#Armenian Dashnaks | Explore Tumblr Posts and Blogs

en9chiana · 5 months

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Tw:discussion of torture,murder,corpses,overall description of violence & violent acts.

Cw:debunking Armenian lies,propaganda,long ass post but every single word is important.

Armenians have been massacring Azerbaijanis ever since 1905.In 1905 on 31 of march,Armenians under command of Stephan Schaumyan,murdered thousands of Azerbaijanis( As to Stepan Shaumyan's confession, 6000 armed soldiers of the Council of Baku and an armed 3-4 thousand-member group of 'Dashnaksutun' of party also participated in the extermination of peaceful Azerbaijanis,in early 1900s ,Azerbaijanis were called (Caucasian)Tatars by Russians,so it was called a genocide of Caucasian Tatars back then.

March 30, 1918 another genocide of Azeris by Armenians,lasted a week,the first 3-4 days were the most brutal and violent.around 12 Thousand Azerbaijanis were brutally murdered by Dashnaks. Armenians,specifically Armenian partisans,ethnically cleansed & massacred thousands of Azerbaijani Muslims in Zangezur and destroyed their homes and settlements.

In 1987,Armenia illegally entered Nagorno-Karabakh,resulting in occupying Karabakh,ethnically cleansing and murdering 700K Azerbaijanis.

Azerbaijanis that lived in Kafan, Mehri, Daralayez/Vayots Dzor,Basarkecher /Vardenis ,were beaten up,murdered,tortured,ethnically cleansed & forced to flee.1987-1988,anti-Azerbaijani pogroms broke out in Armenia. Armenian mobs, supported by officials in Yerevan, attacked Azerbaijani-populated villages, killing hundreds of innocent civilians. Their designs of turning Armenia into an “Azerbaijani-free” country were soon realized, as over 250K Azerbaijanis.

In November of 1987 delivered two railcars of first Azerbaijani refugees; January of next year – 4 buses. By the end of February, 1988, the number of the displaced was as high as 4 thousand.

In 1992,26th of February,Armenians with the help of 366Th Guards motor rifle regiment massacred & brutally murdered Khojaly village,resulting in 613 civilian deaths,1275 taken hostage,487 wounded,150 missing,8 families completely wiped out,130 children losing one parent,25 children losing both parents. in 2007, the number of Azerbaijanis who went missing and were taken as POWs is 4,354. Of these, 3,503 were military personnel, and 841 were civilians, while the status of 9 of them was unknown. Of the civilians, 47 were children, with 16 of them being underage girls, 268 were women, and 371 were elderly people. Out of 4,354 missing Azerbaijanis, 783 of them were taken prisoner and taken hostage. According to the analysis of the materials received by the State Commission, 550 people were killed in captivity or died of various causes. Furthermore, 104 of them were women, while 446 were men. Only the names of 137 Azerbaijanis were identified, and the identity of 74 people is unknown.

On September 27, 2020, the armed forces of the Republic of Armenia once again grossly violated the norms of international law, using various types of weapons, including heavy artillery, and fired at the residential areas and military positions of the Republic of Azerbaijan from several directions.

Armenians bombed Ganja & Barda cities of Azerbaijan(both cities were kilometers away from battlefield)resulting in 21 killed civilians and 70 wounded/injured civilians.

Armenians will tell u about 1915 genocide,and about Sumgait,Baku pogroms as a justification of their war crimes.But “genocide”of Armenians in 1915 took place in Ottoman Empire(turks,as in Turkish people,as in Turkey),the difference between Turkic and Turkish is that Turkic people are from Turkic countries(Kazakhstan,Azerbaijan,Uyghurs, Turkey,Uzbekistan,Turkmenistan),and Turkish people are from Turkey.Armenian sources claim- in that “genocide”1.5millions of Armenians were murdered,but in reality,there weren’t even that much Armenians living in Ottoman Empire.

Dr. Justin McCarthy (the University of Louisville)calculated less than 600K Armenians living in Ottoman Empire.

Now,about Pogroms(/ethnical cleanse and massacre of Armenians)in 1988.It was proven,that Armenians were also responsible for those pogroms in 1988.(one of them was Eduard Grigoryan,he killed 5 Armenians and raped 8 women)

They also claim that in 2020,Karabakh(or how they call it-Artsakh)was under blockade,and they didn’t have access to food,water,the electricity was cut off:

In 2020,Azerbaijan didn’t fully return theirs native lands yet.In 2020-2023,Ruben Vardanyan was a state minister.How is it logical to blame Azerbaijani people & government,if there is a whole state minister that’s responsible for food,water,electricity,gas,and overall well-being of civilians who lived there?Also,I want to note that during the infamous “artsakh blockade”,Armenians were in cafes,restaurants,celebrating birthdays.Weren’t they saying that they had no food,no electricity during 2020-2023?

Armenians also claim that their children were killed,hospitals,schools,houses were bombed and destroyed,yet not a single evidence of destroyed schools and hospitals.

They also claim that Azerbaijani military used banned/illegal weapon such as white phosphorus.But in reality,armenian military had white phosphorus in their military depot .

There were picture-evidences of extremely wounded armenian civilians and also videos of white phosphorus in the air.Azerbaijani military destroyed the military depot,which resulted in white phosphorus exploded in the air.

Armenians also claim that we destroyed multiple churches:

First of all,Armenians have destroyed multiple monuments,including maraga-150,monument celebrating 150 years of Armenians being placed in Karabakh.It was destroyed by Armenians in 1988.Multiple mosques were destroyed during Armenian occupation.

Second of all,these churches have been built their illegaly,on an occupied territory.

