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#philadelphi corridor
vyorei · 3 months
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We'll see
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capybaracorn · 4 months
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What’s the Philadelphi Corridor?
The Philadelphi Corridor, also known as the Philadelphi Route, is the 14km (8.7-mile) long strip of land that represents the entirety of the border area between Gaza and Egypt.
It was established as a buffer zone controlled and patrolled by Israeli armed forces as part of the 1979 peace treaty with Egypt that ended Israel’s occupation of the Sinai Peninsula and reopened the Suez Canal.
Its stated purpose was to stop weapons and material from reaching the hands of Palestinians inside the Gaza Strip, which Israel occupied, and to prevent people from moving between the Palestinian lands and Egypt without tough checks.
“It must be shut. It is clear that any other arrangement would not ensure the demilitarisation that we seek,” Netanyahu said on Saturday, also signalling the war may last many more months.
Where does Egypt stand on this?
In 2005, Israel withdrew from the Gaza Strip under international pressure and instead turned the densely populated Palestinian land into the world’s largest open-air prison.
Egypt became the main player in control of the corridor, which signifies the only link with the outside world not controlled by Israel – as Tel Aviv maintains a land, sea and air blockade of the strip from all other sides.
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greencarnation · 4 months
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🚨 Netanyahu announces Israel will re-occupy the Philadelphi Corridor comprising the Gaza-Egypt border area, Gaza’s only access to the outside world.
Other updates:
• At least 100 killed and 286 injured by IOF attacks on homes in central Gaza in the last 24 hours.
• Khan Younis is under heavy aerial bombardment & shelling, with more invading forces deployed. A massive air strike was reported yesterday around the European Hospital there.
• Israeli forces have killed hundreds of sports players and figures, according to the Gaza-based Supreme Council for Sports. It stated Israel “also targeted, destroyed and bombed many stadiums and sports clubs and turned a number of them into detention, torture and execution centres, as happened in the Yarmouk Stadium in Gaza City.”
• At least 16 people were abducted by Israeli forces in the occupied West Bank in raids last night.
• Israel killed Sheikh Yousef Salameh, former Palestinian minister of religious affairs and preacher at Al-Aqsa Mosque
via letstalkpalestine 31/12/23
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the-light-of-stars · 4 months
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Israel's Minister of Finance calls for a resettlement of Gaza with Israelis, says Israel will not allow for 'two million people to live there' and calls for all but at most 100.000-200.000 Palestinians to flee Gaza. Meanwhile the German Government and its experts still insist that calling this a genocide is wrong and inappropriate.
" A right wing extremist israeli minister advocates for an israeli re-settlement of the Gaza strip after the war. Minister of Finance Bezalel Smotrich told the israeli military channel on sunday, if Israel proceeds correctly there will be an emigration of Palestinians and "we will live in the Gaza strip."
According to a post by the channel on the platform X Smotrich said furthermore: "We will not allow for a situation where two million people live there. If 100.000 or 200.000 Arabs live in Gaza, the discussion about the 'day after' will be a very different one." He added "They want to leave, they've been living in a ghetto and in suffering for 75 years."
Out of worry of a mass flight Egypt as well as Jordan have refused the intake of refugees from the contested Gaza strip. This is also due to the worry that it would result in a permanent displacement. Smotrich is an advocate of the vision of "Great-Israel" and also advocated for the annexation of the occupied West Bank."
And yet the German Government and the experts it and the media keep quoting still unequivocally claim that this is not a genocide and that saying it is is a baseless claim and 'very very inappropriate' :
[from an article about a pro-palestine protest at a university in Berlin. Earlier in the article the expert also claimed that the protesters holding up their palms, that have been painted red to symbolise Germany's complicity in the genocide, is 'highly antisemitic' and claimed it symbolises the protesters calling for the death of jewish people.]
"What happens here is a shifting of the limits of the sayable. We've been witnessing the misuse of the apartheid term for a long time already, especially by the BDS-Movement [...] Here they always bring up images of the apartheid regime in South Africa and connect them with Israel to condemn israeli politics - even though that's very obviously not comparable.
The use of the genocide term is even way, way less appropriate. What is a genocide has been very distinctly defined by the international law: the intentional and thus legitimised, announced killing of a national, ethnic or religious group because of those traits. The motive of destruction and annihilation is very important in this case."
