#upper volta

[vintagepromotions]

‘Air Afrique - folklore of the Upper Volta’

Air Afrique travel poster for the Republic of Upper Volta (now Burkina Faso) (c. 1960). Artwork by Jean Dessirier.

#vintage poster #vintage travel poster #1960s #air afrique #Jean Dessirier #Burkina Faso #Haute-Volta #Upper Volta #french #travel #tourism #africa #air africa #mask #elephant #folklore

[mywifeleftme]

213: Pierre Sandwidi // Le Troubadour de la Savane

Le Troubadour de la Savane Pierre Sandwidi 2018, Born Bad (Bandcamp)

In a reissue biz that has been absolutely rocking for the past decade, it takes something to stand out, but Le Troubadour de la Savane, 1976–1980 (The Savannah Troubadour) is easily one of the best compilations of recent years. It surveys the career of Burkina Faso great Pierre Sandwidi, collecting most of his singles and a few album tracks cut during the prime of his brief recording career. (Of note: The misnamed comp includes a number of songs from 1982.) Then as now, Sandwidi’s country was economically destitute thanks to the lingering effects of colonial rule, military coups, and drought, and opportunities to record physical music in the 1970s were rare. West Africa is rich in musical tradition, so it’s not a surprise the country produced an artist as distinctive as “the singer from the bush”—but it feels like a stroke of luck that he was documented at all. Sandwidi’s music reflects the sounds of Afro-Beat, high life, funk, and rumba that were ascendent in the region, but also French pop: his music has a sound of his own, pensive even when it dances, cosmic and twinkling even as it protests the state of affairs on the ground.

Sandwidi’s music is fairly lo-fi compared to some of the music being produced in neighbouring countries, but he makes a virtue of it. Much of is less beat-forward than I’m accustomed to in African music. On “Ouaga affaires” (“Ouaga Business”), the bass and drums fade into a kind of hypnotic tidal pull beneath a shimmering sea of organ chords and ultra clean high life guitar. The icicle gleam of “Je suis un salaud” (“I’m a Bastard”) and “Fils du Sahel” (“Son of the Sahel”) almost puts me in mind of ‘80s private press synth-pop, while “Tond Yabramba” (“‘Round Yabrama”) improbably finds a midway point between late ‘60s English prog and Middle Eastern pop of the same era. There are excellent funky tunes to be had here (e.g. “Mam Ti Fou,” “Yamb ney capitale”), but I feel like the relatively muted reaction to Troubadour may come down to the fact that this sound doesn’t quite fit the predilections of the beat obsessives who tend to be the most obsessive about this era and region. But if you’re looking for African music that sounds as apt on a rainy day as sunny one, give this one a try.

213/365

#pierre sandwidi #burkina faso #burkina faso music #upper volta #upper voltan music #west african music #west africa #high life #afro beat #'70s music #'80s music #funk #music review #vinyl record

[boricuacherry-blog]

#volta jazz #upper volta #article #colonialism

[whatdourelfeyessee]

Wenis this, Sam maybe being a body double again that, the rate at which I leaped to my feet upon the Burkina Faso question could break sound barriers. I knew the answer with absolutely no help and I've known the answer since I was a child. I have never wanted to reach into the episode so bad before.

#game changer #it had always been an inside joke between me and my dad #he'd ask me what the capital of burkina faso was and id answer #fun fact it used to be called upper volta! #anways this was my slumdog millionaire moment

[belorussiandino]

guys its upper volta look

unshaded

#art #countryhumans #digital art #countryhuman #countryhumans upper volta #countryhuman upper volta #he is NOT the german empire #same flag though #but he's upper volta #basically burkina faso #but in and around the 60s #👍

[postcards-and-postcrossing]

Sunday Stamps: Uniforms Stamps

“Uniforms” is the theme for this week Sunday Stamps. Russia – 2019 History of the State Courier Service of Russia 1797 Grenada -1971 29th Regiment of Foot 1794 Upper Volta – 1976 American Revolution Bicentennial Top Yorktown Siege, – Bottom Battle of Trenton Equatorial Guinea – 1977 Napoleon Mini Sheet

View On WordPress

#-american revolution #-courier #-equatorial guinea #-grenada #-horse #-Napoleon #-officers #-revolution #-russia #-soldiers #-two #-uniform #-upper volta

[xtruss]

From ‘Genghis Khan with Rockets’ to a ‘Gas Station with Nukes’: How the EU’s Top Diplomat Updated a Lazy Russophobic Slur

Josep Borrell used a modern variation of a jaded trope to abuse Russians: here’s where the lazy stereotype comes from

— RT | August 20, 2023 | By Konstantin Dushenko

Josep Borrell Fontelles (Western Catalan: [ʒoˈzɛb boˈreʎ fonˈteʎes]; born 24 April 1947) is a Spanish Politician serving as High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy since 1 December 2019.

Unlike Beijing, Moscow isn’t a “real geopolitical player,” EU foreign policy chief Josep Borrell claimed in an interview with the El Pais news outlet published on Saturday. According to Borrell, Russia is economically weak due to a dependency on energy exports. Nevertheless, the diplomat alleged that Moscow poses a threat to EU security, pointing to the conflict between Russia and Ukraine.

“Russia is an Economic Dwarf, It is Like a Gas Station Whose Owner Has an Atomic Bomb,” Braindead, Boak Bollocks and an Idiot to His Core Borrell Stated.

The metaphor he used is rooted in deep cultural layers. Although the EU’s top diplomat may not realize it, similar expressions have been used against Russia for many decades.

An insult defining the USSR as “Upper Volta with missiles” has been widely used since the 1980s. It has now morphed into the idea that Moscow runs a “gas station with nuclear weapons,” which appears to have its origins in comments from the late US Senator John McCain, who rarely, if ever, saw a Western-backed war he didn’t like.

In the 21st century, the origin of this type of phrase has been repeatedly debated. It will be shown below that it goes back to statements from the 19th century thinker Alexander Herzen and has more than a century and a half of history behind it.

