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zuantonio · 11 months

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FINALS: Three Questions on the Resurfacing of Juan Luna's Long Lost Painting, "Hymen oh, Hyménée"

Was the painting really lost in the hand of Juan Luna?

Has the government done any way to search for the painting?

Is it worthy to display such an iconic painting in a private museum instead in the National Museum?

Juan Luna is a classical painter who has played an important part in raising the Philippine art school to international recognition. The Spoliarium, one of his most famous works, won a gold medal at the National Exposition of Fine Arts in Madrid in 1884. The enormous mural depicts fallen Roman gladiators being dragged from the arena.

More than 130 years had passed, a long-lost masterpiece of Juan Luna was found by an art collector, Jaime De Leon, and now on display at the Ayala Museum. It was reported that the last time that the painting was last seen was in Paris. “Hymen, on Hyménéé” was dubbed the holy grail of Philippines Arts, as it features a Roman wedding from Juan Luna’s perspective.

Was the painting really lost in the hand of Juan Luna? This was the first question that came to my mind after reading some articles about the finding of the painting. From my perspective, it is just questionable how come the painting was in the hand of an aristocratic family in Europe knowing that it was purchased in the 1920s. An additional question formed in my mind in connection with his works after reading that the Spoliarium was awarded as a Prize of Honor but the jury decided not to give such an award that year. According to the book Juan Luna, The Filipino As Painter by Santiago Pilar, the reason why it was not given was it would have automatically put an Indio above the two-well known Spanish artists, Antonio Muñoz Degrain and Jose Moreno Canonero, who ranks second and third respectively. What if it was intentionally bought by the Europeans? By looking at the painting, there is indeed a potential of winning another award if it will be presented by Juan Luna. Since, the Spanish, specifically, could not afford to be lost by a Filipino artist, which they described as Indio, they instead bought the masterpiece, purposely or secretly, until it was announced missing.

Has the government done any way to search for the painting? It saddened me to read that the painting was claimed by an art collector by purchasing it in a high value amount. Knowing that this painting commemorates the hardworks of Juan Luna, the government must be the first one who has been doing something since the very beginning for the search of the painting. They should have done their very best and full effort in finding it. Though, De Leon said in one of his interviews that he does not have any plans of reselling tha painting. But, how sure are we for that? Knowing that he owned the painting now and even approached a private museum to display it to the public. Interest from other artists to purchase it is high specially for having a high value. Nonetheless, this kind of matter must also be prioritized by the government.If they can put attention to the other aspects of the country,I hope that they can also give importance and value on this matter as well, especially that every Filipino has the right to see and learn about this painting.

Is it worthy to display such an iconic painting in a private museum instead in the National Museum? We all know by this time that the long-lost painting is on display in the Ayala Museum, a private museum. It was said in reports that it would be free in the public eye on the day of the Philippine’s 125 Independence Day. However, what happens next after the day of the independence day? As of August 2022, the rates for the museum admission starts at the regular rates at P650 while discounted rate is at P350. That being said, only a few Filipinos are able to visit and see the painting. Why not display it in the National Museum instead? The Spolarium, a famous painting of Juan Luna, is now displayed in the National Museum. Thus, why not choose and display the long-lost painting here so that many people can be able to access and appreciate the beauty of the painting freely. Is there any hidden agenda in choosing a private museum?

Upon writing my questions and reasons, I believe that three questions are not enough to know and learn more about this recent topic. I also believe that this should be an eye-opener for us Filipinos about our rights to have access to the arts that our ancestors had contributed for our country. It should not be owned by someone but must be owned by everyone in this country. Arts should not be equivalent in the value of how much it costs but how important it is in the hearts and minds of all.

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regreports · 1 year

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PUVMP: A ride towards modernization or anti-poor collision

BY: Maria Ellein Abarro, Maria Regine Dayao, Alexandra De Leon, Mikhaela Santiago

King of the road - that’s how jeepneys in the Philippines are hailed as.

With it being the most popular mode of transportation in the country, Filipinos patronize it for convenience, reasonable fares, and a showcase of culture. Its distinct colors and extravagant ornaments makes it stand out from other public utility vehicles (PUVs).

What brought the prominent ride to fruition were the American colonizers who left behind four-seater green jeepneys after World War II.

And in spite of Filipino ingenuity, it was upcycled to resolve the mass transportation crisis.

It was elongated to accommodate more passengers, furnished with a roof for protection against the Philippine heat, and gave birth to terms you’d only hear in a jeepney like “bayad po” or “para po.”

These kings continue to reign the streets, but not for long.

A DETHRONEMENT OF THE KING

The traditional jeep is on the verge of being dethroned due to the government’s public utility vehicle modernization program or PUVMP.

Issued way back in 2017, the program intends to phase out jeepneys of 15 years and older that are diesel-based.

They are to be replaced by modern jeeps, which have its own ruling features that comply with safety and environmental standards.

The Department of Transportation (DoTr) Secretary Jaime Bautista elaborates that modern jeeps back up the convenient, accessible, safe and secure, and affordable program or CASA in the transport sector.

With these advantages, commuters of the terminal hub in Xentro Mall Malolos, agree that it’s time for modern jeeps to rise to rule.