Armenians also use the “tatik papik”monument (which was sponsored by Azerbaijani SSR,btw)as a proof of them “being there first”,but it symbolized symbolized the centenarians (people who are 100 or more years)of Karabakh region, including azerbaijanis.After the occupation of Karabakh by Armenians in 1990s,it became symbol of Armenian separatism.

There’s also a site named azeriwarcrimes,there u can see videos of “Azerbaijani”soldiers commuting war crimes(be heading civilians,soldiers etc):

Two videos from that site were debunked already:

In one of the videos, “Azerbaijani”soldiers were holding an armenian civilian and torturing him.But here’s the thing:in that video,one of the soldiers is saw wearing military uniform,that isn’t azerbaijani:

In second video,they’re holding an old Armenian man,who they think is just a civilian,but he is actually..

..someone who’s participated in massacres of Azerbaijanis in 1992.In that same video,he’s asking in azwrbaijani language “what did I do to u?”azerbaijani soldiers replies with “U didn’t do anything now,u did in your time”(implying his murders of Azerbaijani civilians in past). Jonik Tevosyan. A (former)Armenian Milligan accused of murdering azerbaijani civilians in Khojaly.He’s also responsible for taking hostage

Then,there’s a video of mutilated female soldier (sniper)body:I’m not justifying that action,but it’s a fricking war,do u actually think that Armenians didn’t mutilate bodies?Do u actually think they haven’t held anyone captive?They’re just smart enough(for once finally)not to film that.4 thousand Azerbaijani soldiers were murdered in second Karabakh (2020)war.

Moving on to “ethnic cleanse of native Armenians”as I said earlier,Karabakh was occupied by Armenians in the late 80s-early 90s.Armenians were allowed to stay in Karabakh as long as they accept Azerbaijani citizenship,no one wanted to accept it,so they left.It’s not ethnic cleanse when people leave in their cars,buses with food and it’s definitely not an ethnic cleanse when u get safely from point a to point b.But it’s definitely an ethnic cleanse when 700K people were forced to leave their homes,some naked,some barefoot in snow,or die.Many people were killed by Armenians while they were running.Many people died either of hunger/starvation or cold.

I am not denying that Armenians have loses,of course their civilians & soldiers died too,but once again-it’s a war,and not one sided at that.However,I am saying that Armenians were first to start this war.

Now,many people say that Azerbaijan supports Israel.That’s not completely true,here’s what I mean:

Government sells oil to Israel & buys weapons /military equipment from Israel,that’s sadly true.Some Azerbaijanis also support Israel because

A)one of our national heroes was Jewish,so some think that it’s unfair to not support Jewish people.

B)In 2020,pics & vids of Palestinians were circling around saying “free artsakh”,later it was discovered that those people were Palestinian Armenians.

But that’s a minority,majority of Azerbaijanis support Palestine,including me.Azerbaijanis who support Palestine argue with Azerbaijanis who support Israel(especially on twitter lmao).

Armenia supports Russia,Iran,USA and France.Each and every single country mentioned,has a history of violence.

RUSSIA-Russia-Ukraine war,Iran-do I even have to say anything lol?I think we all saw their regime.USA-another one that doesn’t need an explanation.France-the genocide of Algerians.

But no one batts an eye when Armenians do that right?No one says anything when these countries armed Armenia,right?

Armenians also planted mines all over Karabakh,resulting in 337 civilian and military deaths

I’m also not denying Armenian genocide in 1918,but as I said,the numbers are fake,and it took a place in TURKISH empire.This has nothing to do with Azerbaijanis.

I’m gonna post part 2&3(and however many it will take,bc tumblr doesn’t lemme post more than 10 pic),with more evidence of Armenians barbarism & war crimes soon.

‼️I can’t reply to comments for whatever reason

update:recent studies show that around 800K-1.2 mln Armenians lived in Ottoman Empire.So in that part,I made a mistake,everything else-truth that Armenians don’t wanna tell u ☹️

#azerbaijan #armenianlies #nagorno karabakh #karabakh is Azerbaijan #armenian war crimes

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spyurkitsayn-blog · 5 years

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Ականջ ունեցողը թող լսէ, խելք ունեցողը թող լաւ մտածէ❗️

«Բոլոր անոնք, որոնք տուրք տուին Դաշնակցութիւնը Հայաստանի քաղաքական կեանքէն դուրս գրելու հերթական փորձութեան, ամէն օր իրենց նախատեսութեան անհեթեթութեան վկան պիտի դառնան:

Համահայկական օրակարգին մէջ նշանակալի ներդրում ունենալու Դաշնակցութեան կարողութիւնը աւելի կը շեշտուի կուսակցութեան սփիւռքեան կառոյցի բոլոր օղակներու ամէնօրեայ՝ հայապահպանումէն սկսեալ մինչեւ քաղաքական բազմաճակատ գործունէութեամբ:

Դաշնակցութեան դերակատարութիւնը նսեմացնելու անպտուղ վարժանքէն հրաժարիլը, միայն կ՛օգնէ մեր ժողովուրդին ու պետութեան»:

#armenia #հայաստան #հյդ #դաշնակ #դաշնակցական #դաշնակցութիւն #tashnag #tashnagtsagan #dashnak #dashnaktsutyun #arf #armenian revolutionary federation

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today-in-wwi · 3 years

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Armenian Assassinates Talaat Pasha

Soghomon Tehlirian (1896-1960), Talaat’s assassin, pictured in 1921.

