remote connections. During this step, Bob’s identity is verified and linked to said account and this is considered the first tier of security. Directed to an employee login webpage, he is then prompted for valid employee credentials, the second tier of security. Bob enters his username and password and attempts to remotely connect to his workspace for the first time. In doing so, the hardware ID of his device is saved, and further connections may only be established using that same device and credentials. This is the third tier of security, and if attempting to connect to the workspace using a different device in the future such as a home desktop, it will require manual approval. 

                                                  Conclusion

To cover all aspects and features of a complex system like Citrix Endpoint Management would take more words than I can type at this time. With that said, it simply makes sense to me that in an age of technology such as today, a solution like this would at very least be a tempting one to implement. With its suite of security features and ease of access design, I believe that such a solution would not only benefit a single employee such as “Bob”, but once put in place could lessen a company’s workload overall.  

I plan to continue learning about Citrix Systems and their solutions past the depth of this blog post. In an ever-developing field such as IT, it is extremely important to me as an individual to continuously expand and keep my knowledge of technology up to date as the times change. Encompassing such important concepts as cloud computing and virtualization, I really look forward to learning more with Citrix, and hope for the opportunity of hands-on experience with their solutions in the future.  

In the video linked below, I utilize diagrams to further simplify previously mentioned concepts such as cloud computing, remote desktop protocol and virtualization. Feel free to give it a watch and let me know what you think. 

Video: https://streamable.com/p3dxdv

Thank you for reading,

Curtis Britton

References:

https://web.archive.org/web/20180322204907/https://www.citrix.com/news/announcements/sep-2017/new-chief-revenue-officer-to-lead-global-sales-and-services.html

https://www.itpro.co.uk/saas/28932/everything-you-need-to-know-about-citrix

https://docs.citrix.com/en-us/citrix-endpoint-management/endpoint-management.html

https://docs.citrix.com/                

[newsatsix1986]

I feel as though it is my responsibility to provide the Dalen content, because so far no one else has.

Here is fanfic number three to come from me - and perhaps my smuttiest yet!

Dale has unknowingly thwarted Lindsay’s plans, and he is left to deal with a very broken and terrified Helen. He has no clue what has tormented her today, but he knows one thing for sure - she needs his tender loving care. She is not the first woman he has seen in this state before…so why does this feel different? What are these thoughts intruding his mind? What’s going on with him? Can he keep himself together for her?

Set straight after the portly old dickhead (Lindsay) leaves in Episode Two, and before Helen and Dale wake to see each other on top of Helen’s bed, this one was a treat to write. This one covers Dale’s sexual tension towards Helen that he feels as though he cannot contain anymore - feelings he hasn’t felt since the Adam Lindell debacle. But he has to - she trusts him so much, and believes he is different to all the other men in the office. How can he break that trust by being no better than them?

Also, the story title is a play on Kate Ceberano’s biggest hit ‘Bedroom Eyes’. Although that song didn't come out until 1989 - three years after The Newsreader - no doubt that it would have eventually been on the radar of these two, and they would have absolutely loved it. For reasons... ;-)

For your reading and imagining pleasure;

Bathroom Eyes - January 1986

https://archiveofourown.org/works/34491706

#the newsreader #helen norville #dale jennings #dalen #dale is checking her out #and he’s both loving and hating himself for it

[edouard-allegret]

Running away to the Factor and also Click Adventure

Some of my best gaming experiences; actually, simply some of my best experiences alone throughout the in 2014 of the 80's and throughout the 90's originated from the incredible "Factor as well as Click Adventure" genre. Also called "Graphic Adventures", each video game was an outright trip, deep layered and also immersive - I disregarded of reality and also listened to a different globe, permitting me to be another person from the time those disks were put to the moment I flicked that ON/OFF button and also went to bed.

To escape my normal school kid life, all I needed to do was start up, and also I quickly became a pirate, a secret agent, a time tourist, a room custodian, an investigative, an archeologist, a wizard or a king. Douglas Quaid had "Rekall", I had my Amiga.