THE COMMUTERS' HURRAH TO CHANGE AND ITS BARE BENEFITS TO THE ENVIRONMENT

59 year old commuter Dong is in favor of the PUVMP due to modern jeeps being better than the traditional ones.

He said, “Naka-aircon ka na, magaan lang diperensya sa pamasahe, tapos komportable ka pa.”

A sound journey is how Bulacan State University student Trixie concur their support on the program.

They said some traditional jeeps have worn out and perform in an unstable condition. Trixie also insinuated that the temperature gets hot and humid in the jeep.

While safety and comfort are in the hands of the commuters, the environment is yet to speak up for its own well-being.

In their support to the PUVMP, the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) imposed the Eco-PUV program, where modern vehicles must comply with the Euro 4 standards.

Former Undersecretary Tim Orbos of the DoTr said it is to generate less pollution or none.

But a study from the Clean Air Asia and Blacksmith Institute otherwise says that diesel-powered jeepneys make-up 15% of the entire matter emissions in Metro Manila.

It was argued by the Center for Energy, Ecology and Development (CEED) that efforts to reduce air pollution is negligible if it only focused on jeepneys rather than private vehicles and that private car owners are much capable of financing the modernization of their vehicles. In terms of what a modern jeep would cost, it's a conflicting thought for a UV express driver and barker.

A TALE OF A PUV DRIVER AND A BARKER

Having 500 PHP of daily earnings, UV express driver Wayu was dismayed at the 2.8 million priced modern jeeps.

Since it is loaned, they said PUV drivers are to suffer and shoulder the costs.

The program requires franchise holders to consolidate and join cooperatives to afford the new jeepneys, and it would take seven years to fully pay with a monthly deposit of over thirty-thousand pesos per month.

Aside from the financial issues, Wayu asserted that the project would be a major disturbance to many and there are already plenty of traditional jeepneys that operate.

The Land Transportation Franchising and Regulatory Board recorded that there are currently 158 000 traditional jeepneys in the country, while only 5 300 are modern jeepneys.

Pushing through the phaseout would mean commuters to strain harder, considering the current conditions of public transport.

Expressing their thoughts on the situation, Yeng who is a barker for four months, chimed that the traditional jeeps shouldn’t be pulled out. Instead, the count should be increased.

They also asserted that the modern jeeps are to be sourced from China and other countries, which have a contrary design to the iconic Philippine jeeps.

Such as in Bulacan, where PUV service company Chatco uses Hino branded jeeps which originate from Japan.

As the financial struggles and culture crisis come into play, there are other matters that the most affected jeepney drivers have to steer through.

QUANDARY TO THE KING'S RIGHT HAND

For 35 years, Joey has been a PUJ driver who is conformed to his current livelihood.

Firmly opposing the PUVMP, they were proud to show his jeep of 15 years that still worked fine.

They felt that it would be a problem and disappointment to disable operations of a traditional jeep in the near future.

Not only that, they argue over how the program’s requirement to obtain the modern jeeps will be an issue.

In line with this, another PUJ driver was troubling over the new franchising guidelines under the PUVMP.

Senior PUJ driver Victor already has an individual franchise because they own the jeep they drive and the earnings it builds up throughout the day.

The LTFRB announced that each cooperative must have at least 15 franchises and single-unit operators will no longer be allowed on the road, but Victor still diverges on the idea of joining a cooperative.

His main concern being the costs of the modern jeeps, where he barely earns a thousand pesos per day on driving.

As for the drivers who have the same stand and join the same association, they didn’t join the transport strike against the PUVMP held last March 6 to 11.

It was due to their franchises being revoked if they were to stop operations.

Living on minimum wage, PUV drivers cannot afford to let a day pass as they and their families need it.

As such, Manibela chairperson Mal Valbuena estimated 40 000 PUVS in Metro Manila alone participated. While the LTFRB detected 10% of the PUJ drivers in Manila and 5% jumped on the nationwide strike.

The protests however were cut short as a meeting among transport group leaders and officials from Malacañang occurred.

THE PROPOSAL OF THE PEOPLE

While the program and its guidelines have been controversial, jeepney drivers and commuters offered their own propositions.

On the former part, drivers recommend that old jeeps should be restored and have their parts changed with new ones that are up to the environmental standards.

As jeepney driver Julius had persuaded, these jeeps should be rehabilitated instead.

The latter implies that the government’s subsidy to the drivers for the modern jeeps should be raised.

As of late, the government is set to provide 5.7% or ₱160000 of the 2.8 million priced modern jeeps.

Consolidated groups are then left to shoulder most of the expenses, and if through a loan, it would take seven years to fully pay with an annual 6% interest rate.

THE CURRENT RULE ON THE ROAD

Everything boils down to how expensive the modern jeepneys are to PUV drivers.

Drivers, who the government had left out of the discussions, is seen to be another issue.

As mentioned previously, the Malacañang promised to involve them as the guidelines are being renewed further.

As the Omnibus Franchising Guidelines (OFG) or the Department Order No. 2017-011 which covers the PUVMP is under review, the deadline for consolidation is extended until December 31.

Expect further details to come as we go throughout the year.

