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#Nora Markard
fabiansteinhauer · 2 months
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Steinhauer-Manifest
We can't stand -- sheep sleeping in their own secrets.
An opera (a passionate acting work) could and would combine both, both parts of the parted.
Wozu ius, das eine Kunst der Gutmachung oder Vergütung, der Veredelung und des Durchgehenden ("ars boni et aequi") ist? Weil man es kann. Warum nicht immer ausdifferenzieren? Weil man es nicht muss. Die epistemische Praxis der Rechtswissenschaft und überhaupt der Produktion juristischer Weisheiten und gewiss richtig gerechten Wissens umfasst mehr als das Schreiben von Gutachten und Urteilen, mehr als Schlüssel- und Schleusenqualifikationen. Weniger auch, wie etwa Letter, die nur minore Objekte sind, die lassen, indem sie gelassen sind. Steinhauer-Manifest ist nicht mein Manifest. Ich würde es trotzdem, gerade darum unterschreiben.
Bei Recht kooperiere ich, egal wann, wie, wozu und wo, wenn auch nur so oder so. Wenn Kötter und Seidl so eine Kooperation als Episode auf dem Weg von einer Kreditanstalt zum Pol anlegen, dann sogar besonders engagiert und besonders degagiert, besonders verbindlich und gelöst.
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rightsinexile · 4 years
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A hole of unclear dimensions: Reading ND and NT v. Spain
This piece was written by Prof. Dr. Nora Markard, King's College London. It was originally published by the law blog EU Immigration and Asylum Law and Policy on 1 April 2020.
On 13 February 2020, the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights rejected in N.D. & N.T. the complaint of two migrants who had been pushed back by Spanish border police to Morocco – overturning the 2017 Chamber judgment that found a breach of the prohibition of collective expulsion. An NGO observer commented that the Grand Chamber judgment “will be perceived as a carte blanche for violent push-backs everywhere in Europe [...]. Push-backs at the border to Morocco are a longstanding Spanish practice, which has become a model for other states along the European Union’s external land borders.”  [Read more here.]
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freenewstoday · 3 years
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New Post has been published on https://freenews.today/2020/11/28/call-to-withdraw-german-police-from-greek-migrant-pushbacks-dw-28-11-2020/
Call to withdraw German police from Greek migrant 'pushbacks' | DW | 28.11.2020
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The human rights spokesman for Germany’s center-left Social Democrats (SPD) Frank Schwabe said German federal police assigned to EU Frontex patrols should be withdrawn if implicated in so-called migrant “pushbacks.”
The demand follows revelations that since April, six migrant boats have been forced by Greek coast guards to return to Turkey, with allegations of risky manoeuvers and outboard motors being damaged in an attempt to illegally block access to asylum.
“Germans must on no account be involved in pushbacks, not even indirectly,” Schwabe told the magazine Der Spiegel and ARD public television’s investigative Mainz Report on Saturday.
If Frontex, the EU’s external border agency, did not stop the involvement of German federal police units in such pushbacks, then “the German contingent must be withdrawn,” insisted Schwabe.
Read more: Mitarakis: ‘We are protecting our borders in line with international law’
Involvement in pushbacks at sea could even leave German police open to charges of complicity in offenses, international law expert Nora Markard told Der Spiegel.
Blocked inflatable, didn’t rescue
Citing an internal Frontex letter to the European Commission Saturday, the magazine said federal police on board the German patrol boat BP62 reached an overloaded inflatable boat inside Greek waters on the morning of August 10. 
Instead of immediately rescuing some 40 persons on board, the patrol boat blocked the occupants’ route to the adjacent Greek island of Samos and waited half an hour until the Greek coastguard “took over” the incident.
A photo two hours later showed Turkish coastguards rescuing the 40 occupants, suggesting Greek coastguards had towed their inflatable back into Turkish waters.
Frontex chief Fabrice Leggeri, in his internal report to Brussels, had written, said Der Spiegel, that the migrant inflatable turned back to Turkey upon the arrival of the Greek coastguard, which later documented the occurrence at an “obstructed entry.”
