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Mamata Banerjee husband name, Age, Caste, Family, Biography & More
Quik Info: Mamata Banerjee is the current Chief Minister of West Bengal. She is also the chief of the All India Trinamool Congress political party.
Mamata Banerjee BiographyEarly life and educationMamta Banerjee Wiki Mamata Banerjee Election ResultsMamta Benerjee Husband NameMamta Benerjee FamilyMamta Benerjee Net WorthSome Lesser Known Facts About Mamta Benerjee
Mamata Banerjee…
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A FAMOUS VETERAN BENGALI ACTOR ABHISHEK CHATTERJEE PASSES AT AGE OF 57. || DYNAMIC TALK
Bengali entertainer Abhishek Chatterjee passes on at 57 times old
KEY HIGHLIGHTS
Bengali imitator Abhishek Chatterjee passes on at 57 times old
Apparently, he endured a coronary failure
.His companion and imitator Bharat Kaul reviewed their last gathering
The time 2022 has removed numerous stars from the film world. From Lata Mangeshkar, Bappi Lahiri to MC Tod Fod, the country has been grieving the insufficiency of multitudinous notorious people. What is further, presently, Bengali imitator, Abhishek Chatterjee's unanticipated end has transferred shockwaves in the country. Abhishek had made his screen debut with stagers like Sandhya Roy, Prosenjit Chatterjee, Tapas Paul in the Bengali film Pathbhola.
for more info click here
https://dynamics3.blogspot.com/2022/03/a-famous-veteran-bengali-actor-abhishek.html
#Abhishek chatterjee#west bengal#film#film industry#mamta banerjee#india#news#die#age 57#actor#heart attack#2022
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CM Mamata Benarjee: मैं जिंदा लाश की तरह हूं 🤔
CM Mamata Benarjee: मैं जिंदा लाश की तरह हूं 🤔
ZamanaTV:
पश्चिम बंगाल की मुख्यमंत्री ममता बनर्जी ने भारतीय जनता पार्टी पर जमकर निशाना साधते हुए गुरुवार को कहा कि वह एक जिंदा लाश की तरह हैं। राजनीति में अपने संघर्ष की ओर इशारा करते हुए ममता बनर्जी ने कहा कि पांव से माथे तक ऐसी कोई जगह नहीं है, जहां उन्होंने चोट नहीं खाई है। ममता ने यह भी कहा कि वह किसी राजनीतिक विरासत की वजह से यहां तक नहीं पहुंची हैं।
ममता बनर्जी ने न्यूज चैनल आज तक के एक…
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Ever notice in India Mamta Banerjee and Sonia Gandhi are referred to has 'Mamta and Sonia' but Narendra Modi and Amit Shah are never called 'Narendra and Amit'. It can't be race or age related .
Now ......
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Team I-PAC in TMC's War Room: 3-4 members working on every seat, strategy to win Didi, Youngsters from Oxford, Cambridge to IIT-IIM
The IPAC team working to bring Mamata Banerjee to power in Bengal includes youngsters from Oxford, Cambridge to IIT-IIM. Most are aged between 25 and 35 years. The average age of team members is 25 years. All these elections are part of the team of strategist Prashant Kishore.
I-PAC started functioning in West Bengal in
June-2019. On the advice of this team, TMC launched many new campaigns. The announcement of the candidates was also given great importance to the Ipec's appraisal. The candidates whose performance was poor, their tickets were cut. A member of I-PAC told, 'There is someone from almost every state in our team. There are people from different professions. From nanotechnology savvy to law savvy are in the team. Journalism also has a lot of people.
He says, 'There are people of different professions, only then we get different ideas so that one can come up with a good idea. Earlier some foreigners were also part of the team, but there is no foreigner in the team working in Bengal. The special thing is that working in I-PAC is not like a company but as a college. Meaning comes on your own way, go, just complete your project, on time. There are no other restrictions.
Mamta Banerjee is trying hard to become the Chief Minister for the third time. Continuing rallies even after an injury.
There are 294 assemblies, all have team members.
There are a total of 294 assembly seats in West Bengal, all of which have members of the I-PAC. Somewhere there are three members and there are four members. These people are working closely with the local candidate. Give them public feedback. Social media campaigns run. Government schemes work to reach the people. Also, the campaigns which are being run all over the state, make them run in their area. There are many members in this team who also worked with Prashant Kishore in the Delhi elections. Arvind Kejriwal's strategist in Delhi was Prashant Kishor.
