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possessivesuffix · 6 months
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Crossposting from Twxttxr: some interesting news about ongoing research by colleagues, from a workshop "Diversification of Uralic" just this Thursday and Friday
Do the Permic languages have loanwords from Old Norse? e.g. ONo. ár ~ Komi & Udmurt ar 'year'. This would've been sensible during the brief time when Norsemen originally from Sweden were in charge of trade along the Volga and settling in inner Russia, forming the Rus' (later Slavicized, but as we know from Byzantine sources they remained Norse for centuries) — and also the Norwegians too were known to conduct exploration + trade along the Barents Sea at the time, our oldest written reports of "Bjarmia" come from them after all.
Do the Finnic languages have loanwords already from Pre-Proto-Germanic into Pre-Proto-Finnic? My first reply would've been "yes surely", this has been discussed for half a century and there's dozens of etymologies out by now. Turns out though that there's still a lot of room for skepticism if we try to assemble a big picture. Most of these could be (and have been proposed by other analyses) to be proper Germanic after all, or from some non-Germanic kind of Indo-European, or even incorrect. There is unambiguous evidence I think at least of loans lacking *ā > *ō, but that's already though to be one of the latest common Germanic innovations, perhaps barely post-PG. [Follow-up question: do we even know where Pre-Proto-Germanic was spoken? might not have been anywhere convenient for contacts with Pre-Proto-Finnic.] — A few similar problems also in the less discussed supposed layer of Proto-Balto-Slavic or pre-BSl. loans, but by areal considerations it seems obvious to me there must've been Uralic/IE contact somewhere in the Russian forest belt for ages already, even if it might not have left enough evidence to clearly distinguish from things like pre-Indo-Iranian loans.
Do the Samic languages have loanwords that are not from any historically attested branch of Scandinavian, but some sort of a lost variety entirely? This could be an explanation for an unexpected sound correspondence *j → *ć in many loans; it might also explain some loans that look surprizingly archaic, e.g. lacking any reflection of Siever's Law. One example showing both is indeed *Tāńćə 'Norse', from some sort of a *Danji- variant of Proto-Germanic *Daniz.
Several new hypotheses on the history of of sibilants in Ugric, adding to the growing tally of evidence that traditionally reconstructed *s > *θ and *ś > *s "in Proto-Ugric" are actually later developments. A paper supposed to be coming out soon!
No linguistic evidence so far, but a 1670 travelogue by de La Martinière appears to still report seemingly pre-Uralic populations along the Barents Sea coast — and even on Novaya Zemlya, traditionally thought to have been uninhabited (as reported by other early modern explorers) before some Tundra Nenets briefly settled there in mid 19th century. Apparently there's been no real archeological investigation, but also at least two stone labyrinths are known as signs that humans still must've at least visited there sometime in the past. [By current knowledge, labyrinths from Sweden and Finland have mostly been built in late medieval and early modern times though, so they don't suggest especial antiquity either. Could the ones on NZ in fact have been left behind by some of these historical Northwest European expeditions?]
Various discussion also on the development of Samoyedic. Nothing particularly all-new (maybe on Nganasan, more on that in a PhD thesis to appear later this year though), but a few main results include 1. clear recognition that there is no "North Samoyedic" group (as has been suspected for several years now), 2. confirmation that there is regardless a narrower Nenets–Enets group, and 3. some development of a model where all three of Nenets, Enets and Nganasan may have moved to the tundra zone independently from further down south (as is certainly the case for Northern Selkup, the most recent northern expansion of Samoyedic speakers).
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balkanturksblog · 1 year
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The Turkish villages of the Jupa region in North Macedonia.
The region is one of the westernmost points in the Balkans, where there are still ethnic Turks who preserve their language and culture. From this perspective, Župa plays an important role for the Balkan Turks. Although the region borders Albania, Župa has only one Albanian village, which is Balantsi. The rest are Macedonian Christian, Torbeshi and Muslim Turks.
When in 1900 the Bulgarian researcher Vasil Kanchov visited the region to write his book "Macedonia. Ethnography and Statistics", he indicated that in the region, out of a total population of 8309, 3380 were ethnic Turks (40%). The villages where the Turks lived in 1900 are the following: Gorno Elevtsi, Dolno Elevtsi, Dolgash, Turska Osolnitsa, Pralenik (the majority is Turkish, the minority is Bulgarian), Novatsi, Kojadik and Breshtani. Almost all the villages, except Pralenik, were completely Turkish.
He added the following: “Rostkovski's statistics for that kaza are completely unusable. In it, many villages are recorded crookedly beyond recognition. There are no mentions of the Turkish population in Zhupa. The Torbesh also are not mentioned in the kaza of Debre with a few exceptions. Many villages are places with non-existed Christian Albanian population. Many villages are recorded as Christians, and they (the Christians) have been entirely or in large part have been replaced by the Albanians. Verkovich's statistics are so completely unusable now, because they were made a long time ago and since then the population composition has changed a lot.”