Here are Four Successive Variations of the Metaphor:

Genghis Khan with the Telegraph and Congreve Rockets

Genghis Khan with the Atomic Bomb

Congo with Missiles

Upper Volta with Missiles

In all these formulas, the first part symbolises some force seen as uncivilised, and alien to Western values, and the second part symbolises the achievements of Western civilisation, primarily in the military field.

Genghis Khan with the Telegraph

In early 1857, the librarian Baron Modest Korf’s book about Nicholas I’s accession to the throne was published in St. Petersburg. It was written at the behest of the monarch and published for the general public on an order from Alexander II. The purpose of the publication was to belittle the achievements of the Decembrists (unsuccessful revolutionaries in the 1820s) and discredit their motives.

In October 1857, an open letter from Herzen to Alexander II about Korf's book appeared. In order to prove the historical justification of the Decembrist movement, Herzen essentially challenged the poet Alexander Pushkin’s (then unknown) formula: “The government is the only European in Russia.” He wrote: “If we had made all our progress only in government, we should have given the world an unprecedented example of autocracy, armed with all that freedom has developed; slavery and violence, supported by all that science has found. It would be like Genghis Khan with telegraphs, steamships, railways, with Carnot and Monge at headquarters, with Minier guns and Congreve rockets under Batu's command.”

The “Congreve rocket” – a gunpowder projectile with a range of up to three kilometres – was invented by the British general William Congreve and laid the foundation for European rocketry. They were successfully used by the British army in the Napoleonic Wars: in the bombardment of Boulogne (1806), Copenhagen (1807) – the city was burned to the ground – and in the Battle of Leipzig (1813). However, from the second half of the 19th century, rockets lost their role as an important military weapon – for a century.

The metaphor of “Genghis Khan with the telegraphs” entered the public consciousness much later, at the end of the 19th century, and the great writer Leo Tolstoy played a decisive role in this. On 31 July 1890, he wrote to the lawyer and philosopher Boris Chicherin: “It was not without reason that Herzen spoke of how terrible Genghis Khan would have been with telegraphs, with railways, with journalism. This is exactly what has happened in our country.”

Russian writer Leo Tolstoy. © Sputnik

Tolstoy developed this idea in “The Kingdom of God Within You” (Paris, 1893; in Russian: Berlin, 1894): “Governments in our time – all governments, the most despotic as well as the most liberal – have become what Herzen so aptly called Genghis Khan with telegraphs, i.e. organisations of violence, having nothing as their basis but the most crude arbitrariness, and at the same time using all those means which science has developed for the aggregate social peaceful activity of free and equal people, and which they use for the enslavement and oppression of people.”

“Genghis Khan with the telegraph” is one of the working titles of Tolstoy's article “It is Time to Understand” (published in 1910). “The Russian Government,” it says, “is now the very Genghis Khan with the telegraph, the possibility of which so terrified him [Herzen]. And Genghis Khan not only with the telegraph, but with a constitution, with two chambers, a press, political parties et tout le tremblement… The difference between Genghis Khan with the telegraph and the old one will be only that the new Genghis Khan will be even more powerful than the old one.” The article was translated into the main European languages and, together with the treatise “The Kingdom of God Within You,” introduced Herzen’s metaphor to Western readers.

Thus, Tolstoy’s “Genghis Khan with the telegraph” is a definition not only of the Russian government, but of the modern state in general. In the revolutionary press, and then in the post-revolutionary Soviet press, this metaphor was usually applied to autocratic Russia. The extent to which it was associated with Tolstoy is illustrated by a remark by the eminent historian Mikhail Pokrovsky: “Leo Tolstoy called this [tsarist] state ‘Genghis Khan with the telegraph’.”

In the post-revolutionary emigré press, Herzen's words were applied to Bolshevik Russia. However, the ideologist of National Bolshevism, Nikolay Ustryalov, makes an important qualification: “It cannot be said that the old culture collapsed at once and completely. Nor can it be said that the new element – this ‘chauffeur’ or ‘Genghis Khan with the telegraph’ – is something absolutely primitive and homogeneous.”

In 1941, the same metaphor was applied in the Soviet press to the Nazi state: “Herzen once speculated with horror about the possible appearance of ‘Genghis Khan with the telegraph,’ about the coming barbarians equipped with advanced technology. But no one, not even the darkest imagination of the advanced people of the 19th century, could imagine what would happen in the 20th century, when fascist thugs began to realize their plans for the enslavement of mankind and the eradication of its culture”.

Genghis Khan with an Atomic Bomb

After the Second World War, the émigré philosopher Semyon Frank modernised the metaphor in its technical part, including the atomic bomb: “One hundred years ago, the astute Russian thinker Alexander Herzen predicted the invasion of ‘Genghis Khan with the telegraph’. This paradoxical prediction has come true on a scale that Herzen could not have foreseen. The new Genghis Khan, born from the bowels of Europe itself, has descended upon it with aerial bombardments destroying entire cities, gas chambers for the mass extermination of people, and now threatens to sweep mankind off the face of the earth with atomic bombs.” Frank uses the metaphor in the spirit of Tolstoy – as a universal characteristic of the modern state, free from the norms of human morality.

A reproduction of a portrait of Alexander Herzen, painted by Sergei Skulsky, from the collection of the Leningrad State Literature Museum. © Sputnik

Five years later, the émigré Socialist Herald published an article by publicist Pavel Berlin entitled “Genghis Khan with a hydrogen bomb.” The author traced the historical lineage of Russian communism back to the era of Tatar-Mongol rule, without stopping to assert that “Genghis Khan introduced a communism that went further than the Soviet one… Both systems were built on the complete detachment of the successful mastery of the latest technology, including, first and foremost, the technology of extermination, from the cultural soil that gave birth to it and developed it.”

