It's so vile of JKR and the people she's boosting to paint Magnus Hirschfeld as some sort of race science enthusiast
The gay jew who was almost beat to death by Nazi thugs in 1920 for being loud about decriminalising homosexuality, women's sufferage, abortion rights, socialism, the horrors of war, suicide prevention for queer people, etc
Who only survived the burning of his pioneering Sexuality Institute because he was abroad and who died in France because he could not return to a homeland that did not acknowledge him as a German
You want to say he's the ~real Nazi~ for holding beliefs that were mainstream science at the time he held them?
Yes, Hirschfeld was a eugenicist, insofar as most doctors were prior to the Holocaust
Yes, he argued that gay people having kids would lead to sickly kids -- as an argument for why society should stop forcing gay people into heterosexual marriages
Hirschfeld was by no means perfect, but smearing the legacy of someone who was specifically, by name, targeted by the Nazis for being a jew, for being gay and yes, for pioneering gender affirming care, as if he was fucking Mengele
That is just fucking evil
(but the people who criticise her are antisemitic homophobes, right?)
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i looked it up and in 2022 taylor swift would have caused around 14,217.49 metric tonnes* of carbon emissions by use of her private jet alone. so that is not more but on par with the total greenhouse gas emissions in 2022 from the countries of
Anguilla 🇦🇮 28,000 metric tonnes
Falkland Islands 🇫🇰 25,000 metric tonnes
Saint Helena, Ascension, and Tristan da Cunha 🇸🇭 20,000 metric tonnes
t swift ✈️ 14,217 metric tonnes
and remember this is 2022 so before the eras tour and before she started dating the football guy and her shortest flight in 2022 (as of the study) was 36 minutes while just last week she took a 13 minute flight
anyways here are my sources teehee countries & swift
*you’ll see the number 8,293.54 floating around a lot but that study was only from Jan 1, 2022 - July 29, 2022. so do the math that averages about 1,184.79 per month.
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As I leave the land of my spotty youth and leave behind most of the 2022 midterm elections, I do so with a real nostalgia for the following provision of the U.S. Constitution:
Article IV, Section 4: The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government, and shall protect each of them against Invasion; and on Application of the Legislature, or of the Executive (when the Legislature cannot be convened) against domestic Violence.
This was placed into the new Constitution as a further device to exorcize the evil spirits of the Articles of Confederation, which blew goats. The passage has gone largely unexamined almost since it was adopted with the rest of the Constitution. (For example, it’s hardly mentioned in the Federalist Papers, and the Supreme Court, when it has taken up the subject at all, is incoherent on it.) But whatever “a Republican Form of Government” means, it cannot possibly mean the situation as it stands in Wisconsin.
On Tuesday, the Democratic Party got 51% of the vote statewide. This got the Democrats…30% of the seats in the state legislature. Any reasonable definition of “a Republican Form of Government” cannot possibly include this kind of result. It is completely and utterly a product of grotesque partisan gerrymandering sanctioned by the Supreme Court in its disgraceful decision Rucho v. Common Cause three years ago.
The die was cast on this atrocity last April, when the state supreme court ruled that this year’s elections would be contested on the ludicrous maps produced by the state legislature, itself the product of past gerrymanders. The U.S. Supreme Court was a critical accessory after the fact. From Wisconsin Public Radio:
"It was a reversal for Hagedorn, who joined the court's liberals in early March to choose a legislative map drawn by Gov. Tony Evers. But after the U.S. Supreme Court struck down Hagedorn's ruling based on the way it applied the federal Voting Rights Act to draw Black-majority districts in Milwaukee, it sent the case back to the Wisconsin Supreme Court to consider all over again."
You will note that the carefully manufactured conservative majority on the court was not shy about meddling with maps in this instance.
"'We could construct one ourselves or with the assistance of an expert, but time and our institutional limitations make that unrealistic at this juncture,' Hagedorn wrote. 'The remaining option is to choose one of the proposed maps we received as the baseline. Only one proposal was represented as race-neutral in its construction: the maps submitted by the Legislature.'
For Democrats, the decision was likely the worst-possible outcome. For the past decade, they've felt the sting of the 2011 map, which Republicans drew when they controlled all branches of state government. Even during years when Democratic candidates have performed well statewide, Republicans have maintained large majorities in the Legislature, thanks in part to a map that political scientists have said is among the biggest partisan gerrymanders in modern U.S. history. The new map, drawn by Republicans and made law by four justices on the state Supreme Court Friday, further entrenched that advantage, giving Republicans a realistic shot at a two-thirds majority that would let them override a governor's veto. It took effect despite being vetoed by Evers last year and being initially rejected by the state Supreme Court last month."
The best chance that Wisconsin has to un-fuck itself here comes next April, when an election could bring a Democratic majority to the state supreme court, which theoretically could open the door to maps that less closely resemble a game of three-card monte. Of course, John Roberts and the gang put the kibosh on the last attempt at un-fucking last April. The roundness and completeness with which extreme conservatism has deformed the American republic is occasionally stunning.
Maps are an indispensable tool for outlining natural features, human boundaries and transportation networks. But when it comes to depicting how many people are in a given place — how populations are distributed —a traditional map has distinct drawbacks. Mapmakers have sought to offset this limitation through an innovation that's known as a cartogram.
There are two types of cartograms. Distance cartograms are often used to show stylized bus or subway routes. They depict networks without strict adherence to location or range. The other type is called an area cartogram. In these graphics, the size of each shape making up the map — like counties, states or nations — is adjusted to represent a different variable, often the number of people living there.
Cartograms can highlight the difference between places with large populations (or large amounts of whatever variable is replacing area) and places with large amounts of land and/or water, but which have small populations. In other words, a cartogram shows population density in a graphic format.
There are many different ways to develop an area cartogram. In a contiguous cartogram, the shape of a specific area is altered to account for differences in population (or another variable), but shapes retain their positions relative to one another. This approach leads to distortion of the basic shapes. Another is a non-contiguous cartogram, which means that the shapes can move and resize without remaining in position with their neighbors. Rather, the shapes keep their usual form, and are scaled in size based on population (or other variable).
Cartograms can be helpful in interpreting data when the number of people is important. For example, area cartograms are often used to display election outcomes when the variable of interest is total number of votes — not some rate or percentage. An election results cartogram is an increasingly common tool used to help highlight dynamics related to population density. In conventional maps showing election results large areas that are sparsely populated take up the most space, and thus have the most visual impact, while more densely populated areas that take up very little land area have far less visual impact despite representing many more people.
In an non-contiguous area cartogram of Wisconsin, the state's counties have been resized according to their their populations. Counties with large populations grow bigger than they would appear on a standard map, and counties with sparse populations shrink in comparison.
These two maps of Wisconsin's counties highlight a few key points about the distribution of the state's population. First, the cartogram emphasizes how overwhelmingly large Milwaukee County's population is, relative to all other counties in the state. Dane and Waukesha counties stand out as the next two largest after Milwaukee. In addition, the other counties on the southern and eastern edges of the state together represent a preponderance of Wisconsin's total population. Another takeaway is just how different an area-based map and a population-scaled map look. It's easy to think of Wisconsin's rural areas as making up a lot of the state, but in terms of population they are quite small.
A cartogram can help make sense of any topic where the important information is in the number of people, and there is wide variation in population density in a region. For example, cartograms can be useful illustrations of economic activity, immigration, school enrollment, votes, jobs or housing numbers.
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