So according to this expert, and others like him, this is not a genocide because high ranking Israeli government officials calling for the emigration or death of all but 100.000 Gazans and the subsequent resettlement of the land with Israelis, while destroying 70% of all infrastructure in Gaza and killing more than 20.000 people in just about two months, is somehow not 'intentional and legitimised killing of a national, ethnic or religious group because of those traits'.
Somehow, high ranking israeli government officials saying they want all but 5-10% of Palestinians in Gaza to 'go away' so the land can be settled by their own citizens does not show a genocidal motive, according to these people, but instead their motive is considered 'self defense' and is treated as righteous and in need of (military) support.
The israeli government again saying they simply 'must' annex further parts of Gaza for the sake of a so called 'demilitarisation' , does not show any such occupational motives either, according to those experts.
"The Philadelphi corridor or, better, the southern end of the Gaza strip must be in our control." , said Netanyahu in a televised address. The region must be cordoned off. "It is clear, that every other regulation would not ensure the demilitarisation, that we are aiming at."
Not to mention that when someone like Smotrich calls the living situation of Palestinians in Gaza "living in a ghetto and in suffering for 75 years" to support his argument that all Palestinians should just leave and, according to him 'want' to leave (implying that Israel is really doing them a favor by speeding up this emigration), it is acceptable and reasonable, but when someone like jewish journalist Masha Gessen makes the same comparison to call on international governments to stop Israel's attacks and oppression it is considered "An unspeakable comparison that oversteps a red line" which caused the cancellation of an award ceremony in which Gessen was supposed to receive the Hannah Arendt Prize for political thinking.
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argyrocratie · 3 months
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Even with such a high number of casualties among soldiers? More than 550 Israeli soldiers have been killed since October 7, including over 220 while fighting inside Gaza.
It is a lot, but without diminishing the tragedy of each and every one, this number does not raise question marks for two reasons. First, after what happened on October 7, death is perceived as a kind of fate. Second, when we look at the map of casualties, we see that a majority of them come from outside the secular middle class: religious Zionists, settlers, immigrants from the Soviet Union, Ethiopians, and Druze.
This war has not sent a shockwave through the centers of power in Israel. What will shock those families is an economic cost, international sanctions. Perhaps also a moral price, such as the discussions about genocide [at the ICJ].
During the Lebanon War [which began in 1982], for 12 years — from 1985 to 1997 — there were no forces within Israeli society that pushed for change. The Archimedean point was the helicopter disaster [in which two helicopters transporting Israeli soldiers into Lebanon collided, killing 73 people]. The disaster was important, because in a very circumstantial way the composition of the casualties reflected the wars of the past. Therefore, it horrified the middle class and created a big movement [to end the war]. Without it, it would have been possible for Israeli forces to stay in Lebanon for many more years.
Reservists were seen as a potential political force [when, for example, 3,000 reservists refused to participate in Israel’s invasion of Lebanon in 1982]. However, the gradual change in the army’s composition is also reflected slowly in the reserve forces. Moreover, the reserves have become a semi-selective force: those who identify with the mission will come, while those who don’t will stay at home.
There is the potential for a certain kind of protest in the reserves. People returning home may find themselves in financial hardship, and will see that the country is not helping them. Students returning to their studies may find that their peers have advanced academically beyond them. This could incite a rebellion within the reserve community. However, it will not be political; it will be more of a materialistic rebellion.
If the army stays in Gaza for an extended period of time in all kinds of security zones — including the crazy idea of ​​returning to the Philadelphi Corridor [along Gaza’s border with Egypt], which the army has intentionally avoided entering — you will see more and more reservists getting wounded. But the army has the ability to produce architectures that narrow the role of the reserves, knowing that it could be politically explosive. More regular units will be established, or more ultra-Orthodox will be conscripted from the parts of the community that are showing more signs of willingness to enlist, and of course women, which is one of the biggest internal military developments of this war.
(...)
What do you understand about the current rules of engagement in Gaza?
There are none. How do I know? Because the starting point in “Operation Cast Lead” in 2008-9 and “Operation Protective Edge” in 2014 was that the soldiers were operating in a “sterile zone.” Why sterile? Because we told the residents to leave, which means everything is a legitimate target. We heard it from soldiers who testified to Breaking the Silence, and we heard it from Tzvika Fogel [who served as a general during Operation Cast Lead and now serves as a Knesset member for the far-right Otzma Yehudit/Jewish Power party] who said: “There’s no such thing as an innocent person in Gaza.”