“Leo Tolstoy,” writes Berlin, sharing a common misconception at the time, “put into circulation the expression ‘Genghis Khan with the telegraph’... reality brought us in the person of [Joseph] Stalin. Genghis Khan no longer with a peaceful and innocent telegraph, but with an all-destroying atomic bomb.” Now “we see… [Prime Minister Georgy] Malenkov with a hydrogen bomb.”

That same year, the July issue of the conservative magazine The American Mercury published an article by J. Anthony Marcus entitled “Will Malenkov Succeed?” The author wrote: “I recall those years when the manufacturing industry was extremely poor. Russia did not have a single tractor, tank, submarine, bomber or fighter of its own manufacture, let alone modern means of producing and distributing food and clothing and other necessities.”

“This is not the Russia that Malenkov inherited. Today he is Genghis Khan with atomic-hydrogen bombs, determined to use them to establish world domination – a course from which neither he nor his successor will ever be able to deviate for long.”

The similarity of this passage with the corresponding fragment of Berlin's article is obvious. Marcus, a staunch anti-Communist, was born in Russia, knew Russian well, had visited the USSR many times before the war on Amtorg business, and had the closest ties with the Russian political emigrants in America. Later one of the emigrant authors attributed this formula to Leon Trotsky: “Trotsky overestimated Stalin, calling him Genghis Khan with an atomic bomb”. Of course, Trotsky, who was assassinated in 1940, could not have said any such thing.

From the late 1960s, Herzen's metaphor was applied in the Soviet press to the USSR's Western adversaries: “Genghis Khan, armed with a hydrogen bomb and rockets, is no longer a fantasy, no longer a novelist's fiction, but a reality that must be reckoned with, lest one day we find ourselves in the position of humanity being forced to recognise the advantages of salamanders.”

In a 1971 article on the arms race in space, Herzen's warnings were redirected in accordance with the needs of Soviet propaganda: “Herzen was tormented by the thought of the fate of humanity and the fate of science, which had fallen into the power of lovers of colonial robbery and military adventures. It would be, wrote Herzen, ‘something like Genghis Khan with telegraphs, steamships, railways, with Minier guns, with Congreve rockets under Batu's command’.”

“Genghis Khan with telegraphs! Yes, then, in the middle of the XIX century, telegraph wire and Congreve rockets flying at two hundred fathoms were the ceiling of technical power, and the Russian Tsar and the French Emperor were the embodiment of tyranny and the trampling of human rights. Today it all seems like child's play. Rockets fly nowadays to Venus and Mars, and modern Genghis Khans own not only telegraphs, but also television installations, lasers, computers and many other things. The Genghis Khans of our days are also swinging into space.”

Genghis Khan monument outside Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia. © Getty Images/Mike Sheridan

Another Soviet author applies the metaphor to Maoist China: “Herzen saw this danger in the image of Genghis Khan with a telegraph. Leo Tolstoy wrote of Genghis Khan with a parliament. We now know that Genghis Khan with the atomic bomb and even Genghis Khan with a revolution, like Mao Zedong's 'cultural revolution', are also possible.”

Such comparisons were also made in the Western press, facilitated by the fact that Genghis Khan had long been synonymous with the 'yellow peril'. In 1968, a book by an American author on Yugoslavia quoted (without source) a “remarkable prophecy” by US Supreme Court Justice William Douglas (1898-1980), which the author of the book dated to 1955[19]. He was referring to the threat from Communist China: “The Russia of the next generation may indeed soften to the level of today's Communist Yugoslavia. If Asia industrialises and produces a Genghis Khan with a hydrogen bomb, Russia and America may become indispensable to each other if both are to survive.”

Congo with thermonuclear Missiles

After the creation of ballistic missiles with nuclear warheads, the mention of "Congreve rockets" gained unexpected relevance. As shown above, the theme of “Genghis Khan with missiles” emerges in the Soviet press as early as in the 1960s. The next transformation of the metaphor took place in France: instead of the name of Genghis Khan as a symbol of barbarism, the name of an African country appears.

In 1973, the book ‘What I Know about Solzhenitsyn’ was published in Paris. Its author, the art historian Pierre De (1922-2014), a member of the French Communist Party (CPF) since 1939, had written laudatory books about the Soviet Union in the 1940s and 1950s. In 1968, however, he greeted the Prague Spring with enthusiasm. In his new book, De recalled conversations with the writer Elsa Triole in 1968 (Elsa was then writing an article about Academician Andrey Sakharov's manifesto Reflections on Progress, Peaceful Coexistence and Intellectual Freedom):

“I had just published an article about the long time span of history, about profound movements on the scale of whole centuries, imperceptible to traditional analyses. She replied: There is a long Russian time, Pierre. And I would like to know where it leads... It was you who told me that Courtade, shortly before his death … told you that this country is the Congo with thermonuclear rockets (le Congo avec des fusées thermonucléaires).”

The credibility of this report remains questionable: Pierre Courtade, a member of the CPF Central Committee since 1954, as far as is known, remained an orthodox communist and apologist for the USSR until the end of his life.

The appearance of Congo in this formula is hardly accidental: in the 1970s, the Congo had a military dictatorship trying to build socialism on the Soviet model. In September 1973, the formula “Russia is the Congo with rockets” appeared in the headline of the German newspaper Die Zeit. The author of the article, François Bondy, cited the book by Pierre De. A year later, Bondy linked this formula to Herzen's metaphor.

Bondy, a Swiss journalist, writer and translator (including from Polish), a close friend of Romain Gary, a French writer of Russian origin, was, it must be assumed, well acquainted with Russian literature. Speaking to US state-run CIA mouthpiece Radio Free Europe about the prospects for détente, he said:

“You could say that by accelerating the process of complicating the system in Russia, you are accelerating its decline, because highly qualified Russians (allegedly) will not tolerate totalitarianism. I am not at all convinced. The simple and sobering fact is that our relations with Russia are different from those with any other country, and this is due to the historical, cultural and political ‘otherness’ of the Soviet Union. Pierre Courtade, former editor of the French Communist newspaper L'Humanité, described the Soviet Union after a recent trip there as ‘Congo with rockets’, echoing Alexander Herzen's fears of ‘Genghis Khan with the telegraph’. The truth is that we have no answer to this question. The best we can hope for is to encourage the keepers of the missiles to keep their missiles at a distance and to pay more attention to any move that this system might make to break out of its Congo.”