The German police assigned to Frontex did not even file a “serious incident report,” claimed the magazine.
Read more: French police use tear gas to dismantle Paris migrant camp
Frontex carrying out “illegal pushbacks”
“Frontex must in the meantime assume that the Greek coast guard is carrying out illegal pushbacks,” said Constantin Hruschka of Germany’s Max Planck Institute for Social Law and Social Policy based in Munich.
“In such a case, Frontex must ensure that this does not happen and that the refugees are given access to an asylum procedure,” Hruschka insisted.
Last week, the 47-nation human rights body the Council of Europe (CoE) slammed what it called “credible” allegations that Greece carried out pushbacks across its border with Turkey, including migrants on land forced to re-cross the Evros River.
The CoE said a report compiled by its anti-torture committee raised concerns “over acts by the Greek Coast Guard to prevent boats carrying migrants from reaching any Greek island and it questions the role and engagement of FRONTEX in such operations.”
Greek government spokesman Stelios Petsas, replying to multiple CoE accusations, said that detention camp conditions had “significantly improved recently” and noted that fewer migrants were arriving.
Greece experienced a 90% drop in arrivals from May to October 2020, compared to the same period last year, the Greek migration ministry said last week. 
Read more: EU sees sharp drop in migrants illegally entering via Turkey
Arriving during those months in 2020 had been 4,345 people, compared to 44,348 from May to October in 2019.
Migration Minister Notis Mitarachi said Greece’s widely condemned practice of detaining unaccompanied asylum-seeking children, often in squalid conditions, would be discontinued.
ipj/mm (Reuters, AFP, AP, dpa, KN)
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fabiansteinhauer · 5 months
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Stiftung Forum Recht
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Was ist eigentlich die Stiftung Forum Recht? Das ist eine garantiert staatsfreie Stiftung, die neben allem dem, was Recht ist, 'gebaut' ist, damit die Leute einmal sehen und diskutieren können, was Recht ist. Das können sie zwar auch so, aber man hat offiziell die Musealisierung und Vermittlung juristischer Errungenschaften beschlossen und dafür Geld reserviert, das nun ausgegeben wird. Man kann die Stiftung Forum Recht eine öffentlich-rechtliche Propagandaanstalt nennen, aber im guten Sinne, denn das Ziel ist, die Leute daran zu erinnern, wie errungen und erfolgreich das mit dem Recht in Deutschland ist. Man sagt, dafür bestünde Bedarf.
Dieses Forum ist unumstritten das unumstrittenste Forum in Deutschland.
Im Stiftungsbeirat sind ein paar Juristen (they are all honourable!), die allesamt, wen überrascht es, im öffentlichen Recht und in der Staatsrechtslehre organisiert sind. Das Projekt wurde insbesondere von Susanne Baer initiiert, die ist auch Staatsrechtslehrerin. Man kann die Stiftung eine Staatsrechtslehrererstiftung nennen, das wäre der neutrale Name für die Stiftung derer, die als Organsiation meine professionellen Intimfeinde sind.
Dass Sabine Müller-Mall oder Nora Markard dabei sind, verbuche ich jetzt nicht als gleich als Verrat (ich gehe davon aus, dass sie mit der sogenannten Ehre überrumpelt wurden), wünsche den beiden Hochgeschätzten aber mit Nachdruck alles Gute und viel Spaß im Beirat, da könnte ihr nur leider nix gestalten, darauf wette ich einen Dujardin. Wieviel Staatsrechtslehrer sind im Beirat? Ich habe dreimal gezählt, jetzt ist mir alles egal, von mir aus könnten es sicherheitshalber 25 sein: am besten für jedes an der Finanzierung des neuen Stromnetzes beteiligten Bundeslandes einen oder zwei Staatsrechtslehrer, damit es im Beirat auch gerecht und ausgewogen zugeht.
Die juristische Expertise ist auf jeden Fall gesichert, deutsch und staatslehrerhaft. Das wäre ja noch schöner, wenn die Privatrechtler oder Strafrechtler mitmischen würden. Ein grundlegender Schweizer ist immerhin dabei, aber das muss auch reichen. Mehr Ausland wäre zuviel.