Since the Second Intifada, the army has not given soldiers written rules of engagement, so the matter is open to interpretation. The fact that every person [in a “sterile zone”] is a legitimate target is also one of the reasons for the high rate of friendly-fire and accidental killings [which account for around one-fifth of the soldiers killed in Gaza since October 7].
Any talk of restraint is a dirty word. In 2014, after Operation Protective Edge, the military prosecutor’s office came under a lot of pressure. In response, army commanders began saying that the prosecutor’s office does not restrict them. I heard Gadi Eisenkot [a former IDF Chief of Staff, and a member of the current war cabinet] at a recent forum in which he said that there is no way that the prosecutor’s office will tell the army to stop. He essentially said: “There is no prosecutor’s office now.” That’s a statement you’re not supposed to make.
(...)
Returning to where we started, you wrote that only if three conditions are met — raising the cost of managing the conflict, exhausting the military option, and formulating a credible political alternative — will there be a chance of moving beyond the status quo. Has the war thrown the system out of its perfect equilibrium?
Yes, because the significant upheaval and large-scale casualties have greatly disturbed the world. There is an international interest here. The United States needs Saudi Arabia, and Saudi Arabia cannot go back to betraying the Palestinians as it tried to betray them before.
What about within Israel?
Internally, the change will only happen when there will be very high costs that will force our eyes open.
In other words, in order for there to be an internal change, the external actions have to be more dramatic?
This is the realization that I’ve come to. I gave too little space to external pressure.
Perhaps the book also underestimates the ability of the Palestinians to influence the system, to demonstrate agency. On October 7 and throughout the war that followed, the Palestinians have been saying: “You built a perfect system, but you forgot us.”
I understand this critique, but I don’t agree with it. The Palestinians demonstrated agency during the First Intifada and the Second Intifada, and they are demonstrating agency again now. The point is that on October 7, Israel — as a result of its own failures — did not manage to confront a threat that it could have easily prevented. This gave the Palestinians much more power than they truly had.
The story of October 7 is a tale of a grotesque failure. We wouldn’t be sitting here now if Israel had taken a few minor actions — another battalion here or there, a bit more alertness, equipment that was checked over a little more.
It’s reasonable to assume that Hamas did not expect to be so successful, but in the end, it was the Palestinians who threw the Israeli system off balance.
Totally."
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mariacallous · 4 months
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Three months into its war against Hamas, the Israeli government has announced its intent to seize the Philadelphi Corridor, a narrow 8.7-mile strip of land that runs along the border of Gaza and Egypt. Controlling the territory would allow Israel to better prevent a postwar rearming of Hamas, which appears to have smuggled much of its arsenal via the Sinai Peninsula. But a long-term Israeli occupation of the corridor is also likely to irritate Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi. While Sisi has maintained very good relations with Israel—including deep tactical counterterrorism cooperation in Sinai—lately the authoritarian leader has been unusually solicitous of Egyptian public opinion about Gaza.
To be sure, the Palestinian issue resonates greatly in Egypt. Sisi’s rhetorical support for Palestinians has enabled him to get ahead of the street, channel popular anger, and likely bolster his waning popularity during a profound domestic economic crisis for which many Egyptians hold him responsible. Disruptions in Red Sea shipping related to the Israel-Hamas war are also having a significant impact on Suez Canal revenues, exacerbating Egypt’s financial woes. For whatever reason, Sisi talks about Gaza a lot, and in recent months he has sponsored rallies and even a rare mass public demonstration in support of Palestinians.
Even so, Sisi has little affection for Hamas, the Palestinian chapter of the Muslim Brotherhood that rules Gaza. Egypt largely eradicated its own Muslim Brotherhood branch in 2013, reportedly killing more than 1000 members of the Islamist group in a single bloody day. Since then, Sisi has built nearly three dozen new prisons to incarcerate remnant brothers and other regime opponents. Nevertheless, like many of his regional counterparts, Sisi continues to articulate staunch backing for Gaza.
During a government-sponsored rally for the Palestinian cause in Cairo in November, Sisi pledged Egypt’s fealty. “My decision was resolute,” he said, “namely to be at the forefront of the supporters of our brothers in Palestine and to spearhead action for their sake. … By virtue of its history and geography, Egypt is destined to be the backbone in supporting the struggle” of the Palestinian people.
In providing this professed support, Cairo has been clear about what it will not do for Palestinians. First and foremost, Egypt will not serve as a Palestinian place of exile. Sisi has defined any Israeli expulsion of Palestinians from Gaza to Egypt as a “red line.” He also declared that Egypt’s borders will not be opened to allow entry to Palestinians displaced by the violence. Egypt has been less clear, however, about what it will actually do proactively for Palestinians.