In the printed English version of the radio broadcast, the French term “des fusées” is rendered by the word “rockets.” However, the French "fusée" and the Russian “rocket” correspond to two terms in English – “rocket” and “missile.” The first usually means a space rocket, the second a military guided missile, including one with a nuclear warhead. The fact that the form “...with rockets,” which is still common today, appeared first is probably due to the genealogy of the expression, which goes back to the Russian-language metaphor. Since the 1990s, the form “Upper Volta with missiles” has also been used.

Upper Volta with Missiles

The replacement of Congo with Upper Volta, a small and impoverished African country almost invisible on the world map, emphasized the paradoxical nature of the metaphor. The first known reference to “Upper Volta with missiles” dates from the autumn of 1983. It is important to note that one of the central issues in the press at the time was the conflict over a South Korean civilian Boeing shot down by a Soviet air-to-air missile off Sakhalin Island on 1 September 1983.

On 28 October 1983, the left-wing British weekly New Statesman reviewed two new books on the USSR, including Andrew Cockburn's The Threat: Inside the Soviet Military Machin. Cockburn, the Irish-raised son of the British communist Claude Cockburn, has lived in the United States since 1979. The main thesis of his book is that Western politicians exaggerate the power of the Soviet war machine to justify their own arms programs. Soviet technology is decades behind Western technology. At parades, the missile forces (to quote a reviewer of the book) “display carefully lathed wooden missiles; the units marching on Red Square never learn how to fight; the new jets can stay in the air for only a few minutes.”

According to the reviewer, much of the book is true, but Cockburn is not free of the biases characteristic of the New Cold War, namely “anti-Russian racism, which tends to portray the Soviet Union as both weak and barbaric. Every counterrevolutionary, from Sidney Reilly to General John Hackett, has used this motive to incite hatred and aggression against the USSR. Those who accidentally shoot down Korean airliners are outside civilization. Those who bomb mental institutions in Grenada are simply ill-informed. The Russians are portrayed with a racist tinge: a bunch of dirty men pretending to be a great power – ‘Upper Volta with missiles’, as diplomats in Moscow joke.” Later evidence confirms that the expression originated in Moscow among foreign diplomats (and probably journalists).

A little earlier, in the spring of 1983, Ronald Reagan had described the USSR as an “evil empire.” This definition contrasts stylistically with the definition of “Upper Volta with missiles.” If the “evil empire” image demonized the USSR, the “Upper Volta with missiles” image challenged the notion of the USSR as a superpower.

US President Ronald Reagan. © Bob Daugherty/AP

A year later (1984), the Republic of the Upper Volta was renamed the Republic of Burkina Faso, but this name did not replace “Upper Volta” in our metaphor.

According to one popular version, the phrase “Upper Volta with rockets” was coined by the British journalist David Buchan. He was referring to his article “Moscow can do it too: Soviet technology exports,” published in the Financial Times in September 1984.

It was widely circulated during the years of perestroika. The Irish journalist Patrick Cockburn recalled: “'Upper Volta with missiles', a journalist said to me in my first days in Moscow. A week later, at dinner, a diplomat repeated the remark. Over the next three years, I heard the same annoying joke repeated many times, with mockery and contempt.”

Since the late 1980s, the phrase "Upper Volta with missiles" has been quoted in the German press, usually in reference to Helmut Schmidt (Federal Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany 1974-1982). The German version is "Obervolta mit Raketen" and also "Obervolta mit Atomwaffen" ("Upper Volta with atomic weapons").

In the Russian press of the 2000s, the same metaphor was often attributed to Margaret Thatcher. In 1999, British journalist Xan Smiley published a letter on the pages of the online resource POGO. Centre for Defence Information: “Henry Kissinger, Helmut Schmidt and even Mikhail Gorbachev have been cited as authors of this phrase. I'm sorry, but it was I who first put it into circulation. I think it was in the summer of 1987, when I was a correspondent for The Daily Telegraph (London) and The Sunday Telegraph in Moscow (1986-1989). At the time, the phrase was a source of amusing insults, and I was denounced in the Soviet press for being ‘rabidly anti-Soviet’ and the like.”

“In fact, I had previously heard the idea expressed in a similar way by a woman (not a journalist) who happened to be Zimbabwean, and I probably twisted the expression. Unfortunately, the people of Upper Volta have long referred to their country as Burkina Faso. Poor Upper Volta, though... it sounded both more hopeless and more amusing. In any case, it is not clear to me why the credit should go to the aforementioned bigwigs (if it is any credit at all).”

As shown above, Smiley was deluded in attributing credit to himself.

The Washington Post on 8 February 1991 quoted Russian politician Viktor Alksnis as saying, “The West used to think of the Soviet Union as Upper Volta with missiles. Today, we are considered just an Upper Volta. Nobody is afraid of us.” On 25 January 1992, Boris Yeltsin said in an interview with ABC television that Russian nuclear missiles would no longer be aimed at American cities as of 27 January. Komsomolskaya Pravda columnist Maxim Chikin noted in an article on 30 January: “The task is simple. Upper Volta with missiles minus missiles. What is left? Exactly.”

Let us also note an example of the use of Herzen's metaphor (in Leo Tolstoy's version) in the 2000s: “As the angry but not entirely witty revolutionary Herzen once put it, ‘Genghis Khan with a telegraph is even worse than Genghis Khan without a telegraph'. George Bush Jr. is precisely 'Genghis Khan with a telegraph’.”

The endurance of this metaphor, created more than a century and a half ago, is proof of the existence of the “long time span" of Russian history, to use French historian Fernand Braudel's term.