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takeoffphilippines · 2 years

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An Exceptional Night for Traditional Filipino Arts and Culture: The Philippine Heritage Society Ball 2022

As a cultural collective, The Philippine Heritage Society continues to promote Filipino arts and culture and Filipino creatives, The Philippine Heritage Society Ball 2022 is set to be held on 25 July 2022, 5 PM at the Fiesta Pavilion of the Manila Hotel.

The glittering soiree will mesmerize its attendees from various social circles as it decorates the venue with the refinements of Old Manila society and fashions its program to a Quadrille Ball. LyrOPERA, the country’s most prominent non-stock, non-profit opera company, co-presents this event and will perform magnificent music that complements opulent Filipino decor elements like Capiz shells, Aanahaw leaves, and Sampaguita blossoms.

The event will also feature truly-Filipino and glamorous segments like a waltz dance and a fashion show. The ball’s main segment will be the awarding ceremony of the 2022 Filipino Heritage Awards.

Waltz Dance

Filipino Balse and classic love songs like Kundimans rendered in waltz arrangement will create a special air of elegance and sophistication at the Waltz Dance segment of the event. To complement the nostalgic style of waltz dance and the east-meets-west music, attendees will don reimagined versions of traditional Filipiniana fashion like the barong and the terno.

Harana: Fashion Walk for Culture

Fashion will be best promoted as a great and uplifting part of heritage and culture on the “Harana: Fashion Walk for Culture” segment. This fashion show segment will have fashion muses composed by personalities in the social circle, business, finance, fashion, culture and the arts. As they model the re-imagined versions of traditional Filipiniana by renowned Filipino fashion designers serenaded by opera artists from LyrOPERA.

Featuring Filipiñana’s by:

Lito Perez

Edgar Madamba

Edgar San diego

Peri Diaz

Ronaldo Arnaldo

Peter Lim

Ditta Sandico

Ole Morabe

Oskar Peralta

Frankie De Leon

2022 Filipino Heritage Awards

The Filipino Heritage Awards are granted to companies or individuals that help define Filipino identity in the field of arts, heritage and culture. This year’s ceremony of granting the awards will set the precedent of honoring and giving citations for a wide-range of brands and personalities—from prominent corporate institutions, household name consumer products, to fine art purveyors—that have stood the test of time in being icons of Filipino arts and culture.

The Philippine Heritage Society and LyrOPERA PH Founder: Mr. Sherwin K. Sozon

The Philippine Heritage Society envisions the ceremony of granting the awards as The Philippine Heritage Society Ball’s main segment in every iteration of the event as it continually inspires support for Philippine arts and culture and the creative soul of the Filipinos.

The Philippine Heritage Society

(L-R) Incumbent Committee Members: Eugene Guiyab, Ann Morales, Danda Buhain, Rose Santiago-Licup, Ruby Guiyab and Flora Urquico; Founders: Sherwin Sozon, Nathan de Leon

With roots from 10-year-strong opera company LyrOPERA, The Philippine Heritage Society has been steadfast in dedicating its initiatives to the preservation of Philippine arts and culture and the upholding of the welfare of artists and artisans. Among the planned initiatives of the cultural collective are balls, fashion shows, exhibits, seminars, community immersions, and outreach programs. The Philippine Heritage Society was founded in 2022.

The Philippine Heritage Society is led by LyrOPERA officers who are highly regarded in the Filipino arts and culture scenes and industries related to this field arts and culture.

Founders:

Sherwin Sozon

Nathan De Leon

Tess Castro

Incumbent Committee Members:

Chairman: Mache Torres Ackerman

Members:

Armita Rufino

Robert Castañeda

Danda Buhain

Kate Bellosillo

Ruby Guiyab

Eugene Guiyab

Flora Urquico

Carmen Afzelus

Rose Tolentino Santiago

Ann Morales Nuguid

Jessie Maloles

Atty. Jovy Beldad

Ronaldo Arnaldo

Rachel Harrison

Rose Rañola Jordan

Sponsors include: Greenfield Development Corporation, www.AlphaOneA1.com, MX3 Natural Supplements www.mx3ph.com, www.BASInfratructurePH.com, United Graphic Expression Corporation (UGEC) and Curve Coffee Collaborators.

Media partners include: Globaltronics, Light TV God’s Channel of Blessings, The Manila Times, Happy Rich TV, Gololy.ph, WhenInManila.com, Boracay Beach Radio, Mellow 94.7 FM, VillagePipol.com, People’s Journal, People’s Tonight, and Take OFF Philippines.

Check the The Philippine Heritage Society Facebook page, LyrOPERA Facebook page and www.LyrOPERAPH.comto learn more about The Philippine Heritage Society Ball and the 2022 Filipino Heritage Awards.

–

📧 If you wish to send an invite and feature your province/company brand/event; Just ask the author of this vlog, email us at [email protected]

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#onthescene #The Philippine Heritage Society Ball 2022

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cabreraarchive · 3 years

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Indigenous Nuevo León

The original inhabitants of the State of Nuevo León before the arrival of the Spaniards were nomadic hunters and gatherers. In general, the Spaniards at first called all inhabitants in the north frontier of Mexico by the generic term, Chichimecas. But these indigenous people actually consisted of several indigenous linguistic groups. In Nuevo León, they included the Alazapas in the north, the Guachichiles in the south, the Borrados and Tamaulipec groups in the east, and Coahuiltecans in the west.

