#lost in transnation

[irreplaceable-spark]

Parental Trauma in a World of Gender Insanity | Miriam Grossman MD | EP 347

Dr. Jordan B. Peterson and Miriam Grossman discuss the grief and trauma associated with the Transgender movement, not just for those transitioning, but for the parents and families who now find themselves shunned and alienated if they refuse to affirm their own child's delusion. They also go into detail on the history of the ideology, the monstrosity of Dr. John Money, and his horrendous failed experiment on which he built his doctrines. 

Miriam Grossman MD is a physician, author, and public speaker. Before gender ideology was on anyone’s radar, she warned parents about its dangers in her 2009 book, “You’re Teaching My Child WHAT?” Dr. Grossman has been vocal for many years about the capture of her profession by ideologues, leading to dangerous and experimental treatments on children and betrayal of parents. Dr. Grossman was featured in the Daily Wire’s hit documentary “What Is A Woman?” The author of four books, her work has been translated into eleven languages. After graduating with honors from Bryn Mawr College, Dr. Grossman attended New York University Medical School.  She completed an internship in pediatrics at Beth Israel Hospital in New York City, and a residency in psychiatry through Cornell University Medical College, followed by a fellowship in child and adolescent psychiatry. Dr. Grossman is board certified in psychiatry and in the sub-specialty of child and adolescent psychiatry.

#jordan peterson #miriam grossman #psychiatry #psychiatrist #trans #transgender #gender dysphoria #transitioning #ideology #experiments #lost in transnation #family #parents #children #social contagion #demonization #dr. john money #creep #gender

[memorycare]

The Flour Massacres. The weapon of starvation. The children dying of malnutrition. The Isra*li telegram channels mocking the photos of the child crushed by a tank and the girl who lost her legs. The settlers already stealing land in the north. You need to BE somewhere this weekend. There are nationwide protests happening tomorrow (March 2, 2024) and there is most likely one in your city. There are also several car rallies and such on Sunday in most major metro areas. You can find information about your city’s protest through the Palestinian Youth Movement

#free palestine #free gaza #palestine #protest #direct action #end apartheid #♥︎

[thedreadvampy]

I think there's a huge gap in language when talking about British legislative and social racism bc some of the most overt and unchallenged legislative racism lately is against GRT people and a lot of countries (especially America) do not use the term GRT.

The G in GRT stands for Gypsy (using this bc it's as-self-described, like it's the term the British GRT community uses often) and bc this is for a lot of people exclusively a slur and bc it has a lot of historical weight, people will often object to use of the expanded acronym slash try to correct it to Roma or Rroma.

But the GRT community as a political class and as a group subject to racism includes, but is not synonymous with, Roma, cause it also includes Irish Travelers (who are another large nomadic minority ethnic group, aka Pavee), Scottish, English and Welsh Travelers (a mix of indigenous nomadic groups), and other nomadic peoples in Britain.

In some, but not all, contexts, GRT also includes non-ethnic nomadic communities: New Age Travelers (people living nomadic lifestyles by choice - full-time caravanners or van lifers), Bargees (people living full time in canal boats) and showmen (traveling funfairs and circuses). Not being a specific ethnicity, New Agers and Showmen have a different relationship to racism and marginalisation than Roma and Travelers (a settled Roma or Traveler family are still Roma or Traveler, it's not just a question of lifestyle and community) but obviously anti-Traveler legislation and bias harms everyone living nomadically.

I think (and I'm not GRT and my thoughts should be taken with a truckload of salt, I just feel like it's worth explaining what the terminology actually means) that a lot of the nuance around GRT identity is kind of lost in transnational discourse (particularly with Americans) because. the G bit of GRT has been used as a blanket term for hundreds of years to refer to multiple groups of nomadic peoples in Europe and so there are ethnocultural groups included under that term who aren't Roma but also are GRT and are racialised as GRT.

People racialised within the GRT community (as Roma or Travelers) experience way higher rates of social and economic exclusion than any other ethnogroups in the UK, including if they're settled (living in brick-and-mortar housing, which around 75% of people recorded as GRT do).

