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militant-holy-knight · 4 years

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In the “holy” Islamic month of Ramadan, a 14-year-old Christian girl, Myra Shebaz, was abducted by a group of Muslim men led by a man named Muhammad Naqash in Pakistan’s Faisalabad. The armed abductors fired a round of bullets in the air warning onlookers against any retaliation before forcing Myra into their car. The Movement for Solidarity and Peace, a human rights organization in the country, attests that about 1000 non-Muslim girls aged between 15 and 25 are converted and forcefully married off to Muslim men every year. Back in February, the Pakistani high court determined that the forced conversion and marriage of another 14-year-old Christian girl, Huma Younos, to an older Muslim man was legitimate and permissible. Myra, too, was married to her abductor. These cases have become so commonplace in Pakistan that they fail to shock us now. With girls, minors at that, being regularly terrorized by the hundreds, we wonder where the renowned Pakistani feminist, Malala, is, since otherwise she speaks volumes about the welfare and education of girls.

For years now, she has been brazenly cashing in on that one horrific incident that had befallen her. Several other classmates of hers suffered similar attacks, but didn’t win the benignity of assorted media houses in developed western nations. Malala Yousafzai, the 22-year-old manufactured activist of the liberal ecosystem, has time to visit developed Japan to preach to its civilized leaders about the education and well-being of women. but has no breath to spare on the continual violation of human rights, countless abductions, and forced religious conversion of teenage girls in her country, Pakistan. The very Pakistan that Ms Yousafzai promises is a perfectly safe paradise, while she herself is living in exile, surrounded by the security and liberties offered in a foreign land.

The personification of selective virtue, as I have observed her to be, she didn’t waste a minute before jumping on the bandwagon of fake propaganda after the abrogation of Article 370 by the Indian government back in August 2019. To advance Pakistan’s interest, she peddled fake narratives with all her might on Twitter.

In the past several years, the constant conflict in Balochistan has been the subject of some of the major media coverage; incidents of violence on Balochistanis by the Pakistani army have are frequent. These are all corroborated reports, unlike the claims of brutality against Kashmiris made by keyboard warriors who shy away when interrogated legally. But Malala, the young face of the leftist propaganda machinery, posturing for peace in Kashmir, never addresses the insurgency in her own country and its state-sponsored hostilities on Balochistanis.

“The people of Kashmir have lived in conflict since I was a child, since my mother and father were children, since my grandparents were young. For seven decades the children of Kashmir have grown up amidst violence,” she tweeted. She, however, appears to have zero concern for the persecuted minorities of her country, despite the fact that they have been living under interminable threat since the inception of Pakistan.

An Indian Twitter user sought her help in saving two Hindu teenagers who had been abducted and forcefully converted to Islam on Holi in 2019. Yet this demi-goddess of courage who doesn’t tire of waxing eloquent about women-empowerment could sum up no better response to a call for help than to block the Twitter user immediately.

Sikhs on both sides of the border held protests and demonstrations over the abduction and forced conversion of Jagjit Kaur in Pakistan last year. This heinous incident was followed up by yet another abduction and religious conversion of a Hindu girl by a member of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), Pakistan’s ruling party. Sindh has been infamous since antiquity for its stories of stolen brides. Yet not a word of condemnation or concern flashed out of Malala’s blue-ticked Twitter account against these evil practices that are rampant in her country. This is a Nobel laureate who has been decorated for her struggle against the oppression of children.

Malala once penned an open letter to the 219 Nigerian schoolgirls seized by Boko Haram militants from their boarding school. Why? Did these young girls in terrorists’ captivity have access to her virtual verbosity? It was all about publicity for Malala, if you ask me.

With her proclivity for publishing open letters, why not address one to the government and people of her own country and make an appeal to end this decades-old monstrosity of targeting vulnerable girls of hapless families from the religious minorities in Pakistan – the peaceful and welcoming homeland she keeps selling to her fans in the west? She lends her voice to selective issues that would ingratiate her to the people of Pakistan, and help her pave a smooth way right into the center of Pakistani politics. Such a shame that the United Nations gave her a pedestal to push her fabricated narrative even further!