This was beyond "the book"; Factor and also Click adventures allowed the gamer to dig in to a rich tale yet really be the lead character, stroll as them, respond to as them, communicate with other personalities as them and also make their decisions for them; each time being rewarded with more storyline, problems and puzzles. Prior to the integration of real audio discussion in to the video games when they showed up on CD-ROM years later on (which I believe spoiled them); the much cooler generation of users of the minimal capacity floppy were forced to review every one of the discussion in their head, (producing their own voices if they wished) with a 16-bit soundtrack and also audio results to accompany them. It was a superb experience.

I favored to Point 'n' Click alone

Typically with the fascinating story-lines and also with the extreme need to defeat the existing challenge; gamers would spend many hrs in to the games without a break, playing all the time, night as well as in to the early hours of the morning. With a weary mind this can change them in to a trance-like, dreamlike state, as if the dream they were having remained in front of them yet it remained in complete colour, completely controlled and also lucid. These were the very best desires they had actually ever had. Every little thing past the 4 sides of the screen in front of them fell apart away as well as nothing else existed with the exception of the experience; the only reminder that they were still a human-being searching was the feeling of their wrist as well as hand Aiming with the mouse and also the audio of the Clicks as they picked a verb, and afterwards a things.

It was a really personal and also singular experience; a trip that might only truly be appreciated thoroughly when done alone. I rested with a close friend as soon as, with each other trying to beat a few puzzles of a certain video game that was out at the time, at his house. I had the sensation that I was intruding on his experience, and also he was certainly ruining mine; this was an experience that I intended to have actually closed away in my very own room, not his. It was similar to attempting to sit and also review a timeless novel at the same time as an additional individual, both peering over the very same web pages, one wishing to transform a web page as well as survive it, and also the various other wishing to hang around and take in the details of the tale and the discussion as well as use imagination to improve the scene. We were simply two various circumstances of that sprite in 2 various mindsets. On his display was the precise very same computer animated collection of pixels, but I didn't recognise this personality, it had not been the very same one that was awaiting me back house. We 'd been via various points at various times; I 'd developed a rapport with mine, and also here was just a clone performing actions that I intended to save for later - it simply wasn't the same. Needless to say I never ever attempted co-playing a Point 'n' Click again.

Graphic Experience piracy, before Ape Island

Everything started for me in 1989, I had provided to me by my Uncle a pirated duplicate (mischievous naughty) of the dazzling Future Battles by Delphine - this moistened my cravings for the category, however since just one floppy disk had actually been handed over for (unbeknown to either people) a 2 disk game, I was just able to finish a few of the puzzles prior to being asked to "Place Disk 2". Without the disk, I was overcome which was discouraging to claim the least, yet this had me starving for graphic journeys - I required to play more.

I utilized to purchase Amiga games from some kind of mail order catalogue (I can not remember for the life of me what this was called, or why I was doing it in this manner considering that I might probably go to a computer system store around.), I believe though that this brochure had games that were not well-known or distributed at the time, perhaps from overseas. Had within it, a little advert revealing a video game with unusual as well as exciting cover art, like that of a cool 80's cartoon or movie, which was come with by a fascinating sales pitch - right there and after that I needed to learn what was taking place in the Lunatic Mansion. Therefore it was ordered as well as the waiting time started (I appear to recall 14 - 28 days?). Every day was a "Has the mail carrier been?" routine, up until one warm as well as unclear Saturday morning, finally it had gotten here. I keep in mind opening up the big brownish jiffy bag and also pulling out that remarkable box. On the front, a large as well as colour version of what was presented in the catalogue however on the back, a weird painted picture of the tales villains: Dr Fred, Registered Nurse Edna and Weird Ed. If I wasn't already pulled in; the truth that inside of the box was a massive poster illustrating a noticeboard with all kinds of plot associated as well as character back-story recommendations really clinched it. Lunatic Estate Disk 1 was in, as well as I was entering to Maniac Manor. For more information visit this website.