Both Roma and Traveler kids are systemically excluded from education (Gypsy/Roma kids are 6x more likely to be suspended from school and 7x as likely to be expelled than the national average, and Traveler kids aren't much better off (4x more likely than average to be suspended and 5x as likely to be expelled)). GRT people face systemic employment discrimination, being 6x more likely than average to be long term unemployed and 1/4 as likely to be offered high-level or management positions. GRT folk have the worst health outcomes of any ethnic group, and consistently report high levels of medical discrimination and trouble accessing healthcare. As a result, GRT infant mortality and maternal death is way higher than average, and GRT life expectancy is 10+ years shorter than average. GRT communities are disproportionately criminalised, settled GRT families have spoken often about having been treated as inherently suspicious on the basis of their ethnicity.

A lot of people write these issues off as being, like, a product of a nomadic/no-fixed-address lifestyle, but a) it's a problem with the system if our social care systems don't account for the fact that some people are nomadic, itinerant or have no fixed address. there is no reason why nomadic life needs to be more dangerous or excluded than settled. but also b) as stated a majority of GRT people included in these figures do have fixed addresses. it is just racism.

Homelessness is also a huge problem in the community, with many landowners refusing to rent land to Travellers, residential camping berths being oversubscribed by something like 10,000%, and significant difficulty accessing affordable housing. The land which is available to Traveling communities is increasingly ringfenced, often specifically with the intention of discouraging nomadic communities.

given that it is. racism. with an exceptionally long and brutal history of genocide, criminalisation and systemic social exclusion. it is also striking how often open, sometimes genocidal, racism against GRT people is handwaved or accepted as normal. anti-GRT legislation is explicitly passed on the regular. people are incredibly comfortable referring to all GRT people as thieves, scroungers, criminals and frauds. I have had literal circular mailings offering to "remove vermin, pests and Gypsies from your land." and yet calling this racism is often treated as an overstatement. Even though it's explicitly ethnically-driven bias, and has deeply entrenched social impacts affecting everyone racialised as GRT regardless of cultural behaviour or lifestyle.

anyway that's what GRT means, it stands for Gypsy/Roma/Traveller and it's an extremely underserved and marginalised racialised group in the UK and Europe. It includes Romani ethnic groups, but also includes non-Roma ethnic groups (like the Pavee) and Roma subgroups (like Sinti). They're united by a common experience of anti-nomadic racism, criminalisation and social exclusion and, as an aggregate group, are consistently among the most directly disadvantaged racial groups in the UK.

#red said #this is my understanding as someone who's not grt but has read up on it a lot #which is to say i may be talking shite #please correct me if you are from a GRT background and I'm fucking up

[caniscathexis]

"Theorist Grégoire Chamayou has described the contemporary paradigm of drone warfare as having instigated a “crisis in military ethos,” transforming the terms and terrain of engagement altogether as it proposes an unstable approach to acceptable targets. In an era of the global war against terror, Chamayou writes:

Armed violence has lost its traditional limits: indefinite in time, it is also indefinite in space. The whole world, it is said, is a battlefield. But it would probably be more accurate to call it a hunting ground. For if the scope of armed violence has now become global, it is because the imperatives of hunting demand it.

In this description, the remote killing characteristic of drone warfare is not just a safe or expedient means of carrying out war as before—this technical innovation corresponds to a new and rapidly shifting geographical model, where violence is no longer limited to demarcated combat zones but simply licensed by the presence of an enemy prey, “who carries with it its own little mobile zone of hostility.” State sovereignty and territorial integrity are contingent features of this model of warfare, and can be violated at will by an imperial hunter whose technical power and jurisdiction operates vertically.

The geopolitical layers of this methodology are many and complex: for example, the MQ-9 Reaper drone that killed Soleimani was likely launched from Qatar, but operated from Clark County, Nevada, where self-proclaimed “hunter” pilots proceeded to attack a diplomatically protected target visiting a third country with whom they were not at war—at least nominally. At the very least, this is novel; but the legal ramifications must be known.

As noted, Israel’s assassination of Arouri strikingly coincides with the anniversary of the Trump administration’s killing of Soleimani, which was justified in turn with reference to Bush Jr.’s extralegal innovations. But these Republican presidencies flank the drastic expansion of jurisdictionally ambiguous drone warfare under President Obama, whose office presumed authority to use lethal force outside of legally defined combat zones on an unprecedented scale during a “global” war on terror. These policies drew heavy criticism from international legal observers, as the Obama administration authorized more than 500 drone strikes in Pakistan, Somalia, Yemen, and beyond—locations where the situation, however grave, could hardly be described as one of armed conflict between organized groups. Lacking such criteria, the years of drone attacks around the world appear not only deadly, but illegal.