The map shows the approximate territories of the four primary indigenous groups at the time of the Spanish contact

The Coahuiltecan Tribes

The Coahuiltecan tribes were made up of hundreds of autonomous bands of hunter-gatherers who ranged over the eastern part of Coahuila, northern Tamaulipas, western Nuevo León and southern Texas south and west of San Antonio River and Cibolo Creek. It was the practice of the Coahuiltecans to move from one traditional campsite to another, following the seasons and herds of migrating animals.

Classification of the Coahuiltecans

Initially, the Spaniards had little interest in describing the natives or classifying the Coahuiltecans into ethnic units. There was no obvious basis for classification, and major cultural contrasts and tribal organizations went unnoticed, as did similarities and differences in the native languages and dialects. The Spanish padres referred to each Indian group as a nación, and described them according to their association with major terrain features or with Spanish jurisdictional units. Only in Nuevo León did observers link Indian populations by cultural peculiarities, such as hairstyle and body decoration. Thus, modern scholars have found it difficult to identify these hunting and gathering groups by language and culture.

Eventually, many of the ethnohistorians and anthropologists came to believe that the entire region was occupied by numerous small Indian groups who spoke related languages and shared the same basic culture, the Coahuiltecan culture. By the mid-nineteenth century, Mexican linguists had constructed what is now known as “Coahuiltecan culture” by assembling bits of specific and generalized information recorded by Spaniards for widely scattered and limited parts of the region.

During the Spanish colonial period, most of the Coahuilatecan natives were displaced from their traditional territories by Spaniards advancing from the south and Apaches advancing from the north. A large number of the small tribal groups or bands belonging to the Coahuiltecan stock remain unknown to this day and even their locations – in some cases – are not clear.

Tamaulipecan Groups

The Tamaulipas groups included some sedentary peoples who were dedicated to agriculture, with well-structured religious practices. The Tamaulipec groups were mainly small tribes that occupied the central and southeastern parts of the present-day state. Today, it is believed that the so-called Tamaulipecan family was related to and perhaps a subset of the Coahuiltecans. Through their Coahuiltecan ties, it is believed that the Tamaulipecos were part of the Hokan language group, but very few fragments of their languages survive today.

Guachichiles (Huachichiles)

The Guachichiles, of all the Chichimeca Indians, occupied the most extensive territory, extending some 100,000 square kilometers from Lake Chapala (Jalisco) in the south to Saltillo (Coahuila) in the north. Considered both warlike and brave, the Guachichiles roamed through a large section of the present-day state of Zacatecas and as far north as Coahuila and Nuevo León. The Aztecs used the term “Guachichile” as a reference to “heads painted of red,” a reference to the red dye that they used to paint their bodies, faces and hair. The Guachichil group of tribes is regarded as connected with the present-day Huichol language group (of Jalisco and Nayarit) and has been classified as part of the Aztecoidan division of the Uto-Aztecan linguistic family.

The Guachichiles and their “Chichimeca” cousins, the Zacatecos, waged the 40-year war (1550-1590) known as the “Chichimeca War” against Spanish forces, primarily in the vast region south of Coahuila (Zacatecas, Northern Jalisco, Aguascalientes, Western San Luis Potosí and Guanajuato). They were never decisively defeated in battle, but were pacified through gifts that included many of the materials used by Spaniards and “civilized” Indians to live and thrive in their Spanish settlements.

Alazapas

The Alazapas are a Coahuiltecan group that lived in several present-day municipios of Nuevo León, including San Nicolas de los Garza, which is just five miles from Monterrey. Between 1637 and 1647, the Alazapas attacked the Spaniards in several areas near Monterrey, including the mines at Cerralvo and several small settlements. Although the Alazapas contained the Spanish expansion into the area for ninety years, eventually they were forced to move north to the area around Lampazos.Lampazos is close to the present-day boundary between Nuevo León with Coahuila.

Borrados

The Spaniards applied the name Borrados to several, widely distributed groups over a period of two centuries. In the sixteenth century, one of the Borrado tribes lived in the Monterrey-Cadereyta-Cerralvo area of Nuevo Leon, as well as adjacent areas of Tamaulipas. The Borrados were also known as Rayados (“Stripped Ones”). The name derived from the almost universal habit among these Indians of covering their faces with tattoos which the aborigines produced by opening a trace-work of cuts on the skin with a sharpened stone, then rubbing into charcoal. The resulting design distinguished members of one tribe from members of other tribes.

Catujanes

The Catujanes Indians lived in the Mesa of the Catujanes and in the area of Lampazos de Naranjo, which is a present-day city and municipio located in northwestern Nuevo León, 97 miles (156 km) north of Monterrey.

Gualeguas

The Gualeguas Indians lived in the region of Agualeguas, a city and a municipio located in the northeastern Nuevo León, 80 miles (128 km) northeast of Monterrey. The name “Agualeguas” honors the first known inhabitants of the region, the Gualegua tribe.

Cacalote Indians

Cacalote (“crow” or “raven”) is the name of an Indian groups that lived south of the Rio Grande in Nuevo León and Tamaulipas in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The Cacalotes were believed to have been a Coahuiltecan group.