The regions center used to be Kocacık, the birthplace of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk’s father. It used to be the largest village of Jupa with a population more than 1,250, all of them ethnic Turks.
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rhinexstone · 7 months
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Something I love about Sisko is how half assed he was about beating those Emissary rumors
Like he built a whole ass solar sail ship because he went to a Bajoran museum opening and proved the tech history of Bajor
And learned blessings for couples and babies and the elderly, even worked on his pronunciation, despite the fact that most of these visitors were during working hours for him
Then actually held onto the Emissary title JUST so that Bajor wouldn’t go into a caste system
AND THEN became obsessed with Bajoran art history, which resulted in him making another massive anthropological discovery for the Bajoran people and become a godlike figure for a day
Like?? He fuckin hated being the Emissary but at the same time he just loves Bajoran ethnohistory and doing right by a race still scarred from narrowly escaping ethno cleansing
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testosteronetwunk · 2 months
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Isn't also pretty messed up how Arabs also speak a Semitic language but the term anti-Semitic has been appropriated to exclude them.
i think that the term “semitic” in and of itself was and is a racist ethnonationalist european construct that was created to otherize jews and say that they’re foreign to europe and belong in the place their religion originated even though they’ve been living in europe for 1000 years at this point. but the linguistic classification of semitic does make sense just as a “box” ykwim just not as a racial or ethnic category, i think we should all stop buying into european ideas of race and ethnohistory that were fabricated wholecloth during europes “national awakening” that grandfathered both nazism and zionism
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gravalicious · 4 months
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“The literal translation of hazomanga is “blue wood” or “blue tree” because the word hazo in the Sakalava-Masikoro dialect has two senses: tree and wood. The tree meaning designates the shady place by the kily (tamarindus indica) or the kily itself where ceremonies are held, such as the soronanake or fandeo (adoption or recognition of a child by the father through circumcision). The hazomanga consecrates this ceremony, adding another member to the father’s lineage. Hazomanga also evokes wood. The hazomboto, meaning ‘‘wood from the rod,’’ is also called hazomanga. This is a phallic symbol, an evocative stake that one plants in a sacred place (the fanandrata) during the circumcision ceremony. Moreover, the stake of katrafae (cedrelopsis grevei), which is planted each time that the jiny comes out, is called hazomanga. Later I discuss in more detail how the word jiny has come to be an integral part of hazomanga. The other word in hazomanga, manga, is very easy to understand. It means beauty.[5] Malagasy call all dark colors manga when they want to give it value. For example, a young woman with beautiful eyes is called ampela manga maso, (‘‘woman of blue eyes’’). A beautiful young black girl is often baptized Manga, or Remangane. The Makoa, originally African slaves, when freed were baptized Zazamanga, ‘‘blue children,’’ to avoid saying black. By extension, hazomanga has a higher signification. It designates the house of the Mpitoka, the lineage leader or patriarch, and even the village where he resides, which serves as the focal point for the whole lineage.[6] As I already mentioned, the hazomanga is a combination of parts. Its main element is the jiny. Jiny is of Arabic origin (Lavondès 1967: 128n). In Menabe, when the jiny in the royal family was called dady and was worshipped by all the kingdom’s subjects, each lineage was identified by its jiny. In fact, in the precolonial period only the noble families and Vohitse (free people) were concerned with the hazomanga. Slaves were not entitled to it. Thus, before I discuss the role and the place of the hazomanga in the life of the Masikoro, it is necessary to present briefly their precolonial society. This brings me to the different social castes and their position and particularly in relation to the hazomanga.”
Jeanne Dina - The Hazomanga among the Masikoro of Southwest Madagascar: Identity and History [Ethnohistory, 2001; 48(1-2): 13-30]
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blueiight · 10 months
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[Counter]memory disrupts the narrative of progress from ethnohistory or prehistory to history, or from milieu to lieu.
- Saidiya Hartman, Scenes of Subjection
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linguistlist-blog · 8 months
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FYI: Phillips Fund for Native American Research
The Phillips Fund of the American Philosophical Society provides grants to fund research in Native American linguistics, ethnohistory, and the history of studies of Native Americans in the continental United States and Canada. The funds are intended for such extra costs as travel, tapes, films, and consultants’ fees. Deadline: March 1, 2024 Award: up to $3,500 Contact: Linda Musumeci, Director of Grants and Fellowships, American Philosophical Society, 104 South Fifth Street, Philadelphia, PA 191 http://dlvr.it/Sv6vKb
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Final Research Notes (part 5)
From Fashioning Their Place
All information present courtesy of Gender, Imperialism, and Global Exchanges by Stephan F. Miescher, Michele Mitchell, & Naoko Shibusawa
(p 116) Bodily praxis makes women’s political praxis visible.
(p 116 cont’d) Rather than focusing on extracting labor/raw materials, European admins & merchants intentionally encouraged trade, ‘that might instill needs which only they could satisfy, desires to which only they could cater, signs & values over whose flow they exercised control.’ 