#terrorism #news #politics #big think

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indiansangini-in · 3 years

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carolin0smith · 2 years

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cutsliceddiced · 4 years

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New top story from Time: Recollections of a Long Siege in Kashmir

A military siege is like a chokehold on an entire people.

I was a teenager when I lived through a long curfew in Kashmir in the 1990s when the rebellion against Indian rule was at its peak. After decades of betrayals, broken promises, and pent-up resentment, Kashmiris had risen up in arms. Hundreds of thousands of ordinary Kashmiris marched through the streets in a mass eruption. India rushed in thousands of troops, turning the idyll of Kashmir into a dystopian garrison overnight. Everyone began to call the valley “a beautiful prison.”

The long war in and over Kashmir began soon after the Partition of British India in 1947. At the time, the future of the independent state of Kashmir was left undecided; in 1948, after India and Pakistan had fought their first war over Kashmir, it was agreed that a U.N.-mandated referendum would be held to allow Kashmiris a say in whether they joined India or Pakistan. That promise has yet to be honored. In 1987, a state election was rigged to prevent a new and popular Kashmiri party from gaining legislative power, leaving Kashmiris more disillusioned than ever. Pakistan readily handed Kashmiris arms and training, leading to full-blown mass uprising. The early 1990s were a time of daily bloodletting, as the Indian armed forces responded with limitless force, killing and torturing hundreds. Hundreds of protesters were killed by the paramilitaries from January to May 1990 alone.

On January 21, 1990, one day after India sent an all-powerful governor to stymie mass protests, at least 50 people were killed on the Gaw Kadal bridge in Srinagar, the main city in Kashmir. The paramilitaries surrounded unarmed demonstrators on the bridge and indiscriminately shot at them with automatic rifles. They then poked the piled-up bodies on the bridge to check if anyone was alive.

Robert Nickelsberg—Getty ImagesAn Indian Border Security Force soldier shows a suspected militant to people in a line of parked military vehicles, Srinagar, India, on July 28, 1994.

Far away in the arcadian countryside and along the Line of Control, the de-facto border that separates the disputed region into Indian- and Pakistan-administered territories, hundreds were killed in battles between the insurgents and Indian forces. Kashmir’s mountains became open burial grounds. Soon, we saw bloody internecine battles, too, as Pakistan decided to back pro-Pakistan militants to diminish those who favored an independent Kashmir. As if Kashmir hadn’t seen enough death, for some time, Kashmiris were killing one another on the streets. By day, Kashmiris were busy counting their dead, or mending their broken-bodied kin; at night, they contemplated their future.

Kashmiri Pandits, a Hindu minority who had lived together with Kashmiri Muslims for centuries, left in an almost overnight exodus. More than 200 Pandits were targeted and killed by the militants; facing mortal fear, they just left their age-old homes for the hot plains of India and became refugees. Delhi has since then used their enormous tragedy and suffering to demonize Kashmiri Muslims.

In the city where I was—Srinagar, Kashmir’s biggest city—the sight of the “coffin car” (an armored carrier deployed by the Indian armed forces in residential neighborhoods) and the olive green “gypsy” (a customized jeep used as a patrol car) would send us boys fleeing. They would sweep down a street and grab and nab. The sheer glimpse of these monster vehicles would terrify parents.

On Aug. 5 this year, when India imposed the worst-ever siege on Kashmir and unilaterally revoked the region’s long-held autonomy, I wasn’t merely reminded of all this—I simply relived everything. The soul-crushing 70-day long curfew that I experienced growing up in Kashmir never really leaves you. It follows you like a second shadow, invisible but inerasable.