Even so, lawyers love an ignoble cause; and this remote assassin’s paradigm keeps many of them entertained. Legal scholar Michael W. Lewis argues that the application of international humanitarian law to the transnational deployment of drones constitutes an unacceptable constraint, where “it would effectively grant sanctuary to and confer an important strategic advantage upon unprivileged belligerents,” themselves apparently excepted from the protections of the Geneva Convention.

These are the sticking points of any legal theory of the drone, and the cause for which apologists must seek a portable state of exception, adhering to individual targets as they move about the world. Jonathan Horowitz and Naz Modirzadeh describe the seemingly contradictory situation of a “transnational non-international armed conflict,” where the law of armed conflict is analogized to a cloud, hovering above the head of an itinerant prey."

– cam scott, "israel's drone age"

[mywifeleftme]

312: Victor Jara // Manifiesto

Manifiesto Victor Jara 1975, Discos Pueblo

Manifiesto is assembled from recordings intended for an album that was to be called Tiempos que cambian (literally Times That Change, or New Times) smuggled out of Chile by Jara’s widow Joan after the folksinger’s torture and murder by the Pinochet junta in 1973. It was simultaneously released by different labels under a variety of titles around the world. My copy hails from Mexico, released by leftist folk label Discos Pueblo, who make their intentions clear in a statement (machine-translated by me) on the back of the sleeve that reads in part:

“We find it necessary to point out that due to its quality and value, Victor Jara’s work should be disseminated, but always by those who identify with it, and not by the transnational companies that financed his return to Chile by organizing the bloody military coup of 1973. [Ed. Something in their use of word “retorno” is probably being lost in translation here; I think it implies something like Jara’s “return to whence he came,” e.g. his burial in Chilean soil.] Those transnational corporations that today benefit from Victor Jara’s singing, filtering out its combative aspects and presenting it as incomplete, seem to ignore the deep paths that people use to preserve the integrity of the voice of their singers. This album is our answer.”

The LP is clearly a work of love (and economy), the sleeve purposely left unglued so that it can be opened like a gatefold, revealing testimonies by his peers. There’s scarcely an inch that isn’t crammed with text—even the flaps that cradle the inner sleeve itself hide lyrics to two of the album’s key songs:

The sleeve unfolded.

“I don’t sing for the sake of singing, or for having a good voice, I sing because the guitar has sense and reason, it has a heart of earth and wings of a dove, it is like holy water that blesses my sorrows. This is where my song fits, as Violeta said, a hard-working guitar that smells of spring. It is not a rich man’s guitar or anything like that, my song is the scaffolding to reach the stars. The song has meaning when it beats in the veins of the one who will die singing truths, not fleeting flattery or foreign fame, but the song of a lark to the bottom of the earth. There, where everything arrives and where everything begins, a song that has been brave will always be a nueva cancion [New Song].”

Jara’s artistry (which, besides spearheading the nueva cancion movement, also included poetry and theatrical direction) was inseparable from his politics, and the music of Manifiesto is a stirring testament to his talents and the historical moment he occupied, when Chile like Cuba before it seemed on the verge of breaking free from centuries of resource extraction-driven imperialism and making its own way. These songs cannot help but feel elegiac given the circumstances of their release, and indeed they do frequently mourn the historical oppression of the common worker. Jara’s was a lark’s voice, not that of a conventional rabble rouser, and most of these songs seem best suited for night-time gatherings of comrades and lovers or, in the case of the dazzling instrumental “Caicai Vilu” (referencing a Mapuche creation myth), perhaps a rural cotillion. But these songs were recorded during the years of Salvador Allende’s triumph, a movement that Jara had personally helped galvanize, and there is the sense that these are songs about moving in a changed world that still feels almost surreal. Only at the very end, with the rock-inflected call to arms “Canto libre,” does Jara’s Revolutionary sentiment take on a more martial beat, finally unfurling a flag of victory.