(p 119) For both men & women, imported textiles were a mark of prestige & critical for demonstrating & maintaining political power. 
(p 123) Education & civic programs had young girls traveling farther & staying out later, away from critical eyes of older relatives.
(p 124) In his ethnohistory of European manufactured cloth marketed in W. Africa, Christopher Steiner urges scholars to consider the creative process of textile design. In doing so, we should approach decorated cloth manufactured for Africa as ‘reflection/expression of European visions of Africa generated under pressures of capitalism & influence of vested commercial interests.’ 
(p 125) Africa-bound textiles how European designers, weavers, & manufacturers imagined Africa to be.
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hakesbros · 1 year
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Las Cruces New Mexico Properties Berkshire Hathaway Homeservices
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The Shake-Up is scheduled to air on New Mexico PBS
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rivaltimes · 2 years
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Institute of Puerto Rican Culture postpones the XI Meeting of Archeology Researchers
Institute of Puerto Rican Culture postpones the XI Meeting of Archeology Researchers
As a result of the damage caused by the hurricane fionathe Institute of Puerto Rican Culture (ICP) and its Archeology and Ethnohistory Program announced in a press release the postponement of the XI Meeting of Archeology Researchers. The event, which was originally scheduled to take place tomorrow, Tuesday, September 20, will take place on Friday, September 30, from 8:00 am to 1:00 pm at the…
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source material used to defend the argument
source material used to defend the argument
ARTICLE TO READ : Meadows, William C.  “‘They Had a Chance to Talk to One Another…’: The Role of Incidence in Native American Code Talking.”  Ethnohistory 56, no. 2 (Spring 2009): 269-284. Read the article carefully and completely.  Take notes on the key points in each section and organize them in the following manner in preparation to write the paper.   The first paragraph of your essay: What…
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myassignmentonline · 2 years
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source material used to defend the argument
source material used to defend the argument
ARTICLE TO READ : Meadows, William C.  “‘They Had a Chance to Talk to One Another…’: The Role of Incidence in Native American Code Talking.”  Ethnohistory 56, no. 2 (Spring 2009): 269-284. Read the article carefully and completely.  Take notes on the key points in each section and organize them in the following manner in preparation to write the paper.   The first paragraph of your essay: What…
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source material used to defend the argument
source material used to defend the argument
ARTICLE TO READ : Meadows, William C.  “‘They Had a Chance to Talk to One Another…’: The Role of Incidence in Native American Code Talking.”  Ethnohistory 56, no. 2 (Spring 2009): 269-284. Read the article carefully and completely.  Take notes on the key points in each section and organize them in the following manner in preparation to write the paper.   The first paragraph of your essay: What…
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source material used to defend the argument
source material used to defend the argument
ARTICLE TO READ : Meadows, William C.  “‘They Had a Chance to Talk to One Another…’: The Role of Incidence in Native American Code Talking.”  Ethnohistory 56, no. 2 (Spring 2009): 269-284. Read the article carefully and completely.  Take notes on the key points in each section and organize them in the following manner in preparation to write the paper.   The first paragraph of your essay: What…
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ebouks · 2 years
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Centring the Periphery: Chaos, Order, and the Ethnohistory of Dominica
Centring the Periphery: Chaos, Order, and the Ethnohistory of Dominica
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possessivesuffix · 4 years
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Following the Gumuz tangent by looking now a bit more into Koman. Conveniently, for this there is a recent dissertation “A Historical Reconstruction of the Koman Language Family” (Otero 2019) already sketching out all the main lines of development.
The family looks phonologically quite compact really, but low on cognate vocabulary: 25% Swadesh list counts between the two main branches and 20% with poorly attested outlier Gule. Probably though this is not really due to the family having an age of 4000+ years as given by glottochronology estimates, when the sound correspondences are mostly transparent. My spitball take would be closer to 2000 years old and heavy relexification due to low sociolinguistic status. Per Otero, the Koman speakers have apparently for long suffered of slave raiding and land theft by their bigger neighbors. For that matter, maybe loanwords from adjacent languages could explain why the family has been for long thought to be a part of Nilo-Saharan? That other 75% of basic vocabulary has to come from somewhere.
Shoutout in particular to Gwama for showing multiple interesting sound changes:
word-initial *ɓ *ɗ > /pʼ tʼ/
tone-conditioned devoicing: word-initial *b *d *g > /p t k/ before low tone (however *ɟ > /z/ always, without devoicing to /s/)
in-progress word-medial chainshift with /b d g/ > [β ɾ ɣ] and /pʼ tʼ kʼ/ > [b d g]
*s and *ʃ merge before high vowels according to ±ATR: as /s/ before /i u/, as /ʃ/ before /ɪ ʊ/
The tone shift (also found in some other Koman languages) is actually a sort of cheshirization, as low tone is itself conditioned by *voiced initials. Not immediately though, since the tone split is attested also in languages still retaining voiced stops (and also the devoicing also in some languages that appear to have re-merged the low and mid tones).
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