In the 1990s, soldiers marched outside in chain-like formations at intervals. Our movements to see neighbors, friends, or just to walk a bit, after weeks of being restricted indoors, had to be timed to the rounds. A slight miscalculation would result in someone or the other at the receiving end of rifle butts. The soldiers could shoot you dead on mere suspicion because draconian laws that India imposed in 1990 gave the armed forces complete immunity from prosecution. The laws remain in place even today. Violence, brute power, and total freedom to exercise that power are essential tools in the hands of an occupying military. The message to the natives is clear: to break your spirit, we can do anything to your bodies.

One evening, we were playing carrom in my uncle’s house next door when we heard a commotion outside, then loud cracks, then shouting and screaming. The paramilitaries had chased a shadow in the by-lane that led to our neighbourhood from a traffic artery and pulled apart a door that they thought had helped the escapee. We held our breath.

We never found out who was beaten up, tortured, or taken away.

Alixandra Fazzina—NOOR/ReduxWomen make their way home at dusk as clouds of tear gas engulfs the air in the stone strewn streets surrounding the Jama Masjed following riots in Srinagar in Dec. 2008.

Food began to run out. Kashmiris, conditioned by harsh winters and a long history of political repression, are accomplished hoarders of food and memories. We hang ornate garlands of sun-dried turnip, gourd, eggplant, on our balconies and roof terraces. We keep large amounts of rice and pulses in man-size vats of copper or earthenware. We store so many medicines that each house has a mini pharmacy in the kitchen or living room. We remember years and seasons as that curfew or this. People who get married during sieges sometimes come to be called “curfew bride” or “curfew groom.” We remember. All of this to nourish the primeval seed of survival, as hard times begin to loom—and they do ever so often.

We dig into these repositories when the snows or soldiers arrive. The snows are always welcome, as they replenish our mountains and inject fresh life into our springs and gardens. The soldiers are never welcome because they inevitably kill or torture—both the young and old, men and women. They land in Kashmir for one thing and one thing alone: to deliver imperial punishments to a people who’ve never accepted India’s rule over them.

As the curfew lasted months, and days and nights began to get longer and more dreadful, boys in the neighbourhood started to hatch plans to do something about it all. A festival day was approaching perhaps, and people whispered that some households were barely managing to feed their children with sparse meals of rice and beans. People helped each other, of course, with tins and bags of rudiments but everyone knew the stores were running out. We were alright, I remember, and didn’t go without meals, but only just about.

An older boy with whom I’d often played cricket in an apple orchard nearby, let it be known that we could all go on an expedition into the picturesque Dal Lake, a ten-minute walk from my parents’ home. Srinagar, one of the oldest cities in the world, is a town crisscrossed by water. It is hemmed in by the famous Dal Lake on the east, and the great river Jhelum runs through its heart in the old town. The people of the city have always depended on its water bodies for food and transport. It is a city defined by water. Although rampant urbanisation and bureaucratic venality have eroded Kashmir’s water bodies during the last few decades, fresh vegetables and fruit are to this day sold at the shores of the lake. The produce arrives daily from an intricate network of small lake-side farms, floating gardens, and inland waterways.

And it was into these un-curfewed patches of land on water, water on land, that I went on a rickety boat nearly thirty years ago to hunt for food. Or is ‘forage’ a more appropriate term? We set off by a narrow clearing away from the main shore in our parts – there were rumours that the armed forces had acquired naval boats to patrol the lake, to lay a siege on the water, too.

The boat was slow, somewhat precariously inclined in its negotiation with the surface of the lake. I had a makeshift paddle, perhaps an old cricket bat or a plank of wood. But what I do remember clearly is that we rowed with all our strength to cover ground quickly, glances darting left and right in case an unexhausted vegetable patch came into view, in case a kind farmer spied us from his perch somewhere in the dense growths and understood at once what we wanted, needed. There was, of course, an air of thrill, adventure, on the boat but we also knew it was a rather desperate situation.

Prashant Panjiar—AnzenbergerYoung Kashmiris play a game of carrom on the bank of the Dal Lake in Srinagar, the capital of Jammu and Kashmir.