That victory would be short-lived of course, as U.S. imperialists would soon back Pinochet’s reign of terror and grind the Chilean people under the heel of fascism for another generation. It’s hard to make an argument that Jara and Allende’s side “won” in any meaningful sense (without an appeal to some abstracted moral arbiter anyway). It may be blinkered to even try, knowing that Pinochet died obscenely wealth in his nineties and that there were never meaningful consequences for his even wealthier American backers, while a despairing Allende perished at his own hand and Jara with his fingers broken and his body riddled with bullets. Yet I do believe that a song can transcend the accounting of atrocities and persist on its own terms. Music like Jara’s will endure as long as there are human beings who seek a recognition of their own worthiest qualities in art. As one of the Mexican edition’s compilers says:

“…his voice will not have coffins or crematoriums, nor dark prisons nor barbed wire, comrades! His voice and his guitar continue the fight, they remain alive seeking victory. And they will also return as flags when the Homeland regains its joy.”

312/365

#victor jara #chilean music #salvador allende #protest music #latin american music #chile #latin america #andean folk #revolutionary music #socialism #operation condor #augusto pinochet #'70s music #leftism #music review #vinyl record

[babe-con-el-poder]

In a far away land....that used to be ruled by empires and trade routes to places beyond the southern hemisphere, I was created by a young, beautiful, somewhat lost but well loved woman.

She worked hard to care for others' homes and children. She was friendly and sweet and so unassuming that noone realized she was pregnant until she was about to give birth. But sadly, she knew the baby she would bear would not be safe with her. She had no financial means or quiet home to take la niñita to so they may live a warm and happy life together. There was no welcoming of her new daughter by her family because she knew the unfair shame of being alone and pregnant. She was desperate. And heartbroken.

I was born only 5 lbs and came to the world very early. I stayed in my mother's arms only a week then was brought to my permanent new home. I was more than a lifetime removed from my mother's world. I was surrounded by English speaking white people in a very cold but beautiful countryside. There were gorgeous farms and lots of safe places to play outside. Nothing like the crowded city my mother and her family lived in. But she ached for me. Finally, as her heart began to somehow heal slowly, she had a chance to live closer to me. She was promised a chance to watch me grow and flourish in the English-speaking world.

But life is hell. And I learned this lesson before I could really understand what it fully meant. My mother died tragically in a fiery car accident in my first year of life. If I had not been sent away I would have also perished with her.

Her legacy is ME. She is my guiding light. Her voice has protected me in the darkest hours. I still wonder why me? Is there a why? Does it matter? How could I have survived this insanely tragic beginning to my story and continued on as normal?

I know so much from living this story. I know that we take every moment for granted. I am a transracial, transnational adoptee. I sit in my power having learned from grief and loss as my very first life experience. And I'm here to share and learn.

#transracial adoptee #writer #listen to me #adoption #abortion #adoption is not a solution to abortion #adoptees unite #adoptee #my story #share #get to know me #womens history #feminist #the personal is political #mi existir es resistir #end erasure

[markoferko]

Two Sudanese warlords are intent on destroying one another, and in the process are destroying the nation’s capital Khartoum. A city of more than seven million people is wracked by street fighting. Two rival armed forces — the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF), a passable imitation of a professional army, and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), a paramilitary of comparable size and combat capacity — are battling for control.

It’s a simple power struggle between two generals. Abdel Fattah al Burhan is the chairman of the Sovereignty Council and de facto president. He commands the SAF and has the support of most of what Sudanese call the “deep state” — the network of crony capitalist companies entangled with the army, intelligence, and Islamist networks. Mohamed ‘Hemedti’ Hamdan Dagolo is the leader of the RSF and sits atop a transnational conglomerate that includes gold mining and export, supply of mercenaries to neighboring countries, and other business interests, including a partnership with Russia’s Wagner Group.

[tonechkag]

"After a lifetime of being perceived as not truly representing their ethnic group and through growing awareness of their minority status, their experiences of racism, and their own identity issues around their adoption and heritage, many TRIAs go through a process in which they may actively or passively seek to more thoroughly identify with their birth culture (McGinnis et al., 2009). This process may take on many forms (e.g., education in ethnic studies, intensive language courses, heritage/homeland tours, and study-abroad experiences) during which adoptees may seek to immerse themselves to varying degrees in their birth culture. Reculturation is a process of identity development and navigation through which adoptees develop their relationship to their birth and adoptive cultures via reculturative activities and experiences leading to one of five possible reculturation outcomes (discussed later). Reculturation can be an active or a passive process and is initiated by adoptees themselves, not their adoptive parents. In essence, reculturation can be viewed as reclaiming one’s birth culture. There are various triggers or life events that can initiate the process of reculturation (e.g., going to college and being unable to hold onto honorary White status, or a desire to learn about or reclaim birth culture). To reclaim may suggest that something was lost or abandoned at some point and that it must be rescued from a “wrong” state and restored to a “natural” state (“Reclaim,” n.d.). For TRIAs, to be adopted out of their birth culture and raised in a “foreign” culture is sometimes viewed as unnatural because of the mismatch between race and culture. For adoptees, the natural state that society believes they should have is derived from their birth and ethnic heritage rather than their lived and learned White American culture. For example, an individual born in Vietnam and then adopted by White American parents would, as we posit, have a lived culture of White American culture but their natural culture would be Vietnamese, and reclamation of birth culture would result in a greater degree of matching among birth origins, cultural practices, and physical appearance/race."