Importantly today, Egypt is serving as a staging ground for hundreds of trucks filled with humanitarian assistance crossing into Gaza. Cairo has also hinted that it could participate in an as-yet-undefined U.S. plan for an Arab stabilization force in postwar Gaza. An Egyptian contribution to a peacekeeping contingent would be an unusually helpful gesture during what is sure to be a difficult transition period.
But this is only part of what Cairo should do to support Palestinians once the war is over.
The Oct. 7 Hamas massacre of mainly Israeli civilians was a milestone in the ongoing divorce proceedings between Israel and Gaza. Although Israel formally ended its occupation of Gaza in 2005, until recently it continued to provide the territory with water, electricity, and employment. Indeed, on Oct. 6, nearly 18,500 Palestinians from Gaza were working in Israel, the second largest source of Palestinian employment after the Hamas-led government.
Regardless of whether an Israeli-Palestinian political settlement is eventually achieved, Palestinians from Gaza are unlikely to ever receive permits to work in Israel again—especially after reports emerged that laborers from Gaza may have provided intelligence on kibbutzim and military facilities to Hamas in advance of the attack. In early November, it was reported that Israel’s construction sector petitioned the Israeli government to allow companies to hire up to 100,000 Indians to replace Palestinian laborers from both Gaza and the West Bank. In the aftermath of the Hamas attack, Israel also suspended the sale of electricity and water to Gaza. Water supplies have resumed, but it’s unclear for how long.
After the war, Israel may be reticent to continue with business as usual, preferring instead to cut all ties with the troubled strip.
This is where Egypt comes in. Egypt’s anemic economy precludes the possibility of financial contributions to Palestinians in Gaza, but if underwritten by the Gulf, there is much Sisi can do to support post-Hamas Gaza—perhaps even profiting Egypt along the way.
There is ample space in the Sinai Peninsula, for example, to build a desalination facility and power plant to serve Gaza’s needs. Like Israel, Egypt could sell this electricity and water to Palestinians.
Egypt could also help Palestinian laborers by providing daily work permits. Initially, these workers could participate in the building of these utilities; later, perhaps, they could find employment in new economic zones situated in Sinai near Rafah. Washington could incentivize this initiative by establishing qualified industrial zones—like the ones created after Israel’s peace agreements with Egypt and Jordan—manufacturing products with Egyptian materials assembled with Palestinian labor and sold duty-free in the United States and Europe.
Beyond this assistance, Egypt could agree to train, if asked, the Palestinian Authority security forces that Washington hopes will fill the void after Hamas is eventually vanquished. Another useful and lucrative prospect for Cairo is the opportunity for Egyptian construction companies to be at the forefront of Gaza’s rebuilding.
Since the end of Egypt’s occupation of Gaza in 1967, Egyptian engagement with the territory has largely been confined to political mediation and intelligence operations. The Hamas crisis presents Egypt with the opportunity to kill two birds with one stone. Not only can Egypt take a leading role in helping Palestinians. By playing a productive part in postwar Gaza, Sisi can also blunt criticism of himself in the U.S. Congress, including of his December reelection, a contest widely considered neither free nor fair.
While Sisi understandably wants to avoid being perceived as complicit in Palestinian dispossession, Egypt is the only Arab state bordering Gaza and can no longer reasonably absolve itself of any responsibility for its professed brethren. Sisi talks a lot about supporting Palestinians. As the war in Gaza moves toward a less intensive phase, it’s time for Egypt to act.
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head-post · 4 months
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Netanyahu confirms intention to control Gaza-Egypt border zone
Israeli PM Benjamin Netanyahu said Gaza-Egypt border zone should be under Israeli control.
“The Philadelphi Corridor – or to put it more correctly, the southern stoppage point [of Gaza] – must be in our hands. It must be shut. It is clear that any other arrangement would not ensure the demilitarisation that we seek,” he told a press conference.
In addition, Netanyahu also claimed that Israel remains steadfast in its goal of destroying Hamas in Gaza and demilitarising the territory to ensure further security, as well as returning all captured Israelis.
The war is at its height. We are fighting on all of the fronts. Achieving victory will require time. As the chief of staff has said, the war will continue for many more months.
Netanyahu also warned that in the event of continued attacks by Hezbollah or Iran, Israel would immediately retaliate: “If Hezbollah expands the warfare, it will suffer blows that it has not dreamed of – and so too Iran.”