One member of the team said, 'The main difference between us and the political parties is that we have no vested interest. On the basis of feedback-facts, we describe candidates as right and wrong, whereas the leaders who are in the party have some interest. That is why they give feedback to the party according to their own. There are more than 700 members of Ipac in Bengal. Some are in office work. Some are in fieldwork.
Prashant Kishor, who once worked for Modi, is a well-known political strategist. Right now, his team is working for Mamta Banerjee in Bengal.
Didi started this program at the behest of I-PAC, 'Dware Sarkar' was the biggest hit
1. Bangla garbo mamta
Banglore Gorbo Mamta means the pride of Bengal. It is a public outreach program. Its purpose is to connect more than 25 million people of the state with Didi. Started from 2 March, the campaign will run till 10 May. More than 75 thousand party leaders, 5 lakh ground workers will hold more than 21 thousand meetings. The goal is to travel 41 thousand km across Bengal. Under this campaign, the party's target is to reach 25 million people.
2. Didi ke Bolo
Didi ke bolo means to speak to your sister. Under this program, people can register their complaints online. You can give your advice to the government through toll free number. In this, the party leaders are going to the village. Eating with villagers. It aims to cover at least 10 thousand villages.
Also read-Vegetable seller becomes a Municipal chairman
3. Didir dut
A mobile application named Didir Doot has been launched. It was downloaded 5 lakh times in 20 days. It is also a platform to connect with Didi. In this, CM's speech, news and infographics are shared. All their events, activities can be seen here.
4. Dwar government
The objective of this program is to reach the homes of the people and solve their problems and make them accessible to the government schemes. In particular, there are 11 schemes, such as Swasthya Saathi, Kanya Saathi, Kanyashree. People's health cards were made at the panchayat level. Caste certificates were issued. All the problems of the people have ended through the government. It is considered to be a very successful campaign.
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WB krishak Bandhu Form 2021 pdf: Registration Online Application
WB Krishak Bandhu Application form | Krishak Bandhu Scheme Registration | WB Krishak Bondhu Scheme Apply online | Krisshak Bandhu Scheme in West Bengal | পশ্চিমবঙ্গ কৃষক বান্ধু প্রকল্প
Chief Minister of West Bengal Mamta Banerjee Ji has come out with the Krishak Bondhu scheme for the benefit of the farmer brothers in West Bengal. All eligible farmers can get various benefits under this scheme. Read the article thoroughly to know about eligibility criteria, Krishak Bondhu Scheme Online Registration process, documents required, application form pdf in English and Bengali language. Krishak Bandhu Prokalpa in West Bengal state.
Dear friends, as we know very well a higher fraction of the population depends on agriculture and associated work. Therefore WB Government introduces a new scheme for farmers.
Krishak Bandhu West Bengal
WB krishak Bandhu Form 2021 pdf
Under this scheme, WB Krishak brother definatly gets certain benefits like assured income, death/accident benefits. Means financial benefits will be availed by farmers by applying under this scheme. A 3000 Crore budget decided by the State Govt of West Bengal. Krishak Bondhu Prakalpa scheme benefits -
- A life cover insurance of ₹ 2 lakh will be given to every beneficiary as per the scheme.
- Insurance cover will be provided to farmers who die accidently, under this scheme. An insurance amount will be provided within 15 days after the death of the victim.
- Crop Cover Insurance of ₹ 5000 will be given in two installments to the beneficiaries. The premium of the crop also provided by the Government.
- ₹ 5000 per acre in two installments also provided to the beneficiaries one in Kharif and the other in Rabi season.
- ₹ 2000 per annum assistance pro-rata basis
WB Swasthya Sathi Scheme
Scheme
Krishak Bandhu Scheme
Department
Department of Agriculture
Under
State Government of West Bengal
Registration
WB Krishak Bandhu Scheme Apply Online
Official website
krishakbandhu.net
Form
WB Krishak Bandhu Form online 2021
Beneficiaries
Farmers (Krishak Bandhu)
Benefits
Financially Assistance
WB Krishak Bandhu Registration 2021 online
Component of the scheme -
Death benefit - The families of the farmers would be provided with ₹ 2 lakh in case of death (including suicide). Age of farmers whose age is in between 18 to 60 years.