This piece was originally published by Russia in Global Affairs, translated and edited by the RT team

— By Konstantin Dushenko, a Russian Translator, Culturologist and Historian

#Boak Bollocks ​Josep Borrell Fontelles #Spanish Politician 🇪🇸 #High Representative #Union for Foreign Affairs | Security Policy #European Union 🇪🇺 #El Pais | Madrid | Spain 🇪🇸 #Moscow | Russia 🇷🇺 | Ukraine 🇺🇦 #Upper Volta | Gas Station | Atomic Bomb | Congo | Genghis Khan #Congreve Rockets 🚀 | Telegraph #Uncivilized | Western Values

[friendswithclay]

“Making dolo in the compound”

From: “studying cultures” by Ochoa-Becker, Anna ; 1979.

#friendswithclay #pottery #Republic of Upper Volta

[terriparts]

Upper volta 1951

Since the river had three tributaries: the Black Volta, the white Volta, and the red Volta, Upper Volta’s flag also had those three colors. Victorian Order of Nurses Day of Issue Cover This Canadian stamp was issued 5/12/97 to mark the centennial of the Victorian Order of Nurses. Thus Upper Volta was named for the region above the Volta river flowing in the area the people of that country/area where thus known as the ‘Voltaics’ (Voltaiques in French). Herrmann, R.N., Ed.D., FAAN, AAHN's President-elect or Dolores Heinzmann, RN, both serious collectors. contrast, the Nakambe River (Upper Volta basin, in Burkina Faso) shows an increase in runoff for the same period, leading to unexpected flood peaks that. Maass issued on the 50th anniversary of her death.Īll of the above stamps are courtesy of either Eleanor K. Algerian representatives were elected to the National Assembly since the 19th. A number of nursing historians have presented stamps as historical research at Annual AAHN conferences, generally focusing on the image of nursing presented by stamps.ġ958 Canadian stamp "Health Guards the Nation"ġ961 Columbian stamp honors Manuelita de la Cruz, Red Cross nurse who drowned while on duty during floods of 1955.ġ964 Colombian stamp honors Red Cross nurses.ġ953 Netherlands stamp honoring Red Cross nursesġ966 Upper Volta stamp depicting nurse as symbol of Red Cross helping the worldĬirca 1970's Honduras stamp honoring Red Cross nursesġ951 Cuban stamp honoring Clara L. Algeria was considered a part of France by the French rather than a colony. The United States has had far fewer postal stamps commemorating nursing than other countries. 10 shows the age incidence of paralytic cases for. Postal stamps are a practical way that countries can honor individuals or subjects. cases was approximately the same as in recent years : 1950, 68 1951. French Upper Volta Topical Postal Stamps, Mint Hinged French Upper Volta Stamps, French Upper Volta Famous People Postal Stamps, 1951-1960 Year of Issue Unused US Stamps (1941-Now), Unused US Stamps (19th Century), 2 Cent Unused US Stamps (1941-Now 1951-1960 Year of Issue), Forever Stamp Unused US Stamps (1941-Now), 3 Cent Unused US Stamps. | Part 2: US Stamps | Part 3: Clara Maass First Day Covers | Upper Volta - Volume 5 Issue 55 Skip to main content Accessibility help We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites.

#Upper volta 1951

[loudterri]

Upper volta was ruled

The main railroad line connects Ouagadougou with the Côte d’Ivoire port of Abidjan. Service industries account for a small portion of the workforce.īurkina Faso’s transportation network has been under development. Manufacturing plants process cotton and foods and beverages and make such products as textiles and soap. Gold is mined and exported, and large deposits of manganese and bauxite are known to exist. Droughts sometimes disrupt the agricultural economy and force large numbers of people to move to neighboring countries, such as Côte d’Ivoire and Ghana. Goats, sheep, and cattle are raised in large numbers. Crops include sorghum, millet, sugarcane, corn (maize), and peanuts. The great majority of the labor force is engaged in farming or stock raising. Malnutrition and such diseases as malaria and dengue and diseases that cause diarrhea are common. Health and sanitary conditions are generally poor, and infant mortality is high. The University of Ouagadougou is the primary institution for higher education. School enrollment is among the lowest in Africa. Moore, which is the language of the Mossi, is spoken by a majority of the population. French is the official language, but it is not widely spoken. Most of the people are Muslims, nearly a third are Christians, and most of the rest follow traditional local religions. The largest by far is the Mossi, who make up about half the population. People and Economyīurkina Faso has many ethnic groups. Rainfall ranges from less than 10 inches (25 centimeters) a year in the northern parts to about 40 inches (100 centimeters) in the southern parts. The climate is generally sunny, hot, and dry, since the southern part of the country is only about 10 degrees north of the Equator, and the northern part is just south of the Sahara. The disease-causing tsetse and simulium flies are widespread. Animals include antelope, lions, elephants, buffalo, hippopotamuses, monkeys, and crocodiles. Some of the few remaining forests have been set aside as wildlife preserves. Most of the woodlands have been cleared for farming. Much of the country’s surface is covered in wild grassland or desert. Burkina Faso occupies a low plateau that slopes downward to the south.īurkina Faso is bounded on the north and west by Mali on the south by Côte d’Ivoire, Ghana, and Togo on the southeast by Benin and on the east by Niger. A tributary, the Sourou, joins them in the north as they flow southward toward Ghana and converge to form the Volta River. These are the Black Volta, the White Volta, and the Red Volta. The country was originally named for the three upper branches of the Volta River that flow through it. Area 104,543 square miles (270,764 square kilometers). The country’s capital and largest city is Ouagadougou. Formerly known as Upper Volta, it was once affiliated economically with France, which ruled it for more than 60 years. (2) As head of the Patriotic Movement for Safeguard and Restoration (Mouvement Patriotique pour la Sauvegarde et la Restauration īurkina Faso is a landlocked country in western Africa. (1) A military coup on January 23–24, 2022, deposed the democratically elected president, suspended the constitution, and dissolved.Literacy: percentage of population age 15 and over literate Male: (2018) 49% Female: (2018) 31%.Life expectancy at birth Male: (2019) 60.5 years Female: (2019) 64 years.Density: persons per sq mi (2022) 211.7.Head of government Prime Minister: vacant 1.Official name Burkina Faso (Burkina Faso).