March 15 1921, Berlin--The day after Turkey left the war, much of the Young Turk leadership, including Talaat, Djemal, and Enver Pasha, fled Constantinople with German help. In 1919, courts-martial established under Allied pressure in Constantinople sentenced them to death in absentia. Djemal had thence gone to Afghanistan and Enver to Moscow, but Talaat had remained in Berlin, and German authorities had no plans to extradite him to Turkey.

The Armenian nationalist Dashnaks decided to carry out justice for the Armenian Genocide themselves, and ordered assassinations of the leading Young Turks and other major figures deemed responsible for the genocide. On March 15, Soghomon Tehlirian shot Talaat as he exited his house in Charlottenburg. He did not attempt to flee the scene, and was promptly arrested.

At his trial, which included such witnesses as Liman von Sanders, Tehlirian testified:

I do not consider myself guilty because my conscience is clear...I have killed a man. But I am not a murderer.

After an hour’s deliberation, the jury acquitted him.

Sources include: Raymond Kévorkian, The Armenian Genocide.

#ww1 #wwi #ww1 history #ww1 centenary #world war 1 #world war i #The First World War #world war one #The Great War #march 1921 #Berlin #armenian genocide #armenia #armenians #Talaat Pasha

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azmission · 3 years

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Today is the 103th anniversary of March days, or the large-scale killings and genocide against the Azeri-Turkic, Jewish and other Tatar-Moslem populations of Azerbaijan at the hand of the Soviet-Communist and Armenian Dashnaktsutiun “revolutionaries”. Supported by the Soviet government in Russia, the head of Baku Soviet Bolsheviks - Stepan Shahumyan (of Armenian decent) facilitated the unbelievable atrocities and murders of peaceful residents of Baku, Guba, Shamakha, Zangezur, with hopes that the victorious Bolsheviks will favour the Armenians after the invasion of the South Caucasus. With the help of Turkish army and Nuru Pasha, as well as the local efforts, the Dashnak and Bolshevik terrorists were flushed out and in the following months, Azerbaijanis were able to build their first independent state - Azerbaijan Democratic Republic in the May of 1918. However, March days is remembered as one fo the most terrible events in our history of independence. The numbers vary, but based on the reports from the British, Turkish and American consulates, it is estimated that between 300,000 and 700,000 Azerbaijans were murdered, burned and killed between in the span of weeks between March and April of 1918. Mass graves are still being discovered all along the Caspian plaines where Shahumyan’s Dashnaktsutiun terrorists committed the worst of the killings. This coincides with the proposed route of Soviet-Communist invasion of Azerbaijan that was, thankfully, prevent at the time. The second picture shows the Genocide Memorial Complex in Guba where the most recent of these mass graves have been discovered in 2007.

March 31, 1918 (March days) is remembered as the day of genocide of Azerbaijanis.

#azerbaijan #march days #genocide

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grootpoepjeplasjehoofd · 5 years

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Sorry to clog up your dashboards, but this speech is just so beautiful that I had to translate the whole thing into English. It has never been translated as far as I can tell. So without further ado, here’s Mustafa Subhi, a Turkish revolutionary who would soon thereafter found the Turkish Communist Party, delivering a speech at an international conference in Petrograd on December 19, 1918.

What luck to speak here in Petrograd, in Petrograd, the center of the great revolution that must change the future of the whole world, to speak in the name of the oppressed Turkey and the Turkish peasants, in the name of that people who have suffered so much persecution from predatory imperialism and perished in the iron claws of the violent civilization of the West!

The subjugated and oppressed Turkish people are called a barbarian people. Undoubtedly, there is in Turkey, as in other countries, no shortage of barbarians and traitors who murder and suck the blood of the people. They are the Pashas, who suck not only the Armenians, but also the poor Turkish masses. It is not the masses of enslaved people, but the Pashas and the Padishahs who are such barbarians. Comrades! The representatives of the workers and peasants who have been in Russia since the October Revolution have decided to fight capital and, above all, to destroy the rapacious barbarians who call themselves rulers.

When, eight months ago, the Turkish generals intended to send a Turkish army to occupy and take the shores of the Caspian Sea, Persia and Turkestan, [Note: on March 30, 1918, Baku and surrounding areas were engulfed in ethnic strife as the Dashnaks began to massacre Azeris en-masse. It is estimated that around 10,000 Azeris and 2,500 Armenians were murdered. The Ottoman army used the massacres as a justification to make an incursion into the Caucasus, something that Enver Pasha had dreamed of as part of his Pan-Turanist ambitions.] the Turkish revolutionaries courageously raised the red flag in Moscow and opposed the adventurous endeavors of the Turkish generals. To mute our voices, the Turkish ambassador in Moscow showered the government of the Russian Republic with urgent demands calling for our immediate expulsion from Russia; at the same time he was propagandizing against us in the centers of the Mohammedan peoples, in Tashkent, Orenburg, and Kazan, and he made every effort to undermine our work. In the articles of the bourgeois newspapers directed against us, questions of this kind appeared: "Who are these people who mock the faith and the holiest of holies of the Turko-Tatar nation at a time when the Mohammadan world celebrates the victory of the Turkish army in Inner Asia? What religion do these people belong to and which nation are they?" And while the legation wanted to fool the whole oriental Mohammedan world with these Jesuit questions, we the Turkish internationalists have solemnly declared that the whole world is our fatherland and all humanity our nation. And so, bravely raising the red flag of the revolution, we decided to go against the tide, against the people who had flocked around Turkish imperialism. Admittedly, for a while we were alone on the path leading to the realization of our ideas. But now the whole East is with us. Comrades! As the Anglo-French robbers occupied Constantinople together with the Turkish imperialists, all lying talk against us fell silent; It became clear to all that the oppressed poor class has no better friend than the great Russian revolution!