Assured Income - Financial assistance will be provided to all farmers under this scheme. ₹ 5000/- per annum for both Rabi and Kharif seasons.
- 1st installment will provide in June month.
- 2nd installment will provided in November month.
Documents Required -
- ID Proof attested copy - Aadhaar card, Voter card, Driving License, Passport, Pan Card.
- Death Certificate Attested copy (In case of death claim)
- Krishak Bandhu card
- ROR attested copy
- Legal/natural guardian declaration in case of minor claimant
- Self Declaration of Applicant
Dear friends you can check Krishak Bandhu Application Status and beneficiary list district-wise by click on the link WB Krishak Bandhu Beneficiary List 2021.
You have to apply for the same by visiting the official portal instead of visiting the concerned department. This process completely online. Farmers can apply district wise Bankura, Bardhaman, Birbhum, Cooch Behar, Dakshin Dinajpur, Darjeeling, Hooghly, Howrah, Jalpaiguri, Kolkata, Malda, Murshidabad, Nadia, North Parganas, Paschim Medinipur, Purba Medinipur, Purulia, South Parganas, Uttar Dinajpur, Alipurduar, Burdwan, Jhargram, Kalimpong, West Burdwan.
WB Krishak Bondhu Prakalpa Form 2021
This scheme implemented to empower farmer families in West Bengal.
WB Banglarbhumi Portal
Registration process - If you want to apply online for this scheme, you have to visit the official portal.
Krishak Bondhu Talika 2021
Click on login or sign in and for first-time users, you have to click on sign up. Registration form will appeared on your screen. Fill in the asked details like department, role, district, name, basic details.
WB Krishak Bandhu Prokalpa Registration
After that submit all details, after that Username and password on your screen
Application process - Firstly visit the official web portal to get application form. Fill in all asked details (all details should be accurate). Click on submit button.
WB Krishak Bandhu Claim form - Download a claim form from the krishakbandhu form in English and Bengali. Submit details - Farmer's name, address, Wife/Son name, Farmer's death date, Age, Relation with the farmer, ID proof, Land details. Attach all documents and submit the form in the concerned block in the relevant district.
WB Krishak Bandhu helpline number - 8336957370 (between 10 AM to 6 PM). email ID - [email protected].
In case of any queries related to Krishak Bandhu Prakalpa WB just write in the comment box. For more information about various schemes in the West Bengal state, stay tuned or frequently visit here.
Read the full article
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Prime Minister Narendra Modi Schemes
Governments are constantly introducing various types of government schemes to provide better opportunities for citizens of the country. The main purpose of these schemes is to develop the country and improve the lives of citizens. Pm Modi Yojana offers many benefits such as financial assistance, subsidies, insurance, and loan waivers. The purpose of the Prime Minster scheme is to provide Indian citizens with better living opportunities. Under the PM modal system, several consulting departments regulate a range of welfare systems, including farmer welfare, women's welfare, and youth welfare.
Krishak Bandhu scheme: Mamta Banerjee has launched the West Bengal Krishak Bandhu project on January 1, 2019. The plan is managed by the Indian Ministry of Agriculture and benefits about 720,000 farmers in the state. Krishak Bandhu scheme provides farmers with two initiatives. First, if a farmer dies between the ages of 18 and 60, the farmer will be offered a free insurance plan that will provide the family member with Rs. 2 rupee coverage. The state government pays premiums on a crop insurance plan and provides farmers with Rs. 5000 per acre per year. The plan also provides life insurance of Rs 2.00,000 in case of death of a family earning (farmer), regardless of cause. The first installment of the Krishack Bandeau plan will be paid by Kharif Crops in June and the second installment will be delivered in November.
Nikshay Poshan Yojana: This scheme has been start on for patients suffering from tuberculosis (TB). In this nutrition support scheme for tuberculosis patients, each beneficiary receives R. 500 per month for treatment. People can now register / register Nikshay Poshan Yojana 2020 at medical centers seeking treatment. All notified TB patients will be the beneficiaries of Nikshay Poshan Yojana. The Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare is implementing the Nixheiposhan program under the National Revised Tuberculosis Management Program.