Each of us returned with something in our hands. A bottle gourd, a batch of withered greens, lotus stems, some potatoes perhaps too… The neighbourhood, like most others across Kashmir survived the curfew by sheer graft, collective action, and what came to be known as a ‘shutter economy’, which meant shopkeepers sold or loaned basic goods to people secretly, from under the shutter.

In that summer and autumn, after we’d scoured for vegetables in that wobbly Shikara boat, I quickly turned from boyhood into youth, became someone who lived amidst curfews and sieges, witnessing the image of the pastoral idyll – Kashmir – breaking to reveal the terrifying darkness of oppression.

The current siege of Kashmir, complete with an unprecedented, three-month-long communications blackout, is in many ways a continuation of the sieges that have come before. Yet this one might stay for a long time, a permanent siege in some form or the other. Because history tells us Kashmiris will not relent, even as they are, more than ever, surrounded by the jackboots of an occupation.

via https://cutslicedanddiced.wordpress.com/2018/01/24/how-to-prevent-food-from-going-to-waste

#Time #top stories #IFTTT #news

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shoukatali · 4 years

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The struggle of Kashmiri women during Indian lockdown

A mother unable to get updates from the hospital about her premature newborn. A bride who couldn’t have the wedding of her dreams. The photojournalist who risks double harassment by security forces due to her profession and her gender.

Ever since Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Hindu-nationalist government stripped occupied Kashmir of its autonomy in August and placed the Muslim-majority…

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comepraisetheinfanta · 7 years

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Shobha Nehru, left, with President John F. Kennedy and Indira Gandhi in 1962. Mrs. Nehru’s husband was ambassador to Washington at the time.GEORGE TAMES / THE NEW YORK TIMES

By ELLEN BARRY

APRIL 28, 2017

NEW DELHI — Shobha Magdolna Friedmann Nehru, a Hungarian Jew who narrowly escaped the Holocaust, married into India’s leading political family and witnessed religious and ethnic violence convulsing both her native and adopted countries, died on Tuesday at her home in the Himalayan foothills. She was 108.

Her death was confirmed by her son Ashok.

Mrs. Nehru was known by her Hungarian nickname, Fori, but did not often speak about her background. After marrying the Indian diplomat Braj Kumar Nehru in 1935, she took the name Shobha (which was selected by her in-laws), dressed in saris and was so thoroughly assimilated that acquaintances often took her for a pale-skinned Kashmiri Pandit, like the Nehrus themselves.

As a member of the Nehru household, she grieved beside the bodies of Mahatma Gandhi, Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi, all of whom were assassinated. And at a key moment in the country’s history, she delivered a hard truth to an imperious leader who rarely heard it.

Mrs. Nehru typically stayed away from political matters, but she took the unusual step of confronting Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, her close friend and cousin by marriage, when she believed that the state of emergency Mrs. Gandhi declared in 1975 had too severely rolled back human rights in India.

She later recalled presenting Mrs. Gandhi with a list of men who said they had been forced to undergo vasectomies during a coercive mass sterilization campaign spearheaded by Mrs. Gandhi’s son, Sanjay. Expecting to encounter resistance from the prime minister, she had asked each man for his telephone number.

“I said, ‘Indu, you know I never talk to you about politics, never, no,’” Mrs. Nehru said in an interview with Indian state television. “‘Please look at this — these are all complaints about sterilization of young boys and old men. You know yourself that there is no need to sterilize. Why?’ She listened, looked at me. ‘But.’ What but?”

Mrs. Nehru’s husband, in his own memoir, reflected that virtually nobody — including himself — was willing to take the risk of alienating Mrs. Gandhi, who resented any criticism of her son. He said his wife was less cautious, and “certainly on more intimate terms with Indira Gandhi than I was.”

“I guess she was like that,” Ashok Nehru said. “She felt she had to get the truth across to her. It was a close family relationship, not a political relationship. She felt free enough to do that.”

Mrs. Nehru was 90 when she asked an Oxford classmate of her son’s, the British historian Martin Gilbert, to suggest some reading material on the history of the Jews. Mr. Gilbert wrote that he was perplexed by the inquiry, having always seen her as “an Indian woman,” until she recounted the story of her childhood in Budapest.