Pajarito Indians

Pajarito, which is Spanish for “little bird,” was the name of a Coahuiltecan band that originally inhabited northeastern Nuevo León, but later migrated northwestward to the north bank of the Rio Grande above the site of present-day Laredo. Eventually most of the Pajarito Indians ended up along the lower Rio Grande near the coast, principally in northern Tamaulipas.

Tortugas

The Tortugas (“Tortoises”) are believed to have lived on the upper tributaries of the Rio San Juan in eastern Nuevo Leon. However, the Tortugas may also have been referred to as Pelón or Pelones (“bald” or “hairless”) because the males removed their head hair in a number of ways, but several unrelated Indian groups of Nuevo Leon were also known by the Spaniards as Pelones. The Tortugas were first recorded in eastern Nuevo Leon in 1716-1717 as one of several rebellious groups that settled at Mission Purificación in the Pilón Valley near Montemorelos. The Spaniards considered the Tortugas to be very troublesome because of their far-reaching raids, as far south as Montemorelos, as far west as Cadereyta and as far north as Cerralvo. From the 1740s to the 1760s they were recorded at various missions in eastern Nuevo Leon, but their ethnic identity was lost in the nineteenth century.

Carrizos

Carrizos (Spanish for “canes” or “reeds”) is a descriptive name that was applied after 1700 to several widely distributed Indian groups of both northeastern Mexico and Texas. Apparently, Indians of this name lived in houses whose frames were covered by canes or reeds. The western Carrizos were reported in various locations, including Mission Nuestra de los Dolores de la Punta de Lampazos (near modern Lampazos). It is believed that they may also have inhabited Starr and Zapata counties of present-day Texas. And in 1735, it was reported that they were one of several Indian groups who had attacked the Spanish settlement at Cerralvo during the preceding 20 years.

Although they continued to conduct raids in Nuevo Leon over a period of decades, the Carrizos appear to have allied themselves with the Spaniards from 1790 to 1792 against the Mescalero and Lipan Apaches. During the early 18th Century, the Carrizos were known to be in the region of Laredo, Texas and east of Lampazos, Nuevo Leon.

Zalayas

In 1688, Zalayas were mentioned in connection with the Convent of San Francisco of Cerralvo, and it’s likely that they lived in the Cerralvo area. In 1735, Zalayas reportedly were among the Indian groups that had been causing trouble at the Spanish village of Agualeguas, about 17 miles north of Cerralvo in northeastern Nuevo Leon.

Zacatiles

The Zacatiles lived near Cadereyta in west central Nuevo Leon. The word Zacatil appears to be related to zacate, a word of Náhuatl origin that the early Spaniards applied to several groups, including the Zacatecos Indians of Zacatecas. During the 1730s, there was considerable unrest among the surviving Indian groups of eastern Nuevo Leon, and some documents refer to the Zacatiles as being one of the indigenous groups that raided Spanish settlements as far north as Cerralvo and as far south as Montemorelos.

Native Groups Continuously at War

According to Omar Santiago Valerio-Jiménez, the various tribes of this area “were almost continuously at war with one another. Inter-tribal strife made it relatively easy, during the early stages of the conquest, for the Spaniards to master many of these small, mutually antagonistic tribes.” However, the natives who sought refuge in the Sierra Madre were harder to locate in their mountain refuges. The mountain strongholds served as a base of operations for raids on Spanish settlements and as refuge for natives who fled the mission settlements.

The natives of colonial Nuevo León were almost constantly on the move in their search for food. Although the region had a distinct dry season, many streams still flowed from the eastern slopes of the Sierra Madre, and this led to the lush growth of vegetation in the foothills and coastal areas. In normal times, many of the tribes engaged in hunting and food gathering. They moved about in small groups and their rancherias usually consisted of one or two families, which rarely numbered more than eight or ten persons altogether. In times of war, these small nomadic communities would coalesce to form aggressive raiding parties.

The Establishment of Monterrey (1577)

In 1577, Alberto del Canto, a Portuguese immigrant, founded a settlement named Ojos de Santa Lucía, which was renamed San Luis in 1583 by Luis Carvajal y de la Cueva. However, it was abandoned and then re-founded as the City of Monterrey on September 20, 1596 along the Santa Catarina River. However, the hostility of the local natives, was so intense that Monterrey became an isolated stronghold standing in hostile territory.

Establishment of the Kingdom (1579)

On May 31, 1579, Luis Carvajal signed an agreement with King Felipe II of Spain to pacify the region and to establish the Kingdom of Nuevo León, which extended from the Pánuco River on the south and the Gulf of Mexico on the east, while its western sector extended well into the Sierra Madre Oriental. The northern border of the province ran roughly along the lower Río Grande.

Carvajal was both the first governor and encomendero of the area, but, according to historian Sean F. McEnroe, his “brief and unsuccessful conquests” were “motivated by the profits of slave raiding and mining” and “provoked fierce resistance from local populations.” This hostility, followed by his subsequent arrest leading to a power vacuum led Spain to abandon the area for some time.