#Upper volta was ruled

[ingpiner]

Upper volta country

President Aboubakar Sangoulé Lamizana prohibited political party activities on September 21, 1966. Colonel Aboubakar Sangoulé Lamizana assumed the presidency on January 7, 1966. Colonel Aboubakar Sangoulé Lamizana suspended the constitution and dissolved the National Assembly on January 5, 1966. Colonel Aboubakar Sangoulé Lamizana took control of the government and arrested Maurice Yaméogo. President Maurice Yaméogo resigned on January 4, 1966. President Maurice Yaméogo declared a state-of-emergency on January 1, 1966. Union workers demonstrated against the government in Ouagadougou beginning on December 31, 1965. Legislative elections were held on November 7, 1965, and the Voltaic Democratic Union – African Democratic Rally ( Union Démocratique Voltaique– Rassemblement Démocratique Africain – UDV-RDA) won 75 out of 75 seats in the National Assembly. President Maurice Yaméogo was re-elected without opposition on October 3, 1965. On January 11, 1965, President Maurice Yaméogo issued a decree ending government subsidies for traditional chiefs. President Maurice Yaméogo signed a military assistance agreement with the French government on April 24, 1961. The National Assembly unanimously elected Maurice Yaméogo as president on December 8, 1960. The National Assembly adopted a constitution on November 6, 1960, and the constitution was approved in a referendum held on November 27, 1960. The United States government recognized Upper Volta’s independence and formally established diplomatic relations with Upper Volta on August 5, 1960. Crisis Phase (August 5, 1960-June 21, 1970): Upper Volta formally achieved its independence from France with Maurice Yaméogo as the country’s first president on August 5, 1960.

#Upper volta country

[xlmains]

Upper volta 1951

#Upper volta 1951 full

Après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, le 4 septembre 1947, la colonie fut recréée dans ses frontières initiales au sein de l'Union française. La colonie fut dissoute le 5 septembre 1932 et chacune de ses parties étant administrée par la Côte-d’Ivoire, le Soudan français et le Niger. C'est aussi l'année où la direction régionale Afrique occidentale de la Compagnie française pour le développement des fibres textiles (CFDFT), qui avait pour mission d’organiser au mieux la culture du coton, est installée à Bobo-Dioulasso. La Haute-Volta était une colonie de l’Afrique-Occidentale française (AOF) établie le 1er mars 1919 à partir des territoires qui formaient auparavant le Haut-Sénégal et Niger et la Côte d'Ivoire.Volta Garaia izenak, herrialdeak, Volta ibaiaren ibilgu garaia (Volta Beltza) eta honen bi ibaiadarrak, Volta Zuria eta Volta Gorria, aurrekoaren adarra zela adierazten du. 1958ko abenduaren 11n Goi Voltako Errepublika Autonomo bezala berreratu zuten, Frantziako Erkidegoaren barnean, eta bi urte beranduago, 1960ko abuztuaren 5ean, erabateko independentzia lortu zuen. Bigarren Mundu Gerraren ondoren, 1947ko irailak 4an, kolonia, Frantziar Batasunaren zati bezala berrezarria izan zen, bere aurreko mugekin. Kolonia 1932ko irailaren 5ean desegin zuten Boli Kostan, Frantziar Sudanen eta Nigerren artean banatuta. Volta Garaia (frantsesez: Haute-Volta) 1919ko martxoaren 1ean ezarritako kolonia bat izan zen, eta Boli Kostako kolonien zati izan ziren lurraldeetatik sortua.The river is divided into three parts, called the Black Volta, White Volta and Red Volta. The name Upper Volta indicates that the country contains the upper part of the Volta River. On 4 August 1984, the name was changed to Burkina Faso.

#Upper volta 1951 full

On 11 December 1958, it was reconstituted as the self-governing Republic of Upper Volta within the French Community, and two years later on 5 August 1960, it attained full independence. After World War II, on 4 September 1947, the colony was revived as a part of the French Union, with its previous boundaries. The colony was dissolved on 5 September 1932, with parts being administered by the Côte d'Ivoire, French Sudan and the Colony of Niger.

Upper Volta (French: Haute-Volta) was a colony of French West Africa established on 1 March 1919, from territories that had been part of the colonies of Upper Senegal and Niger and the Côte d'Ivoire.

#Upper volta 1951

[iejust]

Upper volta with missiles schmidt

#Upper volta with missiles schmidt series#

#Upper volta with missiles schmidt free#

Bush took American power to its high point. But it was one of his critics, Ronald Reagan, who set the scene for the ultimate triumph: peaceful victory in the Cold War. Henry Kissinger's challenge was to reverse that, and in many ways he succeeded. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, mainly because of Vietnam, it ebbed. "As the Soviet Union recovered from wartime devastation and entered the nuclear arms race, that lead shrank, and it has continued to shrink as other economies?€”e.g., Europe's, Japan's, China's?€”have grown relative to the U.S. power was immediately after the Second World War," explains Ferguson. "In economic and military terms the zenith of U.S. Does Ferguson think the State Department has declined in the degree of global influence it has now compared to when Kissinger was a massive figure on the world stage? Ferguson's most recent publication, "Henry Kissinger: The Idealist," arrived in bookstores during the autumn of 2015 to much acclaim and interest as a re-assessment of the former (and perhaps most famous) Secretary of State. "I am no expert on this," says Ferguson, "but it is clear that Russian support is finding its way to a wide range of populist parties throughout the EU, including the French National Front." The U.S: A Weakened Global PlayerĪrguably, the Cold War ?€” more than anything ?€” defined America's post-war strength. What are the Kremlin's links with far right parties in the EU? In the days of the U.S.S.R., Kremlin money tended to support the far left in Western Europe, but today there is speculated Russian support for far right parties such as the National Front in France. To withdraw now, at this moment of vindication, would be a huge strategic blunder." Our arguments have been vindicated by events. The UK then ?€” correctly in my view ?€” argued against a monetary union and borderless travel. This was a crucial achievement, and the result of British leadership in the 1980s.