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Eine zeitlang bestand keine Hoffnung, dass die Stiftung Forum Recht ein unabhängiger und intellektuell freier Ort wird. Jetzt besteht begründete Hoffnungslosigkeit, dass Folgendes demnächst der Fall sein wird: auf der Tagesordung wird stehen, dass das bald einmal erledigt werden müsste: Man müsse für frischen Wind sorgen.
Man kann sich die Stiftung Forum Recht vom frischen Wind her, der dort weht, wie ein Landesmedienanstalt vorstellen, nur besser temperiert und planvoller gelüftet. Während das MMK in Frankfurt einfach mal die Arbeiten von forensic architecture zeigt und während in allen Öffentlichkeiten ohnehin Recht involviert ist und die Leute das auch sehr genau wissen, arbeitet die Stiftung Forum Recht sorgfältig an architektonische unumstrittener Forenverdopplung.
Im November haben sie in einem Kino Rashomon gezeigt, nächsten Jahr zeigen sie vielleicht dann einmal die 12 angry men zeigen, aber zu viel Aufregung und Trubel muss auch nicht sein - und Ruandagroup wird wie alles auch nur irgendwie Verdächtige U d angeblich zu Komplizierte auf jede Fall nicht eingeladen, das dürfte so sicher sein wie ein Knoppers morgens um halb zehn in Deutschland. Dafür werden insbesondere zwei in dem Beirat dorgen, deren Namen ich nicht nennen muss, jeder kennt sie. Wo die beiden hochprofessionell Einträchtigen sind, da ist Umstrittenes ausgeschlossen.
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So wird das nichts, Stiftung. So organisiert man einen evangelischen Kindergarten, aber keinen öffentlichen, das heißt im Wind freigestellten Ort. Bin ich der einzige, der protestieren muss, wenn er sieht, was brav gekämmte Zirkel dort tun? Antrag: Arbeit sofort einstellen und für das Geld Anzeigen schalten, die Leute sollten mal öfters ein Gericht besuchen, an den kommunalen Parteiversammlungen teilnehmen, wer eine Rechtsschutzversicherung hat, solle ab und zu mal seinen Nachbarn wegen irgendwas verklagen. Den Podcast kriegt man auch so hin.
Man muss diesen Ort nicht mit einem Bürgerhaus in Bad Cannstatt oder einer Qualitätssicherungsanstalt in Solingen vergleiche , sondern mit dem, was auf der Biennale in Sao Paulo oder in Galerien in Kiev, was in den Clubs von Benguela, den Küchen des Gaza-Streifens und in indischen Puffs, in der argentischen Bürokratie und in hochfinanzierten Orten des Silicon Valley passiert: Dort sitzen die aktuellen Falten und die Perzeption ist in den Falten, dort verlaufen die gründlichen Linien - und es gibt hunderte von Juristinnen und Künstlerinnen, die das alles dokumentieren und jeden Tag vorführen. Rashomon ist ein fantastischer Film, aber das steht fest - und ich fürchte, dass die Stiftung Forum Recht eine Stiftung zur Vermeidung jeden Risikos ist, der Beirat ist hochrespektiert und absolut unumstritten, also fehl am Platze, denn das Forum ist zumindest im römischen Sinne genau das Gegenteil eines unumstrittenen Ortes.
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Wann hören die Frechheiten eigentlich mal auf? Never, nicht solange ich lebe. Solange ich lebe, höre ich das bellen und belle ich zurück. Die Anstalt ist pastoral und protestantisch aufklärerisch, das macht der Werbespruch, der eine Kontrafaktur zu dem Lied Let's talk about sex von Salt-N-Pepa darstellt, deutlich. Vermutlich wird das Forum in Leipzig und Karlsruhe jeweils ein Gebäude bekommen, in dem dann regelmäßig Schulklassen zwei Stunden staatsbürgerliche Bildungsanstalt erfahren und erleben sollen.