“Auntie Fori wanted to learn the history of the people to whom she belonged, but from whom, 67 years earlier, she had moved away, to the heat and dust and challenges of India,” Mr. Gilbert wrote in “Letters to Auntie Fori: The 5,000-Year History of the Jewish People and Their Faith,” published in 2002.

She was born on Dec. 5, 1908, into a prosperous, assimilated Jewish family that had changed its surname from Friedmann to the less Jewish-sounding Forbath. Her mother’s family, Mr. Gilbert wrote, was one of the few Jewish families licensed, under the Austro-Hungarian empire, to use the aristocratic prefix “von.” She rarely visited a synagogue except to collect her father after services.

“She used to say, ‘Both my sister and I didn’t believe in all this stuff,’” Ashok Nehru recalled. “She said they would stand outside the synagogue, stamping their feet in the cold.”

An anti-Semitic tide was rising in Hungary, and the family was forced by law to revert to the name Friedmann. In 1919, hoping to stave off a Communist revolution, right-wing mobs roamed the streets, killing Jews.

“Once a week my father would travel to the villages to get food,” she told Mr. Gilbert. “He had a house on Lake Balaton. One summer we went there — by train — and I saw people hanging from trees. It was terrible for us children to look at.”

By the time she was 20, strict quotas had been introduced for Jewish students in Hungarian universities, and her parents sent her to the London School of Economics. There she met B. K. Nehru, a member of a distinguished Kashmiri family, whose cousin Jawaharlal was already a leader of the Indian independence movement (and would later become India’s first prime minister).

Her parents were skeptical of the match, Mr. Nehru recalled in his memoir: “How could their beautiful and lovely daughter marry a black man in a distant country of which they know nothing, and who, by his own confession, belonged to a family of jailbirds?”

His parents were skeptical as well. But when the two sets of parents met in Budapest, there was a sudden thaw, Mrs. Nehru told Mr. Gilbert.

“They were sitting in the sitting room,” she said. “I was crying in my bedroom. My future mother-in-law had to go to the loo. She came by my room — saw me crying. She said, ‘We must let them do what they want to do.’”

The Hungarian bride stepped off the ship in a sari and never looked back.

As part of a countrywide tour, she was taken by her future mother-in-law to the prison where Jawaharlal Nehru was being held by the British. Seeing that she was in tears, he later sent her a gently chastening letter, informing her: “Nehrus don’t cry in public. They keep a stiff upper lip.”

Meanwhile, her relatives and friends in Hungary were scattering. Her father was saved by his German housekeeper; her brother, an officer in the Hungarian Army, swam across the Danube to Czechoslovakia; her best friend drove across the border with her son hidden in the trunk of her car.

She was busy with her own crises in India. As partition approached, Delhi was flooded with refugees: Hindus who had been pushed out of Pakistan, Muslims who were boarding trains for Pakistan, mobs pumped with murderous rage on both sides. She learned, after she had helped families crowd onto one such train, that everyone aboard had been dragged off and killed while crossing Punjab.

“Can you imagine the horror?” she told Mr. Gilbert. “For several days we sent no train.”

For the newly arrived refugees, she began an employment campaign, opening a shop to sell the handicrafts of refugee women that grew into a vast network, the Central Cottage Industries Emporium.

She would not return to Hungary until 1949, along with three sons who had never seen her in anything but a sari.

“She used to go out every day, to meet her friends,” her son Ashok, who accompanied her on that trip, recalled. “Many of them had disappeared. Many had been raped by the Russians or killed by the Germans. They were harrowing tales. I remember her coming back crying.”

B. K. Nehru died in 2001. In addition to her son Ashok, Mrs. Nehru is survived by two other sons, Aditya and Anil; four grandchildren; and three great-grandchildren.

As the wife of a high-level dignitary, Mrs. Nehru moved from Washington, to the northeastern state of Assam, to London, but thoughts of Hungary’s Jews never entirely left her. She told Mr. Gilbert that at official receptions, she could not bring herself to shake hands with the German ambassador.