Already in 1908 a part of the Turkish youth had realized that the people could find their salvation only in the socialist revolution. But any connection to socialism was restrained, and the loud voice of the unforgettable Jaures, [note: Auguste Jaurès was a socialist parliamentarian and one-time head of the French Socialist Party. He was vocally against WWI and was assassinated by a French nationalist on July 31, 1914. His death sent shockwaves through French society and the socialist parties writ large] who had taken on the defense of the oppressed people and remained the voice in the wilderness. [Note: an allusion to Isaiah 40:3, which in the Christian tradition is held to be a prophecy for the appearance of John the Baptist]. Only the friends of Jaures' liturgies did not refrain from the work begun by him. Now, here in Russia a revolutionary epicenter is organized. The conviction of the Russian comrades that through social world revolution the economic and social rebirth of the East can take place is even stronger in us after the great events of October.

I will give an interesting example as proof that this conviction prevails not only among the Turkish proletariat but also among the Turkish intellectuals. When, after the October Revolution, the question at the University of Constantinople of who should be awarded the Nobel Prize was discussed, the Turkish youth, despite the pressure of the Turkish professors, awarded it to Comrade Lenin and once again proved that the idea of the social revolution in the East has sprung deep roots. The great teacher, Comrade Lenin, with his ideas, aspirations and actions represents the revolutionary world, and the Turkish youth has proven with its selection how closely connected it is to this world. I think it is impossible to speak even more of the sympathy of the Turkish people for the Russian Revolution. However, the struggles of the Russian social revolution, which have made so many sacrifices on the altar of World Social Revolution, may know that they are not left alone on the battlefield, that the Turkish proletariat and Turkish intellectuals feel at one with them, and that their hearts are beating to the same rhythm.

May these heroes be confidant that under the southern sun a deep revulsion matures within the equally oppressed Turkish proletariat, which only awaits the battle-cry on the part of its older Russian comrade-in-arms. Comrades! Even in the Middle East there are flaming revolutionaries among the Turkish people who sympathize with the Russian Revolution with all their soul! I would like to briefly touch upon the question of how the movement in the East relates to the world revolution. I am firmly convinced that the revolution in the East has a direct relationship with the revolution in the West. We Turkish revolutionaries who are working in the ranks of the Russian Revolution are firmly convinced that the revolution in the East is necessary not only for the liberation of the East from European imperialism, but also in support of the Russian Revolution.

Comrades! The head of Franco-English capitalism lies in Europe, but its body rests on the fertile fields of Asia and Africa. For us Turkish socialists, the first major task is to undermine capitalism in the East. Only in this way does the Anglo-French exploitative production come by raw materials. By closing their doors to the Anglo-French industrialists, Turkey, Persia, India and China are giving them the opportunity to trade on the European stock exchanges, inevitably provoking a crisis in which power will pass into the hands of the proletariat and the socialist system will be introduced. But this can only be achieved by rousing the revolutionary movement in various countries, by an uprising of the Eastern peoples against Anglo-French imperialism.

I have often been at meetings in which the Oriental question is discussed, where they speak of the mystical life of the Oriental peoples and express the desire to know these peoples more thoroughly. Already at the time of the tsarist regime the study of the Orient was employed to find better means for the exploitation of the Oriental countries. But now the same question is studied for the liberation of the oppressed East. By leaving the study of the Orient to experienced researchers, we must hold the weapon firmly in our hands and not neglect our goal - the organization of a revolutionary center in the East. The uprising of the peoples in the East against European capital is equally necessary for the Russian and for the young German revolution, [Note: this conference was held as the German communists were fighting to establish a communist regime. The German proletariat was split between the reformist faction of the SPD and the revolutionaries and the Communist Party of Germany was proclaimed less than 2 weeks later. Socialist republics had been announced in many German locales, most notably in Bavaria. It was still unclear which way the winds would blow but the Communists were ultimately put down through the help of the Freikorps, the right wing militias which later would go on to form the core of the Nazi Party.] whose development in the given moment keeps the proletariat of all countries in tension. The German revolution is constantly threatened by the Anglo-American tyranny and awaits the help of the East ...

In order to create a unified revolutionary front, Soviet power's first task must be to occupy the territories evacuated by the German troops. The support of the revolutionary movement in the East is no less important, to divert Western capitalism from the young revolution in Germany.

Turkish military-revolutionary organizations already exist in Russia. Thousands of Turkish Red Army soldiers are currently serving in the ranks of the Red Army on different fronts of the Soviet Republic. Soon they will advance together to Turkey!

As soon as the world revolution is completed with an all-encompassing victory of the proletariat, let us imagine Istanbul, the most fabulous city in the world, as the capital of the International. And the Hagia Sophia, which has to this day given rise to the constant bloody quarrels of greedy imperialism - the Hagia Sophia must become the temple of the Soviet socialist world republic, and instead of the cross and the crescent, for which for centuries bloody battles have taken place, the red star of the International will shine!