Jan Soochna Portal: The Public Information Portal (Jan Soochna Portal) is the first portal to provide information on all the schemes implemented by the government in the district / Panchayat in one place. Implements Section 4 (2) of the Information Rights Act 2005. Sending all information to the public regularly through various means of communication, including the Internet, ensures that the public has a minimal reliance on using this law to obtain information. The purpose of Jan Suchna Portal Rajasthan is to provide citizens with a vision focused on "Panchayat". This vision provides information work for all programs / support agencies / departments in a particular region.
Kalia Yojana: The Odisha state government launched Kalia Yojana between 2019 and 2020 to improve small and medium-sized farms in the state. The main purpose of Kalia Yojana is to benefit farmers in Odisha. Because most of our farmers are not happy with the income they generate. In addition, the income generated is most likely not sufficient to satisfy the child's education, in addition to needs and desires. Kalia Yojana Online helps all farmers meet their needs and desires and helps them get loans for children's education and other purposes. The purpose of this scheme is to accelerate agricultural prosperity, reduce poverty in national payments, and promote cultivation and related activities. This scheme is considered a viable alternative to exempting agricultural loans.
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Mamta Banerjee:"My heartiest congratulations to Subho Paul, who has been selected to represent FC Bayern Munich World Squad in Germany. At the young age of 17, he has shown the world what football truly means to Bengal - beyond sport, it's an emotion. Proud moment for our country."
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Mamta Banerjee Died | Mamta Banerjee Death - Chief Minister Of West Bengal Dies At 65 | Cause Of Death | Obituary - Dead
Mamta Banerjee Died | Mamta Banerjee Death – Chief Minister Of West Bengal Dies At 65 | Cause Of Death | Obituary – Dead
Mamta Banerjee Death / Obituary – Died | Mamta Banerjee Death – Chief Minister Of West Bengal Dies At 65 | Obituary – Dead
Mamta Banerjee Death / Obituary – We learnt through a press publication on June 24, 2020, that Chief Minister of West Bengal, Mamta Banerjee died at the age 65 following an unidentified cause of death.
Mamta Banerjee passed away leaving loved ones in total sadness, she was…
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Migrant crisis in Karnataka reveals dark underbelly of Bengaluru's economy, and how recruitment agencies exploit labourers
The Karnataka government has decided to resume trains for migrant workers stranded in the state, after facing sharp criticism from trade unions, civil society groups and the opposition Congress. Despite the U-turn, the decision to prevent migrants from leaving the state, has brought back the focus on the dark underbelly of the booming economy of the ‘Silicon City’ of Bengaluru and how it is vulnerable without the migrant labourers.
Karnataka seemed to have woken up to the migrant workers crisis, perhaps after Mumbai and Delhi episodes, wherein lakhs of migrant labourers walked back to their native places in north India.
The authorities from the Karnataka government first identified the labourers, around a lakh in number spread across the city, and then swung into action. It distributed food packets and many of them were put up in marriage halls as short-term measures.
Thereafter, it held talks with the Indian Railways and planned to send these workers to their home states. As a result, hundreds of workers from states like Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Jharkhand, availed the facility while several thousand migrant labourers from the Hyderabad-Karnataka region were sent to their native places through state-run Karnataka State Road Transport Corporation busses.
A crisis-like situation cropped up when more and more labourers, mainly from north India, started moving towards city railway stations to get trains scheduled for their home states.
One such lot, comprising of nearly 6,000 workers hired by a gutka factory near Tumakuru, came to Bengaluru and camped near the Bengaluru International Exhibition Centre, 20 kilometres away from the central business district of the city. By that time, however, the trains had stopped. This led to a hue and cry as opposition Congress leaders started issuing statements criticising the government’s ‘inhuman’ attitude towards a genuine problem.
To stir the conscience of the public, former minister and Congress leader, Krishna Byre Gowda had posted a video these of workers walking on Ballari highway. In the video clip, they were seen speaking: “We are from Uttar Pradesh. We want to go back to our native place. We will walk.”
Gowda told this journalist that it was inhuman to refrain these labourers from going to their native places.
“You can check the dictionary and find out for yourself the meaning of bonded labour. The government has encouraged bonded labour which is illegal and inhuman. What is wrong in arranging transport facility so that they (migrant labourers) can go to their native places and come back after two or three months?” he asked.
The crisis forced labour unions to take up cudgel as well as many of them held a virtual protest on Twitter posting their pictures seeking justice for these migrant labourers.