[classic80sand90smovieloves2]

Meeting and Dating Randy

(Not my gif)(requested by @westanimagines )

(I tried my best with the few scenes we had of him <3)

- You meet Randy when you get a job at the grocery store. You get introduced to the butcher and pretty much everyone else during your first break with your new coworkers. From the moment you laid eyes on him there seemed to be something about him that pulled you in.

- Sadly, the two of you don’t see very much of each other considering he’s usually behind the scenes and you’re more on the floor. But every now and again you’ll have to go and get something from the back and you’ll bump into each other.

- Whenever everyone is on break together, he’ll shoot you glances from across the table. He’ll look over at you when he or someone makes a joke, finding your laugh adorable and smiling along with you. You tend to not notice it but every now and again you’ll catch his eye.

- You kind of feel bad that he’s stuck down there with no one but maybe Produce Joe to interact with so whenever things are slow you poke your head in and say hi. You start a sort of friendship with him and wind up getting pretty close, closer with him than any of your other coworkers at least.

- He never minds the company, in fact he looks forward to it. A pretty girl coming to pay him attention; what more could he ask for in this line of work? A raise maybe, but this was good enough for him.

- During one of your breaks, one of the other girls had asked if you had a boyfriend since they’d been telling you about a problem they’d been having with theirs. You chuckled and told her “it was kinda difficult to meet guys on a vampires schedule”. Randy just so happened to hear and was pleasantly surprised.

- For someone who spends a lot of time alone in a dimly lit meat locker he sure is good at flirting. You’re surprised when your usual banter turns into something more suggestive and complimentary but you certainly don’t mind.

- Not too long after your conversations started to take a turn, he invited you out for drinks at a bar down the road from the store. Even though you’d usually be too tired to do anything after your shift you happily accepted.

- You left work together and soon after you found yourself laughing with him as the two of you sat in a booth, sipping your drinks. He recounted stories that your bosses and coworkers had yet to tell you and had you in stitches with his own tales from behind the shelves.

- You really seemed to click as the night went on so you were excited when he said he’d like to “do this again sometime” as you walked out to your cars. He opened your car door for you, gave you a warm smile and headed over to his own vehicle. You were grinning the whole ride home even though you were starting to feel the effects of staying up later than you should’ve.

- Jennifer and Linda wanted all of the details when you went into work the next day. They could hardly act natural as Randy passed your little group as they attempted to bombard you with questions. You could see him give a knowing grin as he walked towards his station, leaving you flustered and your friends ecstatic.

- You ended up going out together again later that week, and then again a day or so after that. You were really smitten with each other.

- The two of you had your first kiss while you were at work waiting for your shifts to be over so you could go on your fourth date.

- You’d been moving some boxes into the back of the store when you’d heard a noise coming from the far end of the room you were supposed to be in. Obviously the sudden interruption scared you, especially when it came from somewhere you knew no one else was.

- You’d accidentally dropped a box when you’d gotten spooked which is what prompted Randy to come out and check on you. You assured him you were alright but mentioned the noise, still slightly (yet admittedly irrationally) shaken. He checked around for you, coming up with nothing once he was finished.

- It helped but you still weren’t completely comfortable. He teased you a little, gave you a hug and before you knew it his lips were on yours. It was definitely a nice way to be calmed down.

- Perhaps it’s not the best for people to date their coworkers but let’s just say you’re very happy you gave it a try.

- The extent of his pda is a quick kiss and hand on the small of your back or shoulder when you’re standing together. He’s not a huge fan of smooching you in the public eye.

- You drive to work together, usually in his car.

- You’re called either pumpkin, babe or sweetie, and of course sometimes just an abbreviation of your name.

- You usually wind up eating all your meals together. He’s pretty fond of Italian.

- He sneaks little bits of food whenever you’re cooking. He is a nuisance in the kitchen.

- He has his own place; albeit small, so you tend to hang out there, cuddling on the couch, watching a movie/tv show and drinking a beer.

- He doesn’t make a lot of money so you rarely have expensive dates. Not that either of you mind, just being together is good enough for you.