“I have a feeling of guilt,” she said. “I wasn’t there. I was safe. The guilt feeling is still with me. Why should I not have suffered?”

#this happened a few days ago but I found it fascinating so I'm sharing #tgwogj

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arsalan012b-blog · 4 years

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gbnewsurdu · 4 years

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Burushaski songs for bride Gogomeye haan fath etas baa sayibam Jamepay hanar niyas baa sayibam By meherangez mir. About Burushaski Burusho Communities Known to its speakers as mishāski (or ‘our idiom, our language’), Burushaski is mainly spoken in the Hunza, Nagar, and Yasin valleys situated in the Gilgit- Baltistan region of Pakistan (formerly known as the Northern Areas). There are no official records on the total number of Burushaski speakers. Based on personal communication with native speakers of Burushaski in different regions, this study estimates the total number of Burushos (speakers of the Burushaski language) in Pakistan to be around 100,000. There are significant dialectal differences between the Yasin variety (Werchikwar) on the one hand, and the Hunza and Nagar varieties on the other. The Hunza and Nagar valleys are situated in the Hunza-Nagar District, and the Yasin valley is in the Ghizer District of Gilgit-Baltistan. About 300 speakers of Burushaski live in Srinagar, the summer capital of Jammu & Kashmir, India. This variety, which separated from the Nagar variety in 1890-’91, is a distinct variety of Burushaski exhibiting systematic differences from other varieties. The following map is a closer look at the Gilgit-Baltistan region of Pakistan, showing the Hunza, Nagar, and Yasin valleys. Burushaski is spoken in a region home to speakers of several language families: Indo-Iranian, Tibeto-Burman, and Altaic. It has been greatly influenced by languages such as Persian, Arabic, Urdu, Khowar, Shina, Wakhi, Balti and Kashimiri. Almost all Burushos (speakers of the Burushaski language) are bilingual in their native language and at least one of the other regional languages, e.g. the Indo- Aryan Urdu, Shina, Kashmiri, Khowar, or the Tibeto-Burman Balti. Among these, Urdu has a special status in that it is the lingua franca of the region and the language of literacy. Just as it has for speakers of other minority languages, the dominance of Urdu has resulted in a strong push for a majority of Burushos to shift to Urdu. As a result, many younger-generation Burushos only have a receptive proficiency in Burushaski. With greater means of mobility, more and more people have chosen to move to bigger cities for education and employment. As a result, they shift to using Urdu as their primary language. Thus, imperfect knowledge of the language is very common and fluency in Burushaski among speakers of the second and third generations is rapidly declining. A lack of institutional support and cultural homogenization through education and media have also greatly contributed to a drive towards language shift. Because the language is primarily preserved orally and literacy in the first language is practically nonexistent, the survival of the different varieties of Burushaski is greatly threatened. The language has a very rich storytelling tradition which is yet to be fully explored. Burushaski also boasts of a flourishing tradition of Ginan/Qasida and Nauha, which are genres of religious poetry among Muslims of the region, and largely a result of linguistic and cultural contact with Urdu and Persian. Many Burushos have expressed a strong need for the documentation and preservation of Burushaski oral literature, which is at risk of being lost when the present older generation passes away. Classification Burushaski is a language whose proposed linguistic classification and genetic affiliations have been controversial. Many studies on Burushaski deal with attempts to trace its linguistic origins (cf. Toporov 1970-71, Bengston 1991-1998, Tuite 1998, Čašule 1998- 2009, among others). For example, according to Bengtson, Burushaski would belong to a “Macro-Caucasic” family under the “Dené- Caucasian” macrophylum (Bengston 1991-1998) – a proposed, transcontinental branch consisting of Basque, languages spoken in Daghestan, North-West Caucasian languages, Na-Dene, and Burushaski. Čašule (1998, 2004, 2010, 2014) has attempted to demonstrate links between Indo-European, more specifically its Paleo-Balkanic branch, and Burushaski. None of these studies has provided conclusive evidence for a genetic relationship between Burushaski and an existing language so far. Therefore, the language is still considered a linguistic isolate. Other languages designated as language isolates are Basque, the language of the Yeniseian Kets, and the Nivkh and Yukaghir languages. Dialects There are three major regional varieties (dialects) of Burushaski, viz. Hunza, Nagar, and Yasin Burushaski. Stark differences are observed between the Yasin variety (also called “Werchikwar”) on the one hand and the Hunza and Nagar varieties on the other. The latter two, between which the differences are less striking, are claimed to have descended from what would have been a single variety at some point. Dialectal differences are observed mostly in lexicon and phonology, but also in morphology and syntax. 🌷🌷🌷🌷 Le by GB News