Slavery in Nuevo León

As mentioned in the preceding paragraph, some of the Spaniards turned to Indian slavery for profits. In establishing the towns of Monterrey and Cerralvo, Spaniards captured Indians to sell as slaves for labor in the mines of Zacatecas. This cruelty provoked several results. In 1624, as an example, the local tribes assaulted the Monterrey and slaughtered the Franciscan missionaries living in the area. However, in his Ph.D. dissertation, Professor Rodolfo Fernández discussed the complexities of the local system, noting that some indigenous people also became slave owners.

The Encomienda System in Nuevo León

According to Professor Rodolfo Fernández, the encomienda system gave some Spaniards “the legal right to negotiate tribute in the form of labor from specific indigenous groups. The encomienda was the most widespread labor relation between Indians and Spaniards in northeastern New Spain.” In this system, the tribute-receiving soldier, known as an encomendero received a grant in the form of land, municipios or Indian labor. He was also obliged to provide military protection and a Christian education for the Indians under his command. The Indian laborers under his command were called encomendados.

Fernández notes that in the northern frontier area, “the structure of Indian communities was completely different since the native Chichimecas did not own a particular piece of land permanently, and they did not have the type of political elites that existed in Mesoamerican societies.”

In his Ph.D. Dissertation, Professor Fernández noted that Indians of the north “were not bound by ownership of land or coercive political systems. Encomendados could literally pick up their belongings and move beyond the encomendero’s reach, yet many of them chose to live and work in an encomendero’s commercial property. One reason why many Indians chose to stay with the Spanish was not because of coercion or control from imperial structures of power, but because they saw joining them as a way to find relief in times of scarcity, or protection in times of war.” Fernández also notes that many of the northern indigenous groups “viewed the encomienda as a temporary alliance to counter emerging threats. When Indian groups felt conditions under Spanish rule to be intolerable, they often escaped, joined other groups and in many extreme cases rebelled.”

The Decline of the Coahuiltecans

When the Spaniards arrived in Coahuila and Nuevo Leon, they settled into “choice locations” which led to strains on local food supplies and eventually led to displacement of many Coahuiltecan bands. Ruecking believed that this was “one of the fundamental reasons for the rapid missionization of the Coahuiltecans.” The Coahuiltecans in the missions had provided unskilled labor and engaged in intermarriage with other ethnic groups. As the missions closed in the 19th century, Indian families were given small parcels of mission land. Eventually, the survivors passed into the lower economic levels of Mexican society.

Missions as a Place of Refuge

Although the missions were established as a means of Christianizing the native people, they also became a vehicle for educating Indians in the ways of Spanish colonial living. But, with a more hostile environment on the outside, the missions also became a place of refuge. The former hunter-gatherers were willing to become part of the mission system for a number of reasons noted here:

The irrigation system promised a more stable supply of food than they normally enjoyed.

The presidio – frequently located close to a mission — offered much greater protection from the Apaches.

The missionaries and their lay helpers instructed the natives in the Catholic faith and in the elements of Spanish peasant society. The Indians learned various trades, including carpentry, masonry, blacksmithing, and weaving; they also did a great deal of agricultural work.

Mission Indian villages usually consisted of about 100 Indians of mixed groups who generally came from a wide area surrounding a mission. Although survivors of a group often entered a single mission, individuals and families of one ethnic group might scatter to five or six missions. The number of Indian bands (or groups) at each mission varied from fewer than twenty groups to as many as 100.

However, with so many people concentrated in a single area, the natives around the missions became more vulnerable to the diseases brought by Europeans. Because the missions had an agricultural base, the economic output of the mission declined when the Indian labor force dwindled. Missions were distributed unevenly. Some were in remote areas, while others were clustered, often two to five in number, in small areas.

Displacement and Loss of Ethnic Identity

In Coahuila, Nuevo León, Tamaulipas and Texas, the displacement of Coahuiltecans and other nomadic groups by the Spaniards and Apaches created an unusual ethnic mix. Inevitably, the numerous Spanish missions in the region would provide a refuge for the displaced and declining Indian populations.

As they lived in close contact with the Spanish colonial culture and learned agricultural techniques, most of the Coahuiltecan Indians lost their identity. Their names disappeared from the written record as epidemics, warfare, migration, dispersion by Spaniards to work at distant plantations and mines, high infant mortality, and general demoralization took their toll. Small remnants merged with larger remnants or were absorbed into the Apaches. By 1800 the names of few ethnic units appear in documents, and by 1900 the names of groups native to the region had disappeared. A large number of the small tribal groups or bands belonging to the Coahuiltecan stock remain unknown to this day and even their locations – in some cases – are not clear.

Political Chronology:

In 1582, Nuevo León was known as Nuevo Reino de León. From 1777 to 1793, Nuevo León was made part of the Provincias Internas. With the independence of Mexico in 1821, Nuevo León became a free and sovereign state by a decree of May 7, 1824. When the Constitution of 1857 took effect on February 5, 1847, Nuevo León was incorporated into Coahuila. On February 26, 1864, the state of Nuevo León was split from Coahuila.

The 1921 Census

In the unusual 1921 Mexican census, residents of each state were asked to classify themselves in several categories, including “indígena pura” (pure indigenous), “indígena mezclada con blanca” (indigenous mixed with white) and “blanca” (white). Out of a total state population of 336,412, only 17,276 persons (or 5.1%) claimed to be of pure indigenous background.