- He has a habit of coming in at bad times which is something you’ll just have to get used to. I mean it doesn’t happen all the time but make sure to lock the door if you’re dealing with something you don’t want him to walk into.

- Hands. Just hands. Butchers need to be steady and calculated yet I can see him having a slightly rough touch at the same time. ...Yum.

- Randy just looks tired so you tend to take naps together after work. Or he’ll occasionally fall asleep on you while you run your fingers through his hair.

- The two of you usually wind up with his feet on the coffee table and yours in his lap whenever you’re on the couch together. Either that or you’re pretty much laying on top of him.

- Even though he acts like a smartass he actually does like hearing about your day and the different stories that you have.

- He’s pretty fond of teasing you; doesn’t matter what it’s about he just loves doing it.

- He likes to mouth things at you when someone’s back is turned, trying to make you laugh while they’re distracted.

- He loves seeing you having a good time. He’s a pretty funny guy so it isn’t hard for him to make you laugh. Plus, his smartass behavior usually ends up doing the trick if his jokes don’t.

- You play pranks and attempt to spook each other.

- He’s a fan of horror in general so the two of you watch a lot of scary movies together.

- Baking cookies together.

- Stealing his flannels.

- He tends to misplace his belongings so you often know where he puts things more than he does.

- Mistreats appliances and tools; sometimes you feel the need to apologize to the things in his home. Poor half broken washing machine.

- He can be a baby when he gets hurt, he’ll keep fussing over his injuries until you help him or kiss them better.

- He has to lift heavy carcasses all day so he’s pretty strong. You need help lifting something or want to be lifted yourself than he’s your guy.

- He’s used to seeing a little blood and other gross things so theres not much that disturbs him. He’s perfectly fine in a lot of situations whether it be when you mention your period or want him to get rid of a dead animal in your yard.

- He thinks it’s cute if you don’t like being around the meat or thinking about him butchering. He always smiles when you give him a grimace as he talks about his work or whenever you see the hanging bodies.

- Sometimes you’ll catch him murmuring songs while he works; you think it’s cute. If you ask him sweetly enough he may just sing to you.

- Your mom probably loves getting the best of the best whenever she shops at the store or when you take home groceries.

- Your parents probably love him unless they’re super vegan and despise the meat industry. Your dad is especially a fan of his since he can make a conversation out of nothing and make the older man laugh like it’s no ones business.

- He offers to warm you up whenever you visit him in the meat locker and absentmindedly mention how cold it is.

- On that note~ He is basically a human heater; you sort of have to be to handle being in the cold nearly all day.

- Bar dates. He greatly enjoys teaching you how to play pool if you don’t know how.

- Having barbecues together.

- Sitting on the sink or bathtub ledge as he shaves in the morning.

- Showering together.

- He’s not a very jealous guy but he will tell someone to to fuck off if he finds them flirting with you, mostly because it’s obvious you’re uncomfortable.

- He’s pretty protective of you; and has a bit of a temper, so he’s prone to starting arguments or yelling at people in your honor.

- Making out in the back of the store and having quickies in the bathroom.

- Getting each other for lunch. You usually sit next to him with his arm wrapped around the back of your chair.

- He taste tests things for you. If something looks a little weird he’ll take a bite before you do to make sure it’s safe.

- Occasionally chatting with Produce Joe when you’re waiting for Randy to be finished with something. You’re like the only person in the store who really talks to him besides Randy. You get a taste of the freshest of fruits in return for your kindness.

- Comforting and ranting to each other when you’re told the news about the store. He’s definitely a little more upset than you are, considering he was cheated out of a whole two week paid vacation.

- Trying to help each other find new jobs when you’re laid off.

- He tells you he loves you quite a bit. It’s not hard for him in the slightest, he knows that he does and has no intentions of letting you go anytime soon.