- Reclaiming Culture: Reculturation of Transracial and Transnational Adoptees

#this journey has been an incredibly healing one for me personally #cultural reclaimation #adoptee voices #adoption trauma #transracial adoptee #international adoptee #holy queue

[beingharsh]

LOST IN TRANSNATION *bassline that fucking kills you*

[oo111111]

"Traditionally the atlas has been a complication of the Mercator projection and all of its flattening distortions. These horizontal atlases posed and came with many risks. The map came to determine the territory in ways that were less than ideal, such as nationalism. In the extreme, horizontalism can engender relentless performative cultural determinism. Horizontal orthodoxy risks becoming a kind of fundamentalism. Verticality maps a different kind of planetarity geo-sociality that cannot be explained with horizontalist perspectives. (…) The vertical is already transnational in the lines that it draws. It is one that potentially challenges both left and right versions cultural determinism. The horizontalism that I ascribe, particularly from the reactionary right, takes the form of a new kind of cultural determinism, and indeed, perennialism. We witness an atavistic return to old school geopolitics of land and place and soil, complete with mytho-nationalist appeals to the romantic primacy of pure cultures, lost empires and original maps."

Benjamin H. Bratton during the launch of The Vertical Atlas, October 2022

[beardedmrbean]

Nov. 17 (UPI) -- Israel and Jordan have agreed to cooperate on restoration, ecological rehabilitation and sustainable development of the Jordan River.

The nations signed a joint declaration at the COP27 environmental conference in Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt, where they recognized that the Jordan River restoration requires transnational action as the water flow declines.

"The signing of this joint declaration is an expression of the close relationship between man and nature. A river free from hazards, clean and healthy, will provide health and prosperity for all the populations surrounding it and for all those who visit it," Israeli Minister of Environmental Protection Tamar Zandberg said in a statement. "Cleaning up the pollutants and hazards, restoring water flow and strengthening the natural ecosystems will help us prepare and adapt to the climate crisis."

The countries will work to remove pollution sources by building wastewater treatment facilities and connecting communities along the river to advanced sewage infrastructure as they work to improve freshwater flows in the river.

RELATEDMiddle East faces alarming water loss

Mohammad Najjar, Minister of Water and Irrigation, signed the joint declaration on behalf of the Jordanian Government. Both Israel and Jordan acknowledge the rich cultural heritage of the Jordan River and its high ecological value.

For years the Jordan River has lost water flow. According to the Century Foundation, the Jordan River Basin "suffers from acute water scarcity" caused by regional population growth and climate change reducing the flow today to just 10% of its historical average.

The peace treaty between Jordan and Israel also includes a provision for joint cooperation on the Jordan River.

RELATEDRiver Jordan near death

Article D of that treaty, according to Israel, includes the ecological rehabilitation of the river, environmental protection of water resources, agricultural pollution control, liquid waste, pest control, nature reserves and protected areas, and tourism and historical heritage.

#nunyas news #this is nice #good step in the right direction

[ly0nstea]

Assuming the Zuko movie takes place after Imbalance, do you think Azula will be the main antagonist? And if so, what do you think she will be trying to accomplish? Because if we what she told Zuko in the crypt at face value, it seems she will keep manipulating various pro-Ozai groups in a dual effort to both protect him and to try to turn him into the tyrant she knows he can be. But if we take the TRPG at face value, she is trying to dethrone Zuko and restart the 100 year war, working her with her transnational network to find the means to dethrone Zuko/pacify Aang like unlocking the power of a dangerous sprit. Though her possible lingering positive feelings towards Zuko may throw a wrench in her plans.