With only 5.1% of its people being recognized as of pure indigenous origin, Nuevo León boasted a large population of assimilated individuals, with 253,878 individuals – or 75.5% – being classified as mezclada (or mixed). However, nearly one-in-five of Nuevo León’s inhabitants – 64,697 (19.2%) – claimed to be white.

But Nuevo León’s long-term assimilation into the Spanish world was evident in the fact that only four people in the state spoke an indigenous language: two Huastecos, one Kikapoo and one Maya.

Migration from Other States

Over the next few decades, the number of persons who spoke indigenous languages in Nuevo León increased significantly in a unique reconfiguration of indigenous identity in Northern Mexico. From 787 individuals five years of age and older in 1970, Nuevo León witnessed an unprecedented increase to 15,446 speakers in 2000 and 40,237 in 2010. In fact, according to the Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía (INEGI), Nuevo León was the Mexican entity with the highest rate of growth of indigenous population (12.5% per year) throughout the country as of 2005.

Indigenous Languages Spoken in Nuevo Leon in 2010 In 2010, a total of 40,258 indigenous speakers 3 years and older in Nuevo Leon lived in Nuevo León, of which more than half (53.6%) spoke the Náhuatl language, and 17% did not even specify which indigenous language they spoke.

While the speakers of the Otomí, Totonac and Huasteco languages most likely came from nearby states like Veracruz and San Luis Potosí, the Zapotec and Mixtec speakers probably came from the states of Oaxaca and Guerrero.

The 2010 census also reported the languages spoken within each municipio of each state. As indicated in the following table, Náhuatl — the most common language spoken in Mexico and the leading language in several states — is, by far, the most spoken indigenous language in Nuevo León. But, it is noteworthy that Náhuatl — and any other languages spoken in the state — are transplants from other states, due to Nuevo León’s position as a magnet for migration from a multitude of other states.

https://indigenousmexico.org/nuevo-leon/indigenous-nuevo-leon-land-of-the-coahuiltecans/

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bm-americas · 3 years

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Lienzo of Ihuitlan, mid-16th century, Brooklyn Museum: Arts of the Americas

Town record or lienzo painted on a plain-weave cotton cloth which consists of nine four-selvaged cotton panels joined together to make one large sheet. This form of Spanish Colonial manuscript was made to provide visual information regarding the history of indigenous Mixtec communities in the Valley of Coixtlahuaca, in the modern state of Oaxaca, Mexico, and their relationships to each other. It is one of six major lienzos that were made for the towns in this Mixtec valley. All share the features of having many place glyphs; delineations of land represented by rectangular areas and often identified by glyphs; written glosses in several languages, including Nahuatl (most frequent), Choco, Mixe and Spanish; and royal genealogies that may encompass other communities as well. The Lienzo of Ihuitlan has all of these attributes, including twenty-one place glyphs, usually glossed in Nahuatl. In general, the glyphs are arranged around the circumference of the textile, and the glyph for Ihuitlan is farthest from the edge in the lower right corner. That glyph is distinguished by a drawing of the Dominican church of Santiago Ihuitlan which is adjacent. The glyphs parallel the locations of the communities in the valley which identifies the lienzo a map, with the uppermost section oriented to the north. Besides the church, the only other European element is the twenty-one names marked in Spanish script. In the center section, genealogies of community rulers and their place glyphs appear, however, not all the place glyphs have corresponding genealogies. The most extensive genealogies are those for Coixtlahuaca, Ihuitlan, and the two unglossed and unidentified localities that have been thought to represent Water and Texcalhueyac. The husband and wife of each generation are seated on a mat or jaguar skin, ancient signs of rank, with a name symbol painted beside each figure. There are 170 figures, arranged in columns according to dynasties and in some cases connected by rows of footprints to indicate how certain rulers were descended from those of other towns. Although one dynasty does not have place identification, through comparison to another lienzo, it is thought to be the Yucucuy dynasty. Three couples make up the rest of the dynastic list with the first relating to the sixth ruling pair of Yucucuy (as seen on the Lienzo Antonio de Leon). Footsteps descending from this couple are evidence that they are the parents of Female 8 Death of the founding pair of the first dynasty of Ihuitlan. The genealogical parts of the lienzo are divided into two sections with the bottom area containing a gloss but not a glyph and three pairs of ancestors; the center area contains the opposite iconography showing a glyph and not a gloss and fifteen pairs of ancestors. Although there are no footprints connecting the genealogies, in the Lienzo Antonio de Leon, the last couple of the first dynasty, Male 4 Water and Female 3 Grass, are represented as the parents of Male 6 Rain, the first ruler of the second dynasty. Genealogies in Mixtec lienzos are thought to validate the legitimacy of the rulers of the communities; however, in this lienzo they also illustrate the ruler's ownership of the community lands as a whole. This inclusion probably helped insure the preservation of the lienzo. Size: 97 3/4 x 62 in. (248.3 x 157.5 cm) mount (plexi box): 104 x 68 x 3 in. (264.2 x 172.7 x 7.6 cm) Medium: Dye pigments and inks on cotton

https://www.brooklynmuseum.org/opencollection/objects/53789

#museumarchive #artsoftheamericas #brooklynmuseum

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chrisbitten123 · 4 years

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Music Genres

This is a list of some of the world's music genre and their definitions.