Read more HERE
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penflicks · 4 months
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Khouri said Egypt would not agree to Israel retaking control of the corridor and establishing a military presence there decades after it left.
He said Netanyahu’s comments can also be viewed within the context of Israel’s constant pursuit of territorial expansionism since its creation in 1948 — even though this has not brought the country security.
“The more they expand, the more they control land, the more they try to be secure by taking over people’s lands and driving people out of their homes, the less secure they become because they just instigate greater and more intense forms of resistance by Palestinians and other people, including Hezbollah in Lebanon.”
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latribune · 2 months
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infosisraelnews · 3 months
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Négociations du corridor de Philadelphie : clôtures souterraines et patrouilles égyptiennes
Le différend sur le corridor de Philadelphie entre Israël et l’Égypte se rapproche d’un accord, avec des informations selon lesquelles un « pays arabe du golfe Persique », encore inconnu, pourrait contribuer financièrement à la solution. Il existe également des informations selon lesquelles des progrès significatifs ont été réalisés entre Israël et l’Égypte sur cette question. Cette semaine,…
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warlikeparakeet2 · 3 months
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capybaracorn · 3 months
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Satellite photos show Egypt building Gaza buffer zone as Rafah push looms
Despite its opposition to displacement of Palestinians, Cairo appears to be preparing for a scenario forced by Israel.
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A satellite image shows the construction of a wall along the Egypt-Gaza border near Rafah on February 15, 2024 [Maxar Technologies/Handout via Reuters]
Egypt is building a fortified buffer zone near its border with the Gaza Strip as fears mount of an imminent Israeli ground invasion of the southern city of Rafah, which could displace hundreds of thousands of Palestinians across the frontier, according to satellite images and media reports.
Footage from the site in the Sinai desert and satellite photos show that an area that could offer basic shelter to tens of thousands of Palestinians is being constructed with concrete walls being set up on the Egyptian side of the Rafah crossing, the only non-Israeli-controlled crossing to and from Gaza.
The new compound is part of contingency plans if large numbers of Palestinians manage to cross into Egypt and could accommodate more than 100,000 people, The Wall Street Journal reported on Thursday, citing Egyptian officials.
It is surrounded by concrete walls and far from any Egyptian settlements. Large numbers of tents have been delivered to the site, the report said.
Videos taken by the United Kingdom-based Sinai Foundation for Human Rights show trucks and bulldozers clearing debris from a plot of land of about 8sq miles (21sq km), according to The Washington Post, which obtained satellite images that show 2sq miles (5sq km) was cleared between February 6 and Wednesday.
Mohamed Abdelfadil Shousha, the governor of North Sinai, the Egyptian governorate that borders Gaza and Israel, has reportedly denied that Egypt is building a refugee camp along the border in case of an exodus by Palestinians forced by the Israeli military.
The Sinai Foundation, an activist organisation that has a monitoring team in northern Sinai, said in a report this week that the gated area will be surrounded by 7-metre-high (23ft-high) cement walls.
Israel has said it wants to take over the Philadelphi Corridor, the fortified border area between Gaza and Egypt, to secure it. Egypt has threatened that this would jeopardise the peace treaty the two countries signed four decades ago.
Cairo has emphasised that it does not want Palestinians to be displaced from their land by Israel, comparing such a scenario to the 1948 Nakba, the forced displacement of about 750,000 Palestinians from their homes in the war that led to Israel’s creation.
Tel Aviv’s insistence on going ahead with its planned attack on Rafah despite international pressure has been unshaken even though the area is where 1.4 million Palestinians are living, the vast majority of whom have been forcibly displaced – some multiple times – by Israeli bombardments and ground operations.
Palestinians displaced to Rafah are suffering from a lack of sufficient shelter, food, water and medicine, and the United Nations and human rights groups have warned that the humanitarian disaster in the besieged enclave is rapidly worsening.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has ordered the army to work on a plan of evacuation for more than half of the 2.3 million people of the Gaza Strip who are now crammed into Rafah, but has provided no detailed steps.
He has suggested Palestinians could be sent to areas north of Rafah that the Israeli military has already cleared through a ground invasion backed by bombings.
Avi Dichter, Israel’s minister of agriculture and rural development, has suggested areas west of Rafah and the bombed al-Mawasi refugee camp near the Mediterranean coast, where many are already sheltering.