Labourers, a dark underbelly of a vibrant economy
The social profile of the migrant labourers and the modus operandi of the labour industry in Bengaluru is a disturbing tale, one that is never discussed as part of its proud economic activity.
Based on the origin of this work force, there are two groups of labourers. One group includes thousands of people from Hyderabad-Karnataka region, mainly from Kalaburgi, Yadgir, Koppal, Bidar districts, who come to work in the construction industry in Bengaluru city. Many of them, in spite of having small land holdings, can’t grow second crop in their farm land situated in the arid agro-climatic region situated in the northeast side of the state. They are not skilled in any of the economic activities of the city and so, they prefer to work in construction industry where they can utilise their masculine power to compensate the skills required for the construction industry.
The second group comes from north India, and are semi-skilled. For instance, people from Rajasthan take up contracts of tile-laying work while those from Uttar Pradesh's Gorakhpur and surrounding areas prefer to do painting work. There are two categories among those from West Bengal and the North East. One section of labourers from this region work in ‘Chinese kitchens’ while a large set works in housekeeping.
Labourers felt the pinch of the COVID-19 crisis when the agencies which hired them failed to pay. None of the agencies agreed to come on record to talk about their business for the article.
A north Indian who runs an agency of contract labourers of over 600, says: “Many of the companies and industries who got our services, did not make payments during this lockdown. But, I paid my workers for a month.”
Another entrepreneur too echoed a similar view and said, “I keep Rs 500 per person per month from the contract amount. When I do not get funds from business houses, how can I pay them?”
There seems to be no robust data on how many labour recruitment agencies work in Bengaluru.
Tekendra Thapa, a labourer from Nepal works in the upscale Koramangala area, felt the pinch too but not to the extent that many other labours have. He has been attached to a housekeeping staff of a bank.
“I prepare food at my room,” says Thapa.
When asked whether he wanted to go home, he said, “No sir. No transport facility, so I am not bothered.”
Thapa came to Bengaluru seven years ago only because his uncle is here. Similarly, Johorulam, who is from Tripura, works as a security guard. He too landed in the city a few years ago because some peope from his native place were already ‘settled’ here.
“For the last 40 days, I had lunch downstairs where one local group served food. Now, Ramadan has started, so I prepare my food in the evening,” he said.
When people like Thapa and Johorulam come to Bengaluru, they approach labour-recruitment agencies for jobs. Since many of them are in the age group of 18-22 and have no prior experience in any field, the agencies exploit them and send them as housekeeping staff or on security duty which may not need any specific skills. It is almost clear that these labourers were at the receiving end when the agencies that hired them turned their back on them.
Passing the buck on the business houses/industries who failed to make payments, the recruitment agencies disappeared from the scene instead of helping the labourers. The end result? The labourers suffered. These agencies will re-activate themselves after the lockdown and since there is no strong regulatory mechanism, they will do 'business as usual'.
Government changes its stand
Karnataka revenue minister R Ashok, who had brokered peace with the gutka factory workers has a different point of view. He denies that the state government has refraining migrant labourers from going to their native places.
“Please mention that our government is ready to send them back. We will not stop them,” he says.
Asked about how the 6,000-strong labour force was convinced three days back, Ashok said, “We told them, even if they go back, they will be quarantined for two weeks. We gave them food kits that will sustain them for 45 days. I spoke to the owner of the factory who agreed to pay the salary at once. They agreed and went back.”
Then why did the Karnataka government suddenly stop the trains?
Sources in the government revealed that the states from which these people have come from, have refused to take them back. They fear, these people, on landing there, may worsen the coronavirus problem.
“I would like to request my Congress friends that they should convince West Bengal chief minister Mamta Banerjee to take the people from her state. She has made it clear that she would not take back Bengalis working outside at this juncture. We will send trains if she agrees,” said Ashok.
The author is a senior journalist and political commentator, based in Bengaluru
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Someone Else’s Garden
Someone Else’s Garden by Dipika Rai portrays the social settings in India as it depicts the injustices faced by the women. The novel is a story about the lives of peasants who suffer from poverty. It focuses on the life of female characters who are treated like lifeless objects in the society where they are not respected and only seen as vessels of reproduction. Their thoughts and feelings are not given importance in the family and society and daughters are considered as burdens to the family. Therefore, they are not fed well. Meanwhile, sons are favoured because in the Hindu belief, daughters do not belong to the family and they are considered as burdens.