#Upper volta with missiles schmidt free#

It came late to the process of European integration, but played a key role after 1973 in steering Europe away from protectionism towards free trade and the creation of the world's largest single market. "Britain eased its post-imperial 'shrinking pains' by playing leading roles in the institutions that emerged after 1945 as the framework of the post-war global order. Is this an accurate summary of Britain's contemporary global role and would a British withdrawal from the EU diminish it?

#Upper volta with missiles schmidt series#

Would Russia like to see Brexit? You bet." Shifting Power Structuresįerguson's 2003 book and TV series "Empire" was subtitled "How Britain Made the Modern World." The UK's post-imperial role has been to define itself through membership of the international community - be it the UN Security Council, NATO, the Commonwealth, the WTO and, of course, the EU. While it is true that NATO has been more important to West European security than the EU, Britain's membership of the EU has been an important source of strength to both the UK and the EU, and EU expansion has been one of the key Western successes of the post-Cold War era. The foreign policy dimension gets overlooked. On the other, the argument for exiting is based on a fantasy that the 19th century sovereignty of parliament can somehow be restored. On the one side, the argument for remaining is mostly about the economic risks, which in my view are very real, but not the most important point. Unfortunately, the debate in the UK has become rather narrow. So would a British "Leave" vote on June 23 be to Russia's advantage in weakening the EU, something the Kremlin sees as an institution which resists and works against Russian power in Europe? Ferguson said, "Yes, I believe so ?€” though like David Cameron, I haven't asked Mr. He respects strength and unity, not weakness and division." In an interview which Prime Minister David Cameron gave to The Independent on Sunday's political correspondent in March, when asked if President Putin would back Brexit, the PM replied: "I think he probably would…I don't know, I haven't asked him?€¦.Putin has an interest in trying to divide and weaken the West.

#Upper volta with missiles schmidt

[earthpiner]

Upper volta was ruled

But in time, they were followed by more meaningful actions that announced an utterly new kind of politics in deeply conservative and profoundly corrupt West Africa.įor example, Sankara urged African countries to mobilize jointly against repayment of onerous debt to Western countries, which had helped sustain rotten regimes and which he called immoral. These included riding a bicycle around Ouagadougou and popping up impromptu, sometimes in light disguise, to engage with people in encounters like the one I witnessed. To be sure, many of Sankara’s early moves were symbolic and almost playfully populist (though he always bridled at that term). He became president just a few months before my visit, following a military coup engineered by one of his closest friends, army captain Blaise Compaoré. The unpopular government, trying to take advantage of his fame, named him prime minister in 1983, only to detain him a few months later for his overt progressivism. He even rejected the idea of promoting himself from the rank of army captain.Ī voracious reader and intellectually nimble junior officer who had been trained by the French military in Madagascar and lived briefly in Paris, Sankara had become a national hero by the age of twenty-five in a brief and futile border war with Mali, but this was as much for his outspoken pacifism as for any action in battle. Instead, he made clear there would be no tolerance for self-enrichment by officials and banned the use of limousines by high-ranking members of his government. Sankara had put his small country in the news and begun shaking up his region not by executing opponents or expelling migrant trading communities from distant continents or declaring himself emperor, president for life, or field marshal, as was happening around this time in other African countries. Then, smiling, he urged me to sit down and, speaking as much to the murmuring crowd as to me, said that as a foreign “friend,” I was welcome. Sankara inquired what America made of his country’s new revolution, causing me to stumble awkwardly through an unprepared answer. He asked me to introduce myself, and I said that I was a reporter from the United States. As the lone foreigner present, and a quite tall one at that, I soon caught Sankara’s eye. Somehow I had gotten word of a public meeting he was holding in a quiet neighborhood in the city, and made it there in time to find him sitting in a tree-shaded spot and engaging in relaxed conversation with a group of ordinary citizens. I met Sankara by happy accident shortly after arriving in Ouagadougou by train from Abidjan, in Ivory Coast, where I lived. At the age of thirty-three, almost a decade older than me, Thomas Sankara had just become president of a landlocked, drought-afflicted country that had gained independence from France in 1960 and remained one of the world’s poorest places and the near-perfect definition of a political backwater. I was an inexperienced reporter-to be truthful, not even a full-fledged journalist yet. Sometime in late 1983 or very early 1984, I traveled to Ouagadougou, the capital of a West African country then called Upper Volta, to get a sense of a man whose recent rise to power was already a sensation throughout the continent. Thomas Sankara, president of Burkina Faso, and French president François Mitterrand, Ouagadougou, November 1986

#Upper volta was ruled

[longtraffic]

Upper volta with missiles schmidt

#UPPER VOLTA WITH MISSILES SCHMIDT FULL#

#UPPER VOLTA WITH MISSILES SCHMIDT PROFESSIONAL#

Otherwise, "we'd be treated as a Third World country even now. Given sufficient ingenuity, one might condemn the United States as a financial aggressor and economic terrorist that forced its monetary unit and free-enterprise standards on the rest of the world." Medvedev is glad that Russia takes a tougher line now in defense of its interests than it did a decade ago. All these speculations about alleged energy blackmail we keep hearing from the West are absolutely groundless." He noted that "a Russia irritates many circles abroad. Medvedev believes that Russia will also reach an "understanding" with Georgia, even though the "situation with Russian-Georgian relations is more complicated." Asked whether Moscow might cut off gas supplies to Kyiv or Tbilisi as a form of political pressure, Medvedev replied that "Gazprom faithfully honors its commitments. He noted that trying to reach any international agreement with Ukraine is a "chore" at present because of that country's domestic problems. Registration is open, seats are limited. Register now and, while waiting for the event, explore featured applications of our technology in the aerospace industry.MEDVEDEV SAYS THERE ARE NO 'TRIFLES' IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONSįirst Deputy Prime Minister and presumed presidential successor Dmitry Medvedev said in an interview with the news weekly "Itogi," which was posted on on February 18, that Russia will "eventually establish a common economic zone" with Ukraine, Kazakhstan, and Belarus (see "RFE/RL Newsline," February 19, 2008). Gerardo Olivares, Director Advanced Virtual Engineering and Testing Laboratoriesĭevelopment and Application of a Multifidelity Algorithm