- You picked a keeper; even your parents agree with you on that. You have to bribe your mom during the holidays to not bring up marriage. Not that it takes very long for him to propose to you ;)

#intruder 1989 #intruder imagine #intruder headcanons #intruder headcanon #intruder 1989 headcanons #intruder 1989 headcanon #intruder 1989 imagine #randy intruder 1989 #randy intruder #80s movie imagine #80s imagine #80s movie headcanons #80s movie headcanon #80s movies #80s imagines #80s movie #80s movie imagines #sam raimi #sam raimi imagine

[classic80sand90smovieloves2]

Meeting and Dating Produce Joe

(My gif)(Requested by @westanimagines )

- You and Joe meet when you get a job at the grocery store and are given a tour of the place by your new manager. 

- After being shown around the floor of the shop, he takes you into the backrooms and introduces you to Randy and the ever interesting Joe; who he has to tap on the shoulder in order to make him realize there’s people behind him since his music is playing so loud. 

- The bespectacled boy tries to play it cool but you can tell he’s a little embarrassed; particularly when his eyes fall on you and your manager explains that you’ll be starting work there the next Monday. 

- You give the man a polite hello before you’re ushered out of the room and whisked away to be shown around the rest of the building; leaving Joe flustered yet realistically unhopeful. 

- As I said before, you start work the next Monday and things go smoothly. You make friends with the other girls on shift and you do the mind numbing work that pertains to a job at a grocery store. 

- When you first start working there, you don’t really talk to Joe all that much. You don’t have a reason to be in his portion of the store most days and you’re new to the job so you’re doing whatever you can to look like a picture perfect employee as you figure out the rules of working there. 

- Once you’re a little more comfortable in your position, you do a bit more wandering and are trusted with more tedious jobs that have you going into the back of the store. That's when you actually start making conversation from time to time. 

- Your conversations are always a bit awkward but you come to realize that that’s …sort of just Joe. Which is why you begin to feel a bit bad for him.

- He’s always detached from everyone, always alone, and though you can’t say for sure that he isn’t the one who’s doing the detaching, you figure that it can’t be easy all the same and make it your mission to be friendly and talk with him. And his pleasant response to your interest in him convinces you that you've done the right thing. 

- Soon enough, he’s latched onto you. Not in a creepy way but in a friendly, ‘you’re the only one who I’m comfortable around and who talks to me’ sort of way. 

- It’s easy to see that you just being there makes his day a whole lot better; and that he looks forward to your little interactions, and though your coworkers certainly find him a bit strange, you begin to find him sort of cute. 

- Surprisingly enough, it doesn’t take Joe a ridiculously long time to shoot his shot. He just randomly asks if you’d want to see a movie with him on Saturday and against your better judgement of dating one of your coworkers, you can’t help but agree. 

- Hey, if there was anyone you’d be able to avoid at work and whose offer is dorkily endearing enough to persuade you into accepting, it’s Joe. 

- So you meet up with him that next Saturday and settle in for a date at the cinema, sharing a popcorn and pretending like you aren’t flattered by/don’t notice his glances towards you. 

- He almost kisses you after the movie as the two of you are saying goodbye but he very obviously loses his nerve and plays it off before the two of you call it a night. And as you’re driving yourself home, you’re surprised by how disappointed you are that he didn’t....

- Though you don’t wind up waiting too long for that kiss since you wind up taking it for yourself a few days later when you’re retrieving something from his area of the shop. 

- You figure that it’s best to get it out of the way to show him that you want him to kiss you so, after he hands you the box of things that you’d came there for, you lean up and peck him on the lips, giving him a cheerful thanks before you leave the room; leaving him an ecstatic mess. 

- And just like that, you’ve got yourself the freshest boy at the grocers. 

- Joe likes to pretend like he’s this cool tough guy but at the same time, he knows that he isn’t; which makes you being with him a big accomplishment in his eyes. He’s incredibly proud that you’ve chosen to be his girlfriend and being your boyfriend makes him feel cool so he loves pda and being able to show you off.  

- Him awkwardly throwing his arm around your shoulder while trying to look all macho. He’s a dork and that’s just something you’ll have to get used to. 

- Kiss his cheek! Kiss his cheek! Seriously, he loves it almost as much as he loves you. 

- Clumsy but sweet kisses. 

- Taking his glasses off so that you can kiss him better. I can’t imagine it would be easy to touch lips with those massive frames in the way. 