Someone Else’s Garden revolves around Mamta, the eldest of seven children. She is born into a low caste family and a patriarchal society in rural India named Gopalpur. Mamta considers marriage as the key to escape from sorrows and problems in life. She always fantasizes a happy marriage with beautiful children. However, Mamta is given in marriage to a man so evil that he sells her kidney to fund his gambling and prostitute at the age of twenty. Her husband turns out to be a man with volatile temper as well as a drunkard. Mamta had been abused by her husband which makes her regret thinking that marriage can gives her freedom and started to miss her family even more. Therefore, one day she ran off from her husband and flees to her village where her father and brother helped her to escape to a city.
In the city, Mamta starts to find money there by working as a maid and send it back home to her mother. The story also narrates about Lokend, the younger son of Zamindar in Mamta’s village. He is a gentle guy who talks about the best and kindest of Hindu Gods and a well-known speaker in the city. One day, he arrives in the city to run for the office and were attacked by his rivals and Mamta steps in to take care of him afterwards. From there, both of them fall in love. They decided to get married and started a new life where they returned to the families in village and also built a new house for Mamta’s mother, Lata Bai.
From my observation, the female characters in this novel are oppressed through marriage. Lata Bai married Seeta Ram at the age of twelve but on the first night of their wedding, Lata Bai was raped by her father-in-law because according to Seeta Ram’s family tradition, he gets the first taste; “Sorry,” her husband said to her, “he gets the first taste. That’s our custom.” (p.17). Besides that, Lata Bai also gives advice to her daughter Mamta that they should always obey their husband no matter what; “Don’t say anything till addressed, don’t make a sound, don’t do anything to make him beat you, because you’ll only have yourself to blame for it.” (p.71). Then, Mamta also suffered oppression after her marriage when she was beaten by her husband until she lost her tooth; “Mamta’s mouth is bleeding. One of her teeth has come loose.” (p.126).
Next, Someone Else’s Garden also portrayed the patriarchal society in India. Before Mamta getting married, Lata Bai reminded her that she needs to obey her husband and always serve her husband well when she said “Now you listen to me, Mamta: it’s our place to accept, and accept…be demure.” (p.71). This line indicates that women are inferior to men as they are not allowed to speak up against them. Furthermore, the male characters in the novel are involved in politics while the women just stay at home and take care of their children. For instance, Lokend came to the city to give a speech in front of a crowd when suddenly he is attacked by the opposite party; “Lokend emerges from the Party van to take his position behind the mic.” (p.291).
Another injustice faced by the female character in the novel is that daughters are considered as burden to the family and are treated poorly. To illustrate, Seeta Ram had to take a loan from the Big House so that he can afford Mamta’s dowry for her wedding; “Mamta’s father has taken a loan from the Big House for her dowry,” the mother drops her voice to, “we had to, otherwise we would never have managed to get a proposal for her.” (p.31). Next, we can see that Seeta Ram despise his youngest child only because the infant is a girl; “He is not beguiled. Not another girl,” he says, (p.12). Not only that, Lata Bai is also disappointed when she found out that she has given birth to another baby girl; “Another girl. With so much blood and pain, what did she get?” (p.6).
As we all know, oppression in India is a well-known issue among people since the country strictly holds onto their culture and religion. However, cultural tradition is not an excuse to oppress women. Women also have their own right to decide who and when they wanted to get married as well as to choose their own path in life. They have been fighting for their own freedom for quite a long time and there are several female freedom fighters in India that should not be forgotten such as Begum Royeka, Sarojini Naidu, Kittur Rani Chennamma and Jhalkari Bai and a few more as listed by Sheroes.com.
Works Cited:
Banerjee Pal, Sainy. “15 Female Freedom Fighters Of India (Fearless But Now Forgotten!)” Sheroes, 27 June 2019 https://sheroes.com/articles/indian-women-freedom-fighters/NzYzNg==. Accessed 23 November 2019
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Look what Young India’s report card for 2019 polls say
Prime Minister Narendra Modi clears the test for most millennials, an exclusive Piplsay Youth survey reveals
About 130 million young adults will get to cast their votes in the next general election.
These first-time voters are part of the growing breed of young Indians which will be crucial in deciding the political fortunes of most parties.