#UPPER VOLTA WITH MISSILES SCHMIDT PROFESSIONAL#

Matteo Gazzin, Head of Professional Servicesĭigital Engineering of Unmanned Air Systems Please note that attendance is limited to 50 people to ensure physical distancingĪnd a safe experience for everyone. Presidents and to visit the library’s new F-117 Nighthawk Stealth Fighter exhibit. The event attendees we'll have the opportunity to take a closer look at the historic Boeing 707 Air Force One 27000 used by Ronald Reagan and many U.S. The venue offers an added bonus for aviation enthusiasts. On June 30, you can join us for a VOLTA workshop and learn how enterprise collaboration on MDO projects is completely redefined.

#UPPER VOLTA WITH MISSILES SCHMIDT FULL#

On June 29, a full day agenda will include presentations from industry, such as Raytheon Missiles & Defense, Otto Aviation and the National Institute for Aviation Research, along with demonstrations and development updates by ESTECO experts. Join us in Los Angeles and learn how our VOLTA platform has been key to this result in different domains and applications. With governments pushing for innovation in alternative technologies and the market calling for new, affordable and greener aviation options, the need for faster development is a major challenge in the industry and requires a technological and cultural shift.įrom traditional fighters to UAS to hybrid/electric flight, innovation comes through a new digital engineering approach which enables server-based collaboration at an enterprise level and scales up MDO across the entire organization. The COVID-19 pandemic, rising geopolitical tensions and climate change awareness are bringing big changes to aircraft development, with massive implications both on commercial and military aviation. From Raytheon Missiles & Defense to Otto Aviation to the National Institute for Aviation Research (NIAR), we’ve invited a selection of our customers to share their experience with Multidisciplinary Design Optimization, Simulation Process Data Management and Distributed Execution and we’ve asked them to outline engineering trends in their fields. This in-person only event brings together experts from different companies in the aerospace industry. On 29 and 30 June 2021, the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library in Los Angeles, CA will host the third edition of the ESTECO Aerospace MDO Technology Days.

#Upper volta with missiles schmidt

[tonkibabes]

Upper volta with missiles schmidt

The Soviet Union was placing offensive missiles in Cuba, missiles that could only be deployed against targets in the US. They had been lied to and their warnings had been ignored. Thus when a U-2 flying over San Cristobal, in western Cuba, on October 14 spotted three missile sites under construction, and when these sites were identified in Washington as identical to known MRBM launch sites in the Soviet Union, President Kennedy and his advisers drew the obvious conclusion. They were useless as defensive weapons their only possible value was offensive-or as a deterrent to the offensives of others. an IRBM could hit almost any target in the continental US, sparing only the far Pacific Northwest. A Soviet MRBM of that era, launched from Cuba, could hit Washington, D.C. They were designed not to hit incoming aircraft but to land on targets deep inside the US the range of an SS-4 was about 1100 nautical miles, that of an SS-5 nearly twice that. The significance of the MRBMs and IRBMs lay in their reach. The US authorities accepted these reassurances, particularly since, as George Ball notes in his memoirs, the Soviet Union had never hitherto placed offensive missile bases outside its own territory, not even in the neighboring countries of the Warsaw Pact. When Dobrynin in early September asked how he might reply to a private question from Robert Kennedy about the Cuban situation, he was instructed by Moscow that “in talking to the Americans you should confirm that there are only defensive Soviet weapons in Cuba.”ĭobrynin reassured Robert Kennedy accordingly, with all the more conviction in that he, too, knew nothing about the ballistic missile emplacements. (The first nuclear warheads arrived in Mariel aboard a Soviet freighter on October 4 by October 28, when the crisis ended, all the warheads for both sorts of missiles and all the SS-4 missiles themselves were actually in Cuba-only the SS-5s remained to be delivered.) Indeed, the Kennedy administration had been assured, by Khrushchev and by Anatoly Dobrynin, the Soviet ambassador to the US, that no such missiles were or would be placed in Cuba. What Kennedy did not then know was that by September the Soviet build-up also included thirty-six SS-4 medium-range ballistic missiles (MRBMs) and twenty-four SS-5 intermediate-range ballistic missiles (IRBMs), together with their nuclear warheads. On September 13, during a press conference, he repeated the warning: “If at any time…Cuba were to…become an offensive military base of significant capacity for the Soviet Union, then this country will do whatever must be done to protect its own security and that of its allies.” 1 But it was only after August 29, 1962, when a U-2 reconnaissance plane spotted the SA-2 missile sites, that Kennedy went public, on September 4, with a warning that whereas such land-to-air defensive missiles were acceptable, the installation of offensive missiles in Cuba would not be. Kennedy and US intelligence analysts were aware of the growing Soviet military presence in Cuba. At his urging the Soviet Presidium duly assented to a military build-up on the island which, in its final form, was to include some 50,000 Soviet military personnel, organized in five nuclear missile regiments, four motorized regiments, two tank battalions, one MIG-21 fighter wing, forty-two IL-28 light bombers, two cruise missile regiments, twelve SA-2 anti- aircraft units with 144 launchers, and a squadron of eleven submarines, seven of them equipped with nuclear missiles. The story of the Cuban missiles begins in April 1962, when the Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev decided to increase very substantially the limited military support hitherto provided by the USSR to the government of Fidel Castro in Cuba.

#Upper volta with missiles schmidt