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huseyinerol3453 · 4 years

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The confession of Ovanes Kaçaznuni, the first Prime Minister of Armenia Milliyet Newspaper columnist Güneri Civaoğlu, the first prime minister of Armenia, Ovanes Kaçaznuni, published his report to the "Dashnak Party" meeting in Bucharest in 1923. The first prime minister of Armenia, Ovanes Kaçaznuni, said in 1923, "The basis of our revolt was the dream of Armenia promised to us by the Allied Powers, we could not see the truth." says. Again, in the statement of Kaçaznuni, "It is a pathetic situation to complain about fate and to seek the causes of our disasters outside of ourselves." statements attract attention. Discussions flared up on the 100th anniversary of the Armenian genocide allegations. Güneri Civaoğlu signed one of the most interesting writings of the day regarding the 1915 events. "If it is a document, here is the author in his article titled" document ", referring to the debates on whether there is a genocide or not," well, but without the need to "foam" that much, there is clearly such a historical document that is enough on its own. " and published that document in his corner. WE DIED, KILLED " HERE are the lines that Ovanes, which is a historical document, presented to the Tashnak Party meeting and signed under it ... In the fall of 1914, the period in which Turkey does not join one of the warring parties, big noise in the South Caucasus and the Armenian energetically began to form volunteer units. .................. .. We revolted against the Turks. We have already fought to sabotage the peace. Now we were all in the camp of the Entente powers, the enemy of the Turks. "From sea to sea Armenia Turkey" were in demand. Entente states send their armies to Turkey and to Europe and America have made official calls for ensuring our dominance. Finally, as long as we existed, we fought the Turks without interruption. We died and we killed. What confidence can we now instill in the Turks? OUR MIND FUMED We participated in military operations. We were deceived and tied to Russia. The deportation was correct and necessary. We couldn't see the facts, we are the cause of the events. https://www.instagram.com/p/CD5rjOHsFkI/?igshid=b9s2lqddw181

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armeniaitn · 4 years

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Azerbaijani MP: Turkish Grand National Assembly rejected Treaty of Sevres, tearing it apart as ...

New Post has been published on https://armenia.in-the.news/politics/azerbaijani-mp-turkish-grand-national-assembly-rejected-treaty-of-sevres-tearing-it-apart-as-49704-14-08-2020/

Azerbaijani MP: Turkish Grand National Assembly rejected Treaty of Sevres, tearing it apart as ...

BAKU, Azerbaijan, Aug.14

By Ilhama Isabalayeva – Trend:

The claim of Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan that Treaty of Sevres is a historical fact and was drawn up on the basis of the most progressive ideas of that period is absurd, Azerbaijani MP, Corresponding Member of Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences, professor Musa Gasimli told Trend .

Gasimli made the remark while commenting on the Pashinyan’s speech at a scientific conference titled “Treaty of Sevres and the Armenian Question” and dedicated to the 100th anniversary of the signing of the treaty.

According to the MP, the Ottoman Empire withdrew from the First World War on October 30, 1918, by signing the Armistice of Mudros [Greek harbor]. On April 23, about a month after the Allied forces occupied the Turkish Strait in Istanbul on March 16, 1920, the government of the Turkish Grand National Assembly was formed in Ankara under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Pasha. The Peace Treaty of Sevres was signed between the countries that won the victory and the Ottoman State on August 10, 1920, in the city of Sevres near Paris.

Gasimli noted that the Armenians hoped then to realize their dream with the help of the Entente members.

“But their hopes were not fulfilled. For example, the Armenian delegates were told by the British government that their ships could not sail the mountains and rocks of Armenia,” he said. “The Treaty of Sevres was rejected by the Turkish Grand National Assembly and was torn apart like a useless piece of paper. The Turkish people started the war for independence. Taking advantage of the fact that the Turkish people fought on several fronts, Armenian Dashnaks opened a new front against Turkey and carried out mass slaughter of the civilian population.”

“Once again, Armenians did not become a worthy adversary,” the professor noted

The Turkish army soon defeated the Dashnak forces and signed the Peace Treaty of Alexandropol (now Armenia’s Gyumri city) on December 2, 1920. Bowing its head to Turkey, Armenia was forced to take on a number of commitments, the MP stressed.

“If Pashinyan had read these commitments, he would have changed his tone. I want to remind some of the treaty terms,” he said. “Armenia undertook to pay compensation for damage caused during the war, but the Turkish government, showing nobility refused this compensation. In order to monitor the implementation of the treaty terms, a delegate from the Turkish government was to be assigned to Yerevan.”

“Further, the [Turkey-Armenia] relations were regulated by the Moscow Treaty of March 16, 1921, and the Kars Treaty of October 13, 1921. Armenia recognized the borders of Turkey, and the Turkish army left Gyumri,” Gasimli said.

He added that the modern international borders of Turkey were recognized by a convention signed in [Swiss] Lausanne on July 24, 1923.

“At the conference in Lausanne, the representatives of the states that the Armenians were relying on did not even look towards the Armenian delegates, and they were forced to leave disappointed. Doesn’t Pashinyan know this story?! I think he knows,” MP said.

“So what does Pashinyan want – for the Turkish army to come again and settle in Gyumri? Will there be a savior for Armenia then? Secondly, why does Armenian leaders so quickly ‘forget’ the documents signed by them? When you are enemy with someone, you must be worthy enemy,” concluded Gasimli.

Read original article here.

#Armenia #Armenians #Gyumri #Yerevan #Politics

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superhalfrussian · 4 years

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In January 1915, the British Cabinet had canvassed possible diversionary attacks against the Ottoman Empire after appeals for support from the Russian Empire. The British planned operations against the Ottoman Empire in the Aegean Sea, eastern Mediterranean and a land invasion of the Levant from Egypt, combined with a Russian invasion from Caucasus towards Anatolia and Mesopotamia.[7] In 1917, the Eastern Committee of the War Cabinet considered that British India had been drained of troops and decided to avoid committing more troops to Iran from Europe, by sending a mission of picked men to train local recruits at Tiflis (now Tbilisi), the capital of Georgia. The War Office undertook to send 150 selected officers and 300 NCOs, to organise local forces and replace the Russian Caucasus Army.[8] Another force was to be raised in north-western Iran by Lieutenant-General W. R. Marshall, commander of the III (Indian) Corps of the Mesopotamian Expeditionary Force (MEF, Lieutenant-General Frederick Stanley Maude); the French took responsibility for the area north of Caucasus.[9]