To sense the mood ahead of the 2019 elections, Piplsay reached out to over 20,000 youngsters in the age group of 18-34 years. The pan India survey was conducted over a period of two weeks in April.
On the most important question about leadership, Piplsay found out that for a majority of the country’s millennials, Narendra Modi is the topmost PM choice for the country.
Almost 6 out of 10 youngsters trust Narendra Modi to run the country better. However, the fact that a significant 42% youngsters choose other leaders over Modi is something that cannot be ignored.
This mixed response shows that while there is still a Modi wave, not every youngster is willing to ride it.
The other leaders who got single digit votes include Mamta Banerjee, Yogi Adityanath, Chandrababu Naidu, Priyanka Gandhi, Mulayam Singh Yadav, Rajnikant among others.
There appears to be absolutely no contest between Modi and his closest political rival Arvind Kejriwal. India’s muffler man, who ironically came to power with massive youth support, is more than seven times less popular than the PM. But he manages to beat Congress’s blue-eyed boy Rahul Gandhi whose popularity seems to be on a downhill slide.
Decoding the building blocks
A huge percentage of youngsters believe that demonetization and black money crackdown have made a credible impact. For them, these government reforms are a natural extension of Modi’s commitment to a corruption free India. This sentiment persists despite there being no proof of reduction in corruption or black money post these reforms.
Even Modi’s numerous foreign tours find favor. Youngsters see these visits as being beneficial for the country, both in terms of international relations and foreign investments – the latter helping generate more jobs.
Yet, Modi’s promise of creating 10 million new jobs for youth seems to have fallen way short of the ambitious figure. Official data from the labour bureau show that India’s organised sector created only about 4.95 jobs in 2014, 1.35 lakh jobs in 2015 – lowest in six years and 4.16 lakh jobs in 2016-2017
Not everyone seems impressed with this BJP run though. A good 25% youngsters refuse to believe in the much touted ‘Ache Din’ slogan while another 17% seen unsure about it.
Over 65% of the country’s population today is below the age of 35. Their sheer strength gives youngsters the power to shape a party’s destiny. Winning them over is not just crucial but also inescapable.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi seemed to have deciphered this writing on the wall, much ahead of others. From Radio to social media to on ground events, he has tapped into every media platform available to engage with the youth and impress them with his government’s self-claimed victories.
So far this strategy seems to have worked well for the BJP, as shown by the Piplsay survey. But it needs to be seen if these efforts will actually translate into more power for Modi and his party.
The 2019 elections will be their reality check
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The Karnataka government has decided to resume trains for migrant workers stranded in the state, after facing sharp criticism from trade unions, civil society groups and the opposition Congress. Despite the U-turn, the decision to prevent migrants from leaving the state, has brought back the focus on the dark underbelly of the booming economy of the ‘Silicon City’ of Bengaluru and how it is vulnerable without the migrant labourers.
Karnataka seemed to have woken up to the migrant workers crisis, perhaps after Mumbai and Delhi episodes, wherein lakhs of migrant labourers walked back to their native places in north India.
The authorities from the Karnataka government first identified the labourers, around a lakh in number spread across the city, and then swung into action. It distributed food packets and many of them were put up in marriage halls as short-term measures.
Thereafter, it held talks with the Indian Railways and planned to send these workers to their home states. As a result, hundreds of workers from states like Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Jharkhand, availed the facility while several thousand migrant labourers from the Hyderabad-Karnataka region were sent to their native places through state-run Karnataka State Road Transport Corporation busses.
A crisis-like situation cropped up when more and more labourers, mainly from north India, started moving towards city railway stations to get trains scheduled for their home states.
One such lot, comprising of nearly 6,000 workers hired by a gutka factory near Tumakuru, came to Bengaluru and camped near the Bengaluru International Exhibition Centre, 20 kilometres away from the central business district of the city. By that time, however, the trains had stopped. This led to a hue and cry as opposition Congress leaders started issuing statements criticising the government’s ‘inhuman’ attitude towards a genuine problem.
To stir the conscience of the public, former minister and Congress leader, Krishna Byre Gowda had posted a video these of workers walking on Ballari highway. In the video clip, they were seen speaking: “We are from Uttar Pradesh. We want to go back to our native place. We will walk.”
Gowda told this journalist that it was inhuman to refrain these labourers from going to their native places.