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1rupeematrimony-blog · 4 years

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divinum-pacis · 5 years

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Kashmiri Shiite Muslim brides sit for a mass marriage event in Srinagar, Indian-controlled Kashmir, on July 15, 2018. Mass weddings in India are organized by social organizations to help poor families who cannot afford the costs of a ceremony as well as the customary dowry and expensive gifts that are still prevalent in many communities. (AP Photo/Mukhtar Khan)

#religion #islam #shia #muslims #women #wedding #kashmir #divinum-pacis

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nomadic-travel-blogger · 5 years

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Traditions, Customs & Lifestyle of People of Ladakh

The culture of Ladakh

Ladakh is not just about scenic views and mountains. It is also the people of Ladakh that makes it more beautiful. Their culture, traditions, customs, and lifestyle is almost similar to that of people in India. Ladakhi people share the roots of Tibet and Central India and rely on agriculture for their source of income. Some locals are dependent on tourism and tourists are the source of income. So, basically it is in the months of April to July when they earn major chunk for their livelihood. But, in some ways the people in Ladakh are different, their face resembles the people of the North East which is akin to Tibet people. Their clothes are different, the way they style themselves is different from people in other parts of the country. Otherwise, they live a life like others in the country with gratitude and joy.

You will also find a community of Muslims in Leh known as the Arghons which were originated from the marriage of local women with Kashmiris. Their appearance is more like Indo-Aryan, but the culture is similar to that of other Ladakhis. Does the culture of Ladakh excites you to make a trip already? Check out Ladakh Tour Packages now.

Traditions & lifestyle of Ladakh

Talking about the traditions, Buddhism has been in the roots of Ladakh which is why the lifestyle of people is inspired by Tibet's lifestyle. People in Ladakh have been practicing inheritance since ages. The elder son is given responsibility as he becomes mature. You will also see very strong community values in the people of Ladakh. They are very dedicated and help each other when it comes to cultivating lands. That is why we say it is the agriculture that keeps them together. They grow enough that they keep some for themselves and sell some in the market.

Sheep rearing is another profession practiced in Ladakh. It is the Changpas that take care of long hairy sheep and goats in the tents. The look for meadows and then settle in tents.

Celebrations in Ladakh

Ladakh is also known for its festivities, the Ladakhis celebrate their festivals very religiously. As soon as the festival season arrives, the clan gets so excited and the vibe around is so positive and alive. There are many festivals people of Ladakh celebrate which include, famous Tibet festival known as Losar Festival, Sindhu Darshan Festival, Ladakh Festival which is the cultural festival in Ladakh. Another famous festival is the Hemis Festival which is one of the biggest and favorite festivals of people in Ladakh. There is a Diskit festival which happens for 2 days and is celebrated yearly in October-November. Masked dance performance is very famous in the Diskit festival in Ladakh.

Stongdey Gustor Festival is a must-visit festival in Ladakh which takes place in June every year. It is celebrated in the Stongdey Monastery with full joy and enthusiasm. You will find many locals and even tourists attending this festival.

Now, this is why Ladakh is a famous tourist place, the culture, people are so good and humble. Are you looking for Ladakh Tour Packages already?