- The main pet name he uses is babe and it almost always sounds hilarious whenever it leaves his mouth.  

- Most of the time, when you cuddle, he’s the big spoon. He likes nuzzling into the back of your neck and having you pressed up against him; and he’s tall so it works out quite nicely. 

- Laying your head in each others laps. Oftentimes he’ll snuggle into your lap or stomach, wrapping his arms around the small of your back as your fingers card through his hair. 

- Brushing his hair out of his face. It never seems to bother him but every now and again it bothers the hell out of you. 

- Always having the freshest fruit and vegetables. If your boyfriend doesn’t put aside the best of the bunch when your favorite produce comes in, is he even your boyfriend?

- Spitting watermelon seeds and playing other stupid little games.

- Sliding down the grocery shoot every now and again when you know you aren’t gonna get caught; not that your boss really cares 90% of the time. 

- Making faces at each other.

- Goofing off and not taking yourselves too seriously. 

- Occasionally spooking him when you come to visit since he plays his music so loud. It’s become a highlight of your day to make him momentarily jump out of his skin; you consider it to be you avenging his eardrums. 

- Borrowing his Walkman and cassettes. It’ll definitely take some convincing though, that things practically his baby. 

- Dancing to music and lip syncing to songs.

- You can’t tell me that he doesn’t look like a “little” nerd, which is why I’m making him liking Star Wars and Star Trek and all of those geeky interests a thing. 

- Going to conventions and other nerdy events like that.

- Playing different tabletop games. 

- Movie dates. Something tells me he’d be one of those guys who are scared of horror movies but would try to play it off like he wasn’t…up until he’s clutching your hand all tight and refusing to walk down a dark street.

- Arcade dates.

- Carnival dates. 

- Mall dates. 

- He’s adorably willing to indulge in your more “girly” interests and probably secretly likes them himself.

- Taking naps together; though he strikes me as the type of person who barely gets any sleep so you might just be taking naps at his apartment while he does his own thing.

- Playful competitions.

- Him scaring the shit out of you with his chopping and dicing; to the point where you’re compelled to do his work yourself so that you know he isn’t gonna lose a finger. 

- Eating lunch together and sharing food. You spend pretty much all of your lunch breaks in the backrooms with him.

- Talking with Randy every now and again while you wait for Joe. He appreciates the occasional company and the fact that you can save him some trouble and relay messages to your boyfriend for him. 

- Long conversations about nothing in particular. You can rant to him about whatever you want but I can’t guarantee that he’ll be listening too intently; not that he’s purposefully ignoring you or anything.

- He’s kind of the typical oblivious boyfriend but he’s never malicious in his ignorance. He’s just a goofy dork who doesn’t take notice of subtleties and has trouble concentrating. 

- Letting him brag about his accomplishments; even though you probably know that he’s completely making them up. He’ll probably “come clean” later on in your relationship and you'll have to hold back a laugh while trying to sound sincere when you tell him it’s okay. 

- Him trying to act tough yet borderline hiding behind you when things get scary. 

- Most of the time, Joe doesn’t take notice of any flirtation or suggestive interactions between you and other men so he rarely gets jealous of people. You could openly flirt with a dude and he’d be none the wiser. 

- As much as Joe likes to pretend like he can kick peoples asses, he most certainly cannot so don’t expect him to start any fights in your honor. He’s a bit of a coward so he really isn’t all too protective of you. 

- Joe’s a laidback guy and you sort of knew what you were getting yourself into when you started dating him so the two of you really don’t get into too many fights. If you do have them, they’re a quick argument and an even quicker resolution. 

- Both of you sort of just choose to forget about arguments or you bicker until you come up with a quick “fine.” “fine!” sort of agreement and subsequently forget about the problem. Either way, fights never last long. 

- Joe tells you he loves you pretty much every day; usually when you’re saying goodbye or in other circumstances like that. 

- He might give you the occasional headache but you love him nonetheless. He’s a dork but he’s your dork and you’re gonna stay with him for as long as you can. 

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