Also, do you think that they will ever touch upon the asylum abuse that Azula suffered along with her Fire Warriors? Especially since it is part of the reason why they joined Azula and Zuko has some of them in custody? 

Finally, if you think the Zuko movie will give an end to Azula's story, how do you think they will end her story? Because the optimist in me says that they might for a Naruto-style ending where Zuko gets through to her after stalemating her (probably because he has allies who would follow him to the ends of the earth while she has no one) and thus causes her to turn a new leaf. But the pessimist in me says that she is going to get killed, get jailed for life and de-bended after her final defeat, commit suicide, die by making a fatal mistake, or get thrown in the Fog of Lost Souls by angry sprits. For the TRPG has her trying to mess with sprits, literally says she is at her wits end, and makes it clear she won't allow herself to be captured alive if she has any choice in the matter.

Anyway, sorry for my long ask, and I hope you have a good day!

------------------------------------------------------------

I think Azula's ending entirely depends on what the writers think about azula. If they agree with Yang and the Zuzu stans then I'd say her only hope is redemption through death/last minute sacrifice.

I think the asylum abuse is going to be neatly brushed under the rug, for the film unless the writers really like azula, it'll be hard to make zuko a good protagonist if you bring up the asylum.

Azulas probably going to be the main antagonist, unless ozai breaks out of prison or there's some bigger, badder spirit that relates her to second place, there's no one else it could be without them making a new character for it and that's impossible to speculate on.

I don't think she's gonna go with the fog of lost souls, but i definitely think that there's a pressure to 'get rid of her' to explain why she wasn't in the legend of korra, seen as that's a pretty big question from the fandom at large not just azula stans.

Either way, we won't know at least until a trailer drops either at the end of this year or early next year. Thanks for the submission! 😊

#submission

[djuvlipen]

I was going through Angéla Kóczé’s thesis called Gender, ethnicy and class: Romani women’s political activism and social struggles (here) and she explained something I had already noticed: the complete hold neo-liberal, US private organizations have over european roma women organizations.

This control is extremely detrimental to the Roma feminist movement as liberalism is fundamentally hostile to the idea of female liberation, which cannot be achieved without challenging and overthrowing the capitalist system that exploits women. I am gonna explain Angéla Kóczé’s take below

⬇️⬇️⬇️⬇️⬇️⬇️⬇️⬇️

Angéla Kóczé is a Hungarian Roma feminist, a sociologist and chair of romani studies (so she is very cool already)

Kóczé links the rise of Roma rights movement to the 1990s: a historical period where liberal ideologies are very widespread and commonly accepted as anticapitalist and socialist movements took a toll following the fall of communism in the East:

“Europe, particularly its post-socialist countries, has connections to global forces that inevitably impinge on the current trajectory of the transnational movement for ‘Roma rights’ (Guilhot 2005; Ost 2005; Trehan 2001). Unlike these other movements, the ‘Roma rights’ movement emerged at a time of overwhelming neo-liberal policy consensus in post-socialist Europe, and one corollary of this development, as I shall demonstrate, was the marketization of human rights through the interventions of human rights entrepreneurs, particularly those affiliated with George Soros’s Open Society Institute.” (emphasis mine)

You will know George Soros and the OSI as the creator and main actor behind the financing of pimp and pro-decrim lobbies, such as the Red Umbrella Fund, “ the first global fund guided by and for sex workers”. I don’t think I need to tell you why having the man financing and creating powerful pimp lobbies as the main investor in Roma rights organizations can be detrimental to the cause.

As Koczé adds: “More than any other single philanthropist, Hungarian-American billionaire George Soros was responsible for the support and promotion of Romani NGO initiatives through the work of the Open Society Institute (OSI), a global network of foundations. The organizations funded and supported by OSI currently form the backbone of the ‘movement’ for the rights of Romani people in post-socialist Europe.”

The Roma, especially women, are one of the most impoverished groups in Europe. Roma women are one of the most sex-trafficked groups in Europe. And here, a billionaire is financing pimp lobbies and Roma rights organizations to help further the neo-liberal agenda, the same ideology keeping Roma (women) impoverished. As Koczé puts it: “In employing the term ‘neo-liberal human rights’, I refer to the phenomenon whereby human rights concerns and campaigning operate within a global capitalist system, and thus become an appendage of the global neo-liberal economic order”.