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A satellite image shows new construction and earth grading along the Egypt-Gaza border near Rafah on February 10, 2024 [Maxar Technologies/Handout via Reuters]
The United States and a number of other key allies of Israel have said they oppose a ground assault on Rafah, some warning it would be “catastrophic”.
US President Joe Biden “has been clear that we do not support the forced displacement of Palestinians from Gaza”, the Reuters news agency quoted a US Department of State spokesperson as saying on Friday. “The US is not funding camps in Egypt for displaced Palestinians.”
Israel on Wednesday pulled out of US- and Arab-mediated talks with Hamas because it said the Palestinian armed group has had “ludicrous demands” that have included Israel’s withdrawal from Gaza.
Netanyahu and the Israeli war cabinet have continued to push for “total victory” with the prime minister calling Rafah the “last bastion” of Hamas.
For weeks, the fiercest fighting in the Gaza Strip has been taking place in Khan Younis, also located in southern Gaza, with the Israeli military claiming its attacks are aimed at destroying Hamas battalions in the area.
Using shelling, sniper fire and drones, the Israeli army has also for weeks been laying siege to Nasser Hospital, the largest medical facility in the area, which has hundreds of patients and staff and has been a shelter for thousands of displaced Palestinians.
Dr Nahed Abu Taima, the hospital’s director, told Al Jazeera on Friday that Israeli forces were rounding up patients and civilians and had cut off electricity to the medical complex.
“We stand helpless, unable to provide any form of medical assistance to the patients inside the hospital or the victims flooding into the hospital every single minute,” he said.
Israel’s attacks on Gaza have killed at least 28,775 Palestinians and wounded 68,552 since October 7, according to the Ministry of Health in Gaza. Several thousand more are missing, presumably buried under rubble.
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jeintalu · 3 months
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Israel informed Egypt on Saturday evening of its intention to send troops into Rafah and the Philadelphi Corridor, despite Egypt's firm opposition to such a decision.
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eretzyisrael · 3 years
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Two Palestinians died and another was missing on Thursday after Egypt pumped toxic gas into a Gaza smuggling tunnel, Israel's N12 news reports.
The tunnel stretches from the Gaza Strip to Egypt's Sinai Peninsula.
The smuggling tunnels dug under the Philadelphi Corridor along the Egypt-Gaza border are used by Palestinians to bypass the Rafah Border Crossing. Fuel, food and other goods along with weapons are brought into the Hamas-ruled coastal enclave from Egypt via the tunnel system.
Egyptian security forces in 2010 sprayed a border tunnel with gas, killing four Palestinians and wounding nine others.
In 2009 Egypt began building a steel border barrier along the 7.5 mile (14 km) border with Gaza to stop the smuggling tunnels. Construction started in February 2020 on a new concrete wall equipped with electronic sensors that runs 2 miles (3 km) along the Gaza-Egypt border.
Human rights groups have accused the Gaza government of using child labor in the smuggling tunnels.
On the Israel-Gaza border, Palestinian youths from the "Night Confusion Unit" have recently been rioting on the Gaza border fence, hurling rocks and improvised explosives.
The Hamas terrorist group that rules the Gaza Strip maintains an extensive tunnel system within Gaza's borders, dubbed the "Hamas Metro." During May's Operation Guardian of the Walls, Israeli forces inflicted heavy damage on the tunnel system during extensive aerial bombing campaigns.
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infosisraelnews · 4 months
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L'Egypte a mis en garde Israël contre toute violation des accords en cas de reprise du corridor de Philadelphie
L’Égypte a réagi à la déclaration d’hier de Benjamin Netanyahu concernant l’intention d’Israël de prendre le contrôle du corridor de Philadelphie après la fin de la guerre dans la bande de Gaza. « L’Égypte contrôle pleinement et en toute sécurité ses frontières et cette question fait l’objet d’accords de sécurité entre les deux pays. Par conséquent, toute discussion sur les frontières est…
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infosisraelnews · 5 months
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Les dirigeants du Hamas réfléchissent à un plan de fuite vers l'Egypte
Le ministère des Dotations du Hamas a ordonné mardi soir aux mosquées de la région de Rafah d’ouvrir leurs portes aux personnes déplacées de toute la bande de Gaza. C’est peut-être le plan d’évasion des dirigeants du Hamas et de Yahya Sinwar.  Plusieurs mosquées de Rafah sont adjacentes au corridor de Philadelphie, à la frontière égyptienne, et plusieurs tunnels y sont utilisés pour la…
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