In Armenia, the local Christians had been sympathetic to the Russians and feared that a revival of Ottoman power would lead to more atrocities. It was believed in London that they would be willing recruits and that some Russian soldiers in the region might fight on for pay, despite the Russian Revolution.[10] On 13 April 1918, the Baku Soviet Commune, a Bolshevik and Left Socialist Revolutionary (SR) faction led by Stepan Shahumyan, was established in Baku, having overthrown the short-lived Azerbaijan Democratic Republic. On 26 July, the Centrocaspian Dictatorship, an anti-Soviet alliance of Russian Socialist-Revolutionaries, Mensheviks and the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (Dashnaks), overthrew the Baku Commune in a bloodless coup.[11] All the factions involved tried to gain support from about 35,000 German and Austro-Hungarian former prisoners of war. Those men willing to fight tended to be sympathetic to the Bolsheviks based in Astrakhan and at Tashkent, the terminus of the Trans-Caspian railway (Central Asian Railway). German and Ottoman armies in eastern Ukraine and Caucasus sent troops and diplomatic missions to Baku and further afield.[12] By September 1918, the Ottoman force in Caucasus was the Eastern Army Group with the 3rd Army, comprising the 3rd Division, 10th Division and the 36th Caucasian Division, the 9th Army with the 9th Division, 11th Caucasian Division, 12th Division and the Independent Cavalry Brigade and the Army of Islam, with the 5th Caucasian Division and the 15th Division.[13] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dunsterforce

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tears-of-araxes-blog · 7 years

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@yataqallab it’s not your english, it's either a poorly written title, or that ambiguous formulation was intended, since, you know, he writes about how Armenian anti Turkish guerilla insurgents (Dashnak et.al.) attacked innocent Turks and by Turkish self defense, armenians invoked a civil war. And that even though hardly any armenians died, the ones who did deserved it.

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usnewslatest · 4 years

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US Ambassador to Azerbaijan summoned to Foreign Ministry

The US Ambassador to Baku has been summoned to the Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry, said the head of the Foreign Ministry’s press service Leyla Abdullayeva.

“In connection with the provocative and aggressive actions of the radical Armenian Dashnaks on July 21 in front of the Azerbaijani Consulate General in Los Angeles, the US Ambassador to Baku was summoned to the Foreign Ministry,” Abdullayeva…

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springfield-babeuf · 5 years

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The Baku Commune

RONALD SUNY

The story of the Baku Commune’s leaders, who pursued power democratically and nonviolently, belies many of the myths of the Russian Revolution.

Mosque of the Shirvanshahs' Palace in Baku, circa 1910. Sergeĭ Mikhaĭlovich Prokudin-Gorskiĭ, / Library of Congress

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Most accounts of the Russian Revolution tell the story of one city — Petrograd, where the Romanov regime collapsed in February and the Bolsheviks came to power in October. As decisive as the workers, women, and soldiers were in the capital, people all over Russia launched their own revolutionary movements throughout this revolutionary year.

Fifteen hundred miles to the southeast, in Baku, ethnicity, religion, and class divided the population, altering the course of history and influencing the decisions revolutionary leaders made. There, in a metropolis built on oil, October would arrive late.

When it did, the Caucasian Lenin, Stepan Shahumian, tried to win power for the people democratically and nonviolently. The story of the Baku Commune he built provides an important perspective on the Russian Revolution and the subsequent civil war.

City of Oil

Oil made Baku the largest city in the South Caucasus, a cosmopolitan workers’ oasis surrounded by largely Muslim peasant villages. At the turn of the twentieth century, it was producing more oil than the whole of the United States. Despite miserable living and working conditions, needy migrants flocked to the oil fields to find work.

Baku became the center not only of imperial Russia’s industrial revolution but also a crucible of the labor movement. Indeed, the first collective bargaining agreement between workers and industry was signed there in 1904, and the city served as a refuge for Social Democrats, particularly Bolsheviks like Joseph Stalin, when their organizations were crushed in other, less hospitable cities.

Class distinctions in Baku matched ethnic differences. Foreign investors and engineers sat at the top of the social hierarchy alongside Armenian and Russian industrialists and Azerbaijani ship owners. Russian and Armenian workers held the more skilled positions, and the unskilled work force consisted of Muslims. As the most transient and vulnerable workers, they ended up with the dirtiest jobs.

The empire’s exploitative relationship to Caucasia was nowhere more evident than in Baku, where accumulating oil revenue trumped all other concerns. The propertied elite — that is, Armenians and Russians — handled city governance, and welfare for the lower classes was largely left to private charity. Political institutions had very few non-Christian representatives, and the regime frequently proclaimed martial law and states of emergency, undermining confidence in the local government or the rule of law.

Both ordinary people and the ruling classes wanted reform, but the tsar offered virtually no institutional avenues to effect change. The situation demanded extralegal organization, and revolutionary activists, few as they were in number, provided the available leadership and direction.

Social Democrats and Socialist Revolutionaries (SRs) often noted that Baku’s workers, divided by skills, pay rate, and ethnicity, cared more about wages than politics. Fortunately, the oil companies were unusually willing to grant concessions in order to hold on to their workforce, particularly their skilled hands.

By focusing on economic benefits, the general strike of December 1904 won an eight-to-nine-hour working day and significant improvements in wages and sick pay — a contract so good, it earned the nickname the Crude-oil Constitution.

After Tsar Nicholas II issued his “October Manifesto” in 1905, granting limited civil rights and an elected duma to his people, Baku formed a Soviet of Workers’ Deputies, one of many such councils that articulated working people’s demands at the end of that revolutionary year.