Radical feminism is anticapitalist in essence. By having a hold over Roma rights organization, male capitalists are 1) preventing a radical questioning of the capitalist system, 2) preventing class consciousness (be it working class or female class consciousness), 3) actively harming Roma activism and feminist roma activism.

Koczé criticizes the neoliberalization of Roma organizations for two reasons:

1) It prevents the formation of feminist organizations that would radically criticize patriarchal societies (aka: addressing the roots of patriarchy): “Mary Kaldor (2003) in her book criticizes the ’New Policy Agenda’, which came after the Cold War, arguing that the ’New Policy Agenda’ combined neoliberal economic strategy with an emphasis on parliamentary democracy. Based on her analysis the NGOs came to be seen as an important mechanism for implementing this agenda. Moreover, she claims that that contemporary NGOs have become ‘tamed’ and turned into the constituencies of the new social movements, having lost their initial radical edge and sharp criticism towards mainstream ideals.”

2) Eastern European (roma) activists are being rendered powerlessness as the political discourse adopts a US framework: “The feeling of powerlessness and lack of agency on the part of eastern European activists, as well as their inability to construct alternative discourses and practices of human rights, resulted in an implicit acceptance of the model of human rights discourses informed by the contemporary neo-liberal ethos (Trehan 2006). Being aware of severe financial dependence on American-based foundations whose political orientations tend to be limited to one particular variant of ‘democratization’––to wit, pro-free market and procedural democratic considerations: constitutional reform, elections, etc.––Eastern European activists seem to be unable to devise more radical means for their human rights advocacy, alternative means and methods that are not reliant on the dominant model of corporatist human rights.”

As a result of all of this, Roma movements are actively disempowered and put aside within their own movement: “This resulted in an interesting collusion of initiatives between the World Bank and the Open Society Institute, with one such initiative being the ongoing ‘Decade of Romani Inclusion: 2005-2015’, which was launched with a donors conference in Budapest in 2004. The politics surrounding this Decade initiative are instructive with Organizers failing to invite many grassroots Romani NGOs and participation being based on selective criteria.” Neoliberalization prevents the creation of radical Roma political groups built by Roma and for Roma. This is the state of the antiracist roma movement and of the feminist roma movement right now. It’s a nightmare. Liberal politics won’t liberate anyone. The master’s tools will never dismantle the master’s house

#Angéla Kóczé #radical feminism #radfems do interact #radfems please interact #terfs do interact #terfs please interact

[hello-nichya-here]

Assuming the Zuko movie takes place after Imbalance, do you think Azula will be the main antagonist? And if so, what do you think she will be trying to accomplish? Because if we what she told Zuko in the crypt at face value, it seems she will keep manipulating various pro-Ozai groups in a dual effort to both protect him and to try to turn him into the tyrant she knows he can be. But if we take the TRPG at face value, she is trying to dethrone Zuko and restart the 100 year war, working her with her transnational network to find the means to dethrone Zuko/pacify Aang like unlocking the power of a dangerous sprit. Though her possible lingering positive feelings towards Zuko may throw a wrench in her plans.

Also, do you think that they will ever touch upon the asylum abuse that Azula suffered along with her Fire Warriors? Especially since it is part of the reason why they joined Azula and Zuko has some of them in custody? 

Finally, if you think the Zuko movie will give an end to Azula’s story, how do you think they will end her story? Because the optimist in me says that they might for a Naruto-style ending where Zuko gets through to her after stalemating her (probably because he has allies who would follow him to the ends of the earth while she has no one) and thus causes her to turn a new leaf. But the pessimist in me says that she is going to get killed, get jailed for life and de-bended after her final defeat, commit suicide, die by making a fatal mistake, or get thrown in the Fog of Lost Souls by angry sprits. For the TRPG has her trying to mess with sprits, literally says she is at her wits end, and makes it clear she won’t allow herself to be captured alive if she has any choice in the matter.

Anyway, sorry for my long ask, and I hope you have a good day!

***

Anon, sorry for the pessimistic, not at all detailed response, but here’s what I’m expecting from ANYTHING made by Bryke at this point:

They’ll completely ignore the actual characters and focus on fanon bullshit, aka Zuko will be an awkward turtleduck who doesn’t know what he’s doing, will be a passive, stupid doormat through every little plot-point, and the only thing that lets us know this is supposed to be Zuko is the name and face.