Wieviel Geld wird pro Jahr in juristische Fakultäten und Fachbereiche investiert, also in die Ausbildung von Leuten zu Juristen? Nicht genug? Im Kuratorium sind alle Parteien in schönen Proportionen vertreten, kein Grund zu Sorge, um das Wörtchen Kuratorium einmal gegen ein anderes auszutauschen.
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rightsinexile · 4 years
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“Lack of federal data and the legal complexity of individual instances of statelessness make it impossible at the current moment to provide accurate estimates of the number of stateless persons in the United States. However, the CMS report identifies over 35 groups of persons with members who are potentially stateless or potentially at risk of statelessness, and it used Census data to find persons who matched these profiles. It also draws upon limited administrative data on refugees and asylum seekers to supplement its estimates of persons who are potentially stateless or potentially at risk of statelessness.” Statelessness in the United States: A study to estimate and profile the US stateless population. Center for Migration Studies. January 2020. 
“The rhetoric surrounding refugees and migrants has become increasingly polarized over the last decade. The global recession exacerbated feelings of economic and social dislocation for the working and middle class in many countries, caused by rapid globalization, the changing nature of work, shifting demographics, and increased strain on post-World War II era social welfare systems. Tapping into these real and perceived feelings of loss, politicians on the far right in many countries have combined populist economic policies with nativist worldviews, using immigrants and refugees as scapegoats for changing economic realities.” Refugees as assets not burdens: The role of policy. Dany Bahar and Meagan Dooley. Brookings. 6 February 2020. 
“This study applies the motivation – opportunity – ability (MOA) theoretical framework to study the intention – behaviour gap for asylum seekers and refugees who are currently transiting through Egypt and are intending to leave the country in the short term. Primary data were collected through the narratives of fifteen asylum seekers or refugees, coming from South Sudan, Libya or Syria.” Narrative analysis of Syrians, South Sudanese and Libyans transiting in Egypt: A motivation-opportunity-ability approach. Hélène Syed Zwick. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies. 3 February 2020. 
“ICMPD’s Migration Outlook presents a brief analysis of migration and policy trends and provides an outlook on developments and events to watch out for in 2020. Thus, the outlook does not claim to foretell the future or to cover all relevant trends. It wants to use past experience and highlight what might happen and is important to consider.” ICMPD Migration Outlook 2020. International Centre for Migration Policy Development. February 2020. 
“Pressure on Syrian refugees in Lebanon to return home is rising. Although Syria remains unsafe for most, refugees are trickling back, escaping increasingly harsh conditions in Lebanon and hoping that the situation will improve back home. Procedures that clarify refugees’ legal status are making return more plausible for some.” Easing Syrian refugees’ plight in Lebanon. International Crisis Group. 13 February 2020. 
“This report explores the effects that enforced destitution has on women who have sought asylum, particularly those women whose claims were rejected, and highlights the urgent need to end this inhumane and ineffective policy. To the best of our knowledge, this report represents the most detailed contemporary account of asylum-seeking women’s experiences of destitution in the UK.” Will I ever be safe? Asylum-seeking women made destitute in the UK. Women for Refugee Women. 11 February 2020. 
“The UK's Immigration Rules allow for refugees to be joined in the UK by immediate family members in certain circumstances. Provisions in EU law (the Dublin III Regulation) can also be used to reunite families separated across the EU/UK. The Regulations will cease to apply in the UK after the Brexit 'transition period'. This has given extra impetus to pre-existing calls to widen the scope of the UK's rules.” The UK's refugee family reunion rules: A comprehensive framework? House of Commons Library. 13 January 2020. 
“Based on the site visits, interviews conducted and the evidence obtained, UNSMIL confirms that between 23:28 and 23:39 on 2 July 2019, a foreign aircraft conducted an attack on the Daman complex in Tajoura, which struck two buildings in the complex. DCIM reported that at least 53 migrants and refugees were killed in the attack, namely 47 men and six boys. Those killed were reportedly citizens of Algeria, Chad, Bangladesh, Morocco, Niger and Tunisia. DCIM also stated that 87 male migrants and refugees were injured. Injured migrants and refugees were transferred to four different hospitals in Tripoli, namely the Tripoli University Hospital, Mitiga Hospital, Abu Slim Hospital, and the National Heart Center (also called Tajoura Heart Hospital). Fifteen of those injured were returned to detention following treatment.” The airstrikes on the Daman building complex, including the Tajoura Detention Centre, 2 July 2019. United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR). January 2020. 