But workers continued to focus on their economic interests and eschewed politics. Shahumian lamented:

In general the workers here are a terribly mercantilistic group. They are thinking and talking about a new economic strike in order to snatch another greasy piece and increase “bonuses.”

Despite relentless police efforts, revolutionaries maintained an underground presence even after 1905, when the tsarist regime repressed the labor movement and forced many radicals either out of politics or into exile. Their work culminated in a forty-thousand-worker-strong strike in 1914, just as Russia’s war machine was gearing up.

These successes masked the tension that simmered just under the surface. The Russian- and Armenian-majority skilled workers joined unions and took in the Social Democrats’ message while Muslims only reluctantly engaged in protests or strikes.

Observers referred condescendingly to the “Tatars,” as they were called, as temnye (dark) or nesoznatel’nye (politically unconscious). Many Muslim workers remained tied to their villages and religious leaders. Though a small number of Muslim intellectuals preached socialism and nationalism, most Muslims in Caucasia had no interest in politics.

Baku’s ethnic and religious divisions reached a head in February 1905, when the tensions between Armenians and Muslims erupted into riots and interethnic killing. Muslims, alarmed by rumors that Armenians were taking up weapons, attacked first. The police and soldiers sat idle.

The Armenian Revolutionary Federation (Dashnaks), a nationalist party formed a decade earlier to defend Armenians in the Ottoman Empire, used its soldiers to protect the community. Social Democrats and liberals denounced the government’s inaction, accusing officials of promoting a pogrom. After the violence ended, hostilities continued to smolder, and, on the eve of World War I, people feared that another outbreak of violence was imminent.

Rising and Falling Support

Like most of Russia, Baku enjoyed a brief honeymoon period in February and March. The bourgeois Executive Committee of Public Organizations (IKOO) collaborated with the newly elected workers’ soviet and its chairman, the Bolshevik Shahumian. With the Russian army advancing through Ottoman Anatolia, unity on the home front seemed essential, but the previous social and ethnic hostilities continued to threaten the city’s peace.

As in Petrograd, so in Baku: two centers of government — the IKOO and the Baku Soviet — competed for influence among the population and for control of the city. The IKOO consisted of professionals — lawyers, civil servants, and liberal intellectuals — while revolutionaries from the Social Democrats (Bolsheviks and Mensheviks), SRs, and the Dashnaks led the Soviet. Russian workers and soldiers supported the Soviet alongside a segment of the Armenian community, but Muslims were generally excluded until the summer of 1917.

The IKOO’s liberals and professionals saw the Bolsheviks as the enemies of law and order, the harbingers of anarchy. The Baku Soviet’s SR majority supported the Petrograd Soviet’s moderate positions on the war and social peace: they called for unity of “all the vital forces of the nation” and a democratic peace without annexations or reparation.

Most Bolsheviks went along with these policies through the spring, but Shahumian had more radical ideas. He believed that February’s bourgeois-democratic revolution was “the prelude to the social revolution in Europe under whose influence it will gradually turn into a social revolution.”

Furthermore, Shahumian’s staunch antiwar position was an anathema to the soldiers in Baku. The Dashnaks, who feared that a retreat would endanger Ottoman Armenians and even lead to a Turkish invasion of Caucasia, rejected the Bolshevik line. In response, Russian soldiers who backed the SRs removed Shahumian as chairman of the Soviet in May.

However, as in the northern capitals and at the various fronts, the revolution in Baku moved leftward in the late spring and summer of 1917. Economic conditions worsened, and Alexander Kerensky’s ill-conceived June Offensive alienated soldiers.

In Petrograd, radical workers and sailors attempted to stage an insurrection in early July in hopes of forcing the Soviet to take power. Not only did they fail, but they also turned both the Baku and Petrograd Soviets briefly against the Bolsheviks, who seemed complicit in the abortive revolution.

Lenin went into hiding in Finland, and the newly minted Bolshevik Trotsky was arrested. Shahumian and his lieutenant, Alesha Japaridze, defended their comrades, but the events in the capital damaged the Bolsheviks, who now seemed like irresponsible adventurists.

This sentiment quickly reversed in August when the counterrevolutionary General Lavr Kornilov attempted a coup against the Petrograd Soviet. Meanwhile, hunger stalked Baku, particularly affecting poor Muslims. Workers organized a massive strike, and the oil barons reluctantly capitulated, though they dragged their feet when pressed to sign the contract.

The local Bolsheviks, riding the wave of discontent, called for a peaceful transfer of power to the soviets. While Lenin was desperately urging his comrades to seize power by force, Shahumian deftly managed to arrange new elections to the Baku Soviet, increasing Bolshevik representation. While his party did not win a majority, the soviet agreed to eliminate the IKOO and declare itself sovereign.

The SR-dominated Baku Soviet refused to back Lenin’s government. October had shown that the Bolsheviks were the leading, if not hegemonic, party in Baku, but many feared that an attempt to seize power would spark a civil and ethnic war.

The Soviet had not achieved undisputed power in the city. It still faced challenges from the city duma, and the moderate socialists called for a return to an all-class coalition government.

With no one group in charge of the city and the government disintegrating across the country, a sense of crisis descended on the city. Soldiers began voting with their feet, fleeing the Caucasian front and opening the way for an Ottoman invasion.

Power to the Soviet

National elections in the last months of 1917 demonstrated the growing power of ethnonational identification. The Georgian Mensheviks won overwhelmingly in the Georgian provinces, while the leading Muslim party, Musavat, and the Dashnaks won handily in and around Baku. The revolution in the South Caucasus was transforming from a class struggle into an ethnic and religious conflict.