Azula will demonized at every second, the abuse she canonically suffered in the show will never be acknowledged, and the abuse she suffered at the asylum in the comics will be treated like it was Zuko mercifully giving her a chance and being rewarded with yet more evil actions (that make no sense and would never be a plan created by Azula, insane or not, because she has an actual brain).

Meanwhile, somewhere far away and not helping anyone with anything yet still being treated as a hero, Iroh is doing something that is actually kind of shitty or just not important at all, but that the narrative will show as the best thing ever done in the history of the world.

Also, Aang? Who’s that? The kid who is not Fanon!Zuko? He is not important, the fandom chose someone else to project onto. Also, add in some cheap Zutara bait that makes the show worse, and then Bryke being assholes at the shippers they just baited.

Mai... I dunno, eye-candy? Cheap “Will they, won’t they” Ross and Rachel style.

Also Saint!Ursa, that is actually a terrible mother, including to the kid she supposedly likes.

#submission #i am bitter

[gradling]

I overwhelmingly perform in this book what Eve Sedgwick calls a “paranoid” reading, seeking “to expose the ruses of power,” even when—as is the case with scripts of blackness—the agents of power are indistinct, the uses of power varied, and its reception open-ended. Yet I want to emphasize the less immediately visible “to and fro movement” between paranoid and reparative critical stances that informs this book. The reparative approach is clearest in the last chapter, where I assemble available traces of Afro-diasporic agency, as Afro-Europeans engaged with, responded to, and used for their own benefit the culture of kinetic blackness that was coined and wielded against them. Reparative leanings also inform the historiographic principle that I call recording, which I use at various points to reconstruct transnational genealogies of racial performance in the subjunctive mode when lacunar archives curtail the use of the indicative. In early modern English, while the noun record was attached to the legal domain (meaning a witness, a testimony), the verb to record was attached to the domain of memory (meaning to remember, to rehearse, to go over in one’s mind) and to the domain of performance (meaning to sing in counterpoint). Recording thus denotes a way of singing based on dialogue between two melodic lines. The contrapuntal structure does not undermine but enhances both melodic lines with a high degree of sophistication. As a historiographic metaphor, recording happens when theatre historians allow their work to operate on more than one mode, weaving a contrapuntal song that hinges on évidence—that luminous sense of presence—into their evidentiary work. No field has thought with more depth, complexity, and urgency than Black studies about the ethics of care that must drive historiographic inquiries into racial archives. By proposing the historiographic model of baroque recording, I am suggesting that the conceptual resources of early modernity may have something to contribute to that ongoing critical conversation. I see contrapuntal recording as a practice that resonates with “critical fabulation,” a method driven by Saidiya Hartman’s hope that “by advancing a series of speculative arguments and exploiting the capacities of the subjunctive (a grammatical mood that expresses doubts, wishes, and possibilities), in fashioning a narrative which is based upon archival research,” she could “tell an impossible story and amplify the impossibility of its telling.” Recording also has affinities with what Audre Lorde calls “biomythography,” which C. Riley Snorton invokes as a practice of invention for recounting Black Trans lives lost in the archives, a prosthetic “practice of symbolic surrogation, not as a supplemental thing, but through supplementarity,” which “is not about completion” and “does not perform or propose reconciliation.” Recording as I construe it uses the openness to changes, surprises, and hope proper to the reparative stance in order to support the paranoid drive toward exposure that is at the core of my inquiry. Such hybridity is pervasive, compounding what I playfully call this book’s reparanoia: its wide and conflicted range of affective responses to the early modern racial archives. Scripts of Blackness’s self-avowed reparanoia is grounded simultaneously in a reparative desire (shared with many) to account for an early modern Afro-diasporic life that exceeded the painful heinousness of racial formations, and in a paranoid distrust of the comfort and complacency that such accounts of early modern Black life can easily elicit among twenty-first-century readers prepared for any number of reasons to minimize the transhistorical reality of antiblackness.

- Noémie Ndiaye, Scripts of Blackness: Early Modern Performance Culture and the Making of Race, 24-25

#its such a long quote but i dont care!! i don't care ndiaye is so brilliant i had to post the whole thing #Noémie Ndiaye #premodern crt #race #early modern #'reparanoia' gets at exactly what i have been looking for aslkfjdasldkfjalskdfjlasdjf

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