“You can check the dictionary and find out for yourself the meaning of bonded labour. The government has encouraged bonded labour which is illegal and inhuman. What is wrong in arranging transport facility so that they (migrant labourers) can go to their native places and come back after two or three months?” he asked.
The crisis forced labour unions to take up cudgel as well as many of them held a virtual protest on Twitter posting their pictures seeking justice for these migrant labourers.
Labourers, a dark underbelly of a vibrant economy
The social profile of the migrant labourers and the modus operandi of the labour industry in Bengaluru is a disturbing tale, one that is never discussed as part of its proud economic activity.
Based on the origin of this work force, there are two groups of labourers. One group includes thousands of people from Hyderabad-Karnataka region, mainly from Kalaburgi, Yadgir, Koppal, Bidar districts, who come to work in the construction industry in Bengaluru city. Many of them, in spite of having small land holdings, can’t grow second crop in their farm land situated in the arid agro-climatic region situated in the northeast side of the state. They are not skilled in any of the economic activities of the city and so, they prefer to work in construction industry where they can utilise their masculine power to compensate the skills required for the construction industry.
The second group comes from north India, and are semi-skilled. For instance, people from Rajasthan take up contracts of tile-laying work while those from Uttar Pradesh's Gorakhpur and surrounding areas prefer to do painting work. There are two categories among those from West Bengal and the North East. One section of labourers from this region work in ‘Chinese kitchens’ while a large set works in housekeeping.
Labourers felt the pinch of the COVID-19 crisis when the agencies which hired them failed to pay. None of the agencies agreed to come on record to talk about their business for the article.
A north Indian who runs an agency of contract labourers of over 600, says: “Many of the companies and industries who got our services, did not make payments during this lockdown. But, I paid my workers for a month.”
Another entrepreneur too echoed a similar view and said, “I keep Rs 500 per person per month from the contract amount. When I do not get funds from business houses, how can I pay them?”
There seems to be no robust data on how many labour recruitment agencies work in Bengaluru.
Tekendra Thapa, a labourer from Nepal works in the upscale Koramangala area, felt the pinch too but not to the extent that many other labours have. He has been attached to a housekeeping staff of a bank.
“I prepare food at my room,” says Thapa.
When asked whether he wanted to go home, he said, “No sir. No transport facility, so I am not bothered.”
Thapa came to Bengaluru seven years ago only because his uncle is here. Similarly, Johorulam, who is from Tripura, works as a security guard. He too landed in the city a few years ago because some peope from his native place were already ‘settled’ here.
“For the last 40 days, I had lunch downstairs where one local group served food. Now, Ramadan has started, so I prepare my food in the evening,” he said.
When people like Thapa and Johorulam come to Bengaluru, they approach labour-recruitment agencies for jobs. Since many of them are in the age group of 18-22 and have no prior experience in any field, the agencies exploit them and send them as housekeeping staff or on security duty which may not need any specific skills. It is almost clear that these labourers were at the receiving end when the agencies that hired them turned their back on them.
Passing the buck on the business houses/industries who failed to make payments, the recruitment agencies disappeared from the scene instead of helping the labourers. The end result? The labourers suffered. These agencies will re-activate themselves after the lockdown and since there is no strong regulatory mechanism, they will do 'business as usual'.
Government changes its stand
Karnataka revenue minister R Ashok, who had brokered peace with the gutka factory workers has a different point of view. He denies that the state government has refraining migrant labourers from going to their native places.
“Please mention that our government is ready to send them back. We will not stop them,” he says.
Asked about how the 6,000-strong labour force was convinced three days back, Ashok said, “We told them, even if they go back, they will be quarantined for two weeks. We gave them food kits that will sustain them for 45 days. I spoke to the owner of the factory who agreed to pay the salary at once. They agreed and went back.”
Then why did the Karnataka government suddenly stop the trains?
Sources in the government revealed that the states from which these people have come from, have refused to take them back. They fear, these people, on landing there, may worsen the coronavirus problem.
“I would like to request my Congress friends that they should convince West Bengal chief minister Mamta Banerjee to take the people from her state. She has made it clear that she would not take back Bengalis working outside at this juncture. We will send trains if she agrees,” said Ashok.
The author is a senior journalist and political commentator, based in Bengaluru
http://sansaartimes.blogspot.com/2020/05/migrant-crisis-in-karnataka-reveals.html
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