With no Russian army standing between them and the Ottoman Empire, Baku’s Armenian, Georgian, and Muslim communities began forming their own military units. The Soviet belatedly founded its own multinational Red Guard.

Muslims disarmed deserting soldiers, and, in a singularly tragic confrontation at Shamkhor in January 1918, they killed a thousand Russians. This event proved that Muslims had the single most effective military force in the region, and their potential Ottoman allies began moving toward the prewar border. Despite Shahumian’s effort to stage a peaceful revolution, armed men would soon decide who ruled Baku.

Within the city, the Armenian forces and the Muslim units outmatched the Red Guards. The Soviet forces formed a tactical alliance with the Dashnaks against the Muslims, who appeared to many as a counterrevolutionary threat.

Shahumian now faced armed struggle on three sides: against the anti-Soviet forces within Baku; in Tiflis, where the Mensheviks had declared the South Caucasus independent of Bolshevik Russia; and in Elizavetpol, a primarily Muslim city where fighting was preventing food supplies from reaching Baku.

When a ship arrived at the end of March with the Muslim Savage Division aboard, the city exploded into war. The Soviet and Armenian forces fought the city’s Muslim population, and then the Red Guards turned their artillery on the Muslim quarter. What had begun as a Muslim-Soviet conflict metastasized into an indiscriminate anti-Muslim pogrom.

In the wake of the battle, Muslims fled the city, and Armenians protested that the Soviet had treated the Muslims with too much leniency. The Bolsheviks were appalled by these consequences, but they could exalt that the city was now in their hands. “Our influence, that of the Bolsheviks, was great before, but now we are the bosses of the situation in the full sense of the word,” Shahumian informed Moscow.

Though Soviet power depended on the armed Dashnaks, the Baku Bolsheviks formed a new government exclusively of its members and their Left SR supporters, excluding the Right SRs, Mensheviks, and Dashnaks. The Baku Commune, complete with its own Council of People’s Commissars (Sovnarkom) and Commissariat of Foreign Affairs, was now in position to radically transform life in Baku.

The Baku Commune

The experiment lasted only ninety-seven days, from April to July 1918. The Bolsheviks envisioned the Soviet and its Sovnarkom as a combined executive and legislative body, following Marx’s vision of the Paris Commune of 1871.

The commune nationalized the oil industry, attempted to reform education and the judiciary — despite resistance from the professional classes — and believed they could govern the city without turning to state terror, even as they shut down oppositional newspapers.

In June, Shahumian launched an offensive to forestall an attack by Muslims from Elisavetpol. The city’s leadership discussed moving further toward Tiflis, but, when Baku’s forces approached the Kura River, Muslim, Georgian, and Ottoman fighters drove them back.

The city desperately sought allies to prevent an Ottoman takeover. Shahumian negotiated with Cossacks and the British, but Moscow forbade him from allowing General Dunsterville’s troops, stationed nearby, to enter the city.

Unable to increase the food supply, and with limited support among Baku workers and the peasants outside the city, the Bolsheviks’ base narrowed. On July 25, the Soviet voted 259 to 236 to invite in the British.

Shahumian declared: “You have not yet found England, but you have lost the central Russian government. You have not yet found England, but you have lost us.” His government resigned, a non-Bolshevik government was formed, and the British arrived.

In mid-September, with the Ottomans about to take the city, the leaders of the Baku Commune decided to leave, but their ship was diverted from safe harbor in Astrakhan to Krasnovodsk, where Turkmen SRs arrested the former commissars.

Twenty-six of the Baku revolutionaries, most of them Bolsheviks, were taken into the desert and executed. In 1920, their remains were exhumed, and they were reburied as Soviet martyrs in a central square in Baku. There they remained for the next seventy years, until the post-Soviet Azerbaijani government destroyed the monument to the Baku Commissars.

Revolutionary Defeat

The story of the Baku revolution belies several of the myths surrounding the events of 1917. The Baku Bolsheviks were not deracinated conspirators hungry for power but long-time socialist activists with deep roots in the city’s workers’ movement. They acted as democrats, seeking a nonviolent path to power, and, when they lost a crucial vote in the Soviet, they left their government posts peacefully. Though they only won control of the city thanks to the bloody March Days, the Baku Bolsheviks did not employ terror against their enemies while in power.

Ultimately, they could not overcome the working class’s ethnic and social divisions, solve the food crisis, or find the support to wage a successful campaign against their enemies.

Shahumian tried to end the counterrevolution throughout Caucasia while also transforming Baku. He refused to include the more moderate socialist parties in his government until they recognized the Soviet government in Moscow. His base was simply too narrow, and the commune fell once the Bolsheviks lost the workers whose demands they could not satisfy.

The fate of the twenty-six Baku commissars is ironic: moderate, democratic, and largely nonviolent, Shahumian, Japaridze, and the others fell victim to opponents in the civil war who were far more ruthless.

In sharp contrast, by late summer 1918, Russian Bolsheviks and their White opponents had already adopted the logic of war, abandoning the ideals of democratic governance and employing state terror to defeat their enemies. The hope that democratic and socialist Soviets would triumph died in that vicious struggle.

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ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Ronald Suny is the William H. Sewell Jr. Distinguished University Professor of History at the University of Michigan, Emeritus Professor of Political Science and History at the University of Chicago, and Senior Researcher at the National Research University – Higher School of Economics in Saint Petersburg, Russia. He is the author of The Baku Commune, 1917-1918: Class and Nationality in the Russian Revolution (Princeton University Press, 1972), among many other works.

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