“This report provides an overview of the legal framework regulating the detention of asylum seekers in Greece and an analysis of the ‘low profile detention scheme’ – under which single males from certain countries are automatically detained – implemented on the island of Lesvos. It then identifies concerning trends and potential legal violations in implementation of this policy. Finally, the report provides a summary of the new 2020 Law on International Protection.” Locked up without rights: Nationality-based detention in the Moria refugee camp. HIAS. December 2019. 
“An Italian court has ruled that the country’s Cabinet presidency and defence ministry were responsible for the refoulement of 14 Eritrean nationals in July 2009, when a warship rescued some 80 people and took them back to Libya, ignoring requests for international protection.” Italy guilty of refoulements in 2009 handover of Eritrean shipwreck survivors to Libya. Yasha Maccanico. Statewatch. January 2020. 
“The Court has never questioned the legitimacy of the national lists of “safe third countries” as such, nor has it declared that a given third country was (or was not) safe. The current approach of our Court is mainly procedural; it is focused on examining the procedural guarantees that must necessarily underpin the evaluation carried out by domestic authorities. The deporting State cannot simply rely on its own definition of the third country as safe, and it has a general procedural obligation to carry out a fair and thorough examination of the conditions in that third country.” Articles 2, 3, 8 and 13: The concept of a “safe third country” in the case-law of the Court. European Court of Human Rights. 2018. 
“Would the disembarkation of migrants and refugees in North African countries by EU state vessels, including vessels participating in a Frontex operation, comply with international obligations and European law? Thus, can Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Morocco and Tunisia be considered ‘Places of Safety’ for rescued persons? Can private vessels, including NGO rescue vessels, be obliged to disembark rescued migrants and refugees in places which are unsafe? Can they refuse to follow such a command without breaking the law? Is it in line with international and EU law if European Maritime Rescue Co-ordination Centres (MRCCs) shift their coordination responsibility for SAR onto MRCCs in North Africa?” Places of safety in the Mediterranean: The EU’s policy of outsourcing responsibility. Prof. Dr. Anuscheh Farahat and Prof. Dr. Nora Markard. Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung. February 2020. 
“The epidemic of violence and the deterioration of economic and social conditions in the Central American countries of El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala have forced large numbers of people to head north to Mexico and the United States in search of safety and security. Every year, hundreds of thousands of people continue to be forced to flee to escape death threats, physical assault, sexual violence and confinement. Increased displacement across the region coupled with sharply reduced options for international protection have created a humanitarian crisis that demands a coordinated humanitarian response. Governments in the region must place the wellbeing of individuals at the center of their migration policies.” No way out: The humanitarian crisis for migrants and asylum seekers trapped between the United States, Mexico and the Northern Triangle of Central America. Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF). February 2020. 
“New refugees must complete a number of complex tasks which, research by the British Red Cross and other organisations has shown, are almost impossible to achieve in 28 days. These include opening a bank account, finding a job and/or applying for mainstream benefits (and receiving the first wages or payment), and finding and moving into new accommodation. Homelessness legislation prescribes 56 days for Local Authorities to support people threatened with homelessness. Yet, despite having additional vulnerabilities, refugees are currently given half this time to find a new place to live.” The costs of destitution: A cost–benefit analysis of extending the move-on period for new refugees. British Red Cross. 2020. 
“It is estimated that around 15 percent of the world’s population has a disability. This percentage is likely to be higher in displacement situations. However, persons with a disability are often under-identified at reception, which negatively impacts their access to protection and assistance. Forced displacement disproportionately affects persons with disabilities who are more likely to be left behind or abandoned. They are often at higher risk of violence, exploitation and abuse, face barriers to access basic services, and are often excluded from education and livelihood opportunities.” UNHCR’s approach to persons with disabilities in displacement. UNHCR. 2019.
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