Ladakhis are known for playing quite good sport including polo, cricket, hockey, and football. Archery is a very famous sport in the summer. Many Archery competitions are held in the village and also in the National Archery Stadium in Leh.

Food habits in Ladakh

As we said, the traditions are mostly similar to those of Tibet, the food habits are no different. You will find Thukpa, Momos, Butter Tea, Home Made Noodles, Khambir, Paba, Tangtur in Ladakh. There is a different and unique style of tea that you will find in Ladakh which is made up of green tea, butter, and salt which is influenced by Central Asia. The taste is very different, but now you will also find the Indian style tea in Ladakh with tea, milk, and sugar. It has become quite popular now.

So, this is basically everything about people of Ladakh, their food, custom, traditions, and lifestyle. But, one thing that attracts us to this place is the respect and independence women are provided with. Women go out and work independently and have a reputed status unlike many cities in India which are highly developed. Also, people don’t follow the tradition that the groom cannot live with the bride’s family. The people in Ladakh are very open-minded in such cases. And, that is why we love this unique, beautiful place in our country India.

#go2ladakh

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risprinabeachw-blog · 5 years

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Kashmiri matchmaking

Horoscope Matching, Kundali Matching for Brahmin Kashmiri Pandit Matches Another group does the blending, boiling and frying. Be prepared to learn by heart and perform the rigorous and strict norms of religious ceremonies, before, after and in between any given occasion. See how the sunlight blinds you when it touches his face! The description and keywords of Kashmirishaadi were last changed more than a year ago. Omaira and Mohsina met only a few months ago and struck up a good rapport, given that they are of a similar age. One type of Kashmiri wazwan by Shonaly Muthalaly Reprinted from TheHindu. All of them then offer prayers before settling down to endless rounds of tea, and conversations about life, death, love and everything in between. April 14, 2017 Kashmiri Matrimonials - No 1 for Kashmiri Matrimony, Marriage and Indian Matrimonials.

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Once Popular Matchmakers, Kashmir's Transgender People Continue to Struggle for Equality Preparing wazwan for a Kashmiri wedding The women sit in a circle singing beguiling folk songs, steadily working their way through baskets piled high with the leaves. With no policies to safeguard their rights, education or employment, matchmaking and performing at weddings has been their main livelihood. All this time it was owned by Anand Mittal of People Interactive I Pvt. Join our friendly website and browse through the millions of profiles of different religion, state, countries and community. It is not available to common public thus no issues of meeting wrong or false profiles. Best Proposals Available of Matchmaking for Marriage Tages: Kashmiri Family, Kashmiri Family Rishtey, Kashmiri Family Rishta Service, Kashmiri Family Proposals, Male Kashmiri Proposals, Female Kashmiri Proposals, Kashmiri Rishtey, Marriage Bureau, Matrimonial Services, Rishta Service, Matrimonial Site, Matchmaking, Match Making, Dulha, Dulhan, Grooms, Brides, Proposals, Male Proposals, Female Proposals, Rishtey, Life Partner, Larka Larki Boy, Girl,.

Kashmiri Brides Girls Matrimonials Come now and join us, make you free profile and find your soulmate! A wedding meal may have anywhere from 24 to 40 courses! He is the living ad of the loveliest and fairest of all fairness cream! Some of them were even killed. Even a witch may be embarrassed and consider plastic surgery. With 24 courses on the day of the wedding, this is — of course — far more than most people can comfortably eat. Omaira did not have much option but to quit school after qualifying for the 10th grade. In September 2014, after the Supreme Court ruled in favour of recognising the third gender, the Jammu and Kashmir government formed a high-level panel headed by the chief secretary to formulate policies for the welfare of transgender people in the state.

Kashmiri Family Proposals There are so many features, which make this website user friendly. Kashmirishaadi has a decent Google pagerank and bad results in terms of Yandex topical citation index. Over the time it has been ranked as high as 1 439 099 in the world, while most of its traffic comes from India, where it reached as high as 109 529 position. . When you are in quest of bride for marriage, can help to find your soulmate.

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