African Folk - Music held to be typical of a nation or ethnic group, known to all segments of its society, and preserved usually by oral tradition.

Afro jazz - Refers to jazz music which has been heavily influenced by African music. The music took elements of marabi, swing and American jazz and synthesized this into a unique fusion. The first band to really achieve this synthesis was the South African band Jazz Maniacs.

Afro-beat - Is a combination of Yoruba music, jazz, Highlife, and funk rhythms, fused with African percussion and vocal styles, popularized in Africa in the 1970s.

Afro-Pop - Afropop or Afro Pop is a term sometimes used to refer to contemporary African pop music. The term does not refer to a specific style or sound, but is used as a general term to describe African popular music.

Apala - Originally derived from the Yoruba people of Nigeria. It is a percussion-based style that developed in the late 1930s, when it was used to wake worshippers after fasting during the Islamic holy month of Ramadan.

Assiko - is a popular dance from the South of Cameroon. The band is usually based on a singer accompanied with a guitar, and a percussionnist playing the pulsating rhythm of Assiko with metal knives and forks on an empty bottle.

Batuque - is a music and dance genre from Cape Verde.

Bend Skin - is a kind of urban Cameroonian popular music. Kouchoum Mbada is the most well-known group associated with the genre.

Benga - Is a musical genre of Kenyan popular music. It evolved between the late 1940s and late 1960s, in Kenya's capital city of Nairobi.

Biguine - is a style of music that originated in Martinique in the 19th century. By combining the traditional bele music with the polka, the black musicians of Martinique created the biguine, which comprises three distinct styles, the biguine de salon, the biguine de bal and the biguines de rue.

Bikutsi - is a musical genre from Cameroon. It developed from the traditional styles of the Beti, or Ewondo, people, who live around the city of Yaounde.

Bongo Flava - it has a mix of rap, hip hop, and R&B for starters but these labels don't do it justice. It's rap, hip hop and R&B Tanzanian style: a big melting pot of tastes, history, culture and identity.

Cadence - is a particular series of intervals or chords that ends a phrase, section, or piece of music.

Calypso - is a style of Afro-Caribbean music which originated in Trinidad at about the start of the 20th century. The roots of the genre lay in the arrival of African slaves, who, not being allowed to speak with each other, communicated through song.

Chaabi - is a popular music of Morocco, very similar to the Algerian Rai.

Chimurenga - is a Zimbabwean popular music genre coined by and popularised by Thomas Mapfumo. Chimurenga is a Shona language word for struggle.

Chouval Bwa - features percussion, bamboo flute, accordion, and wax-paper/comb-type kazoo. The music originated among rural Martinicans.

Christian Rap - is a form of rap which uses Christian themes to express the songwriter's faith.

Coladeira - is a form of music in Cape Verde. Its element ascends to funacola which is a mixture of funanáa and coladera. Famous coladera musicians includes Antoninho Travadinha.

Contemporary Christian - is a genre of popular music which is lyrically focused on matters concerned with the Christian faith.

Country - is a blend of popular musical forms originally found in the Southern United States and the Appalachian Mountains. It has roots in traditional folk music, Celtic music, blues, gospel music, hokum, and old-time music and evolved rapidly in the 1920s.

Dance Hall - is a type of Jamaican popular music which developed in the late 1970s, with exponents such as Yellowman and Shabba Ranks. It is also known as bashment. The style is characterized by a deejay singing and toasting (or rapping) over raw and danceable music riddims.

Disco - is a genre of dance-oriented pop music that was popularized in dance clubs in the mid-1970s.

Folk - in the most basic sense of the term, is music by and for the common people.

Freestyle - is a form of electronic music that is heavily influenced by Latin American culture.

Fuji - is a popular Nigerian musical genre. It arose from the improvisation Ajisari/were music tradition, which is a kind of Muslim music performed to wake believers before dawn during the Ramadan fasting season.

Funana - is a mixed Portuguese and African music and dance from Santiago, Cape Verde. It is said that the lower part of the body movement is African, and the upper part Portuguese.

Funk - is an American musical style that originated in the mid- to late-1960s when African American musicians blended soul music, soul jazz and R&B into a rhythmic, danceable new form of music.

Gangsta rap - is a subgenre of hip-hop music which developed during the late 1980s. 'Gangsta' is a variation on the spelling of 'gangster'. After the popularity of Dr. Dre's The Chronic in 1992, gangsta rap became the most commercially lucrative subgenre of hip-hop.

Genge - is a genre of hip hop music that had its beginnings in Nairobi, Kenya. The name was coined and popularized by Kenyan rapper Nonini who started off at Calif Records. It is a style that incorporates hip hop, dancehall and traditional African music styles. It is commonly sung in Sheng(slung),Swahili or local dialects.

Gnawa - is a mixture of African, Berber, and Arabic religious songs and rhythms. It combines music and acrobatic dancing. The music is both a prayer and a celebration of life.

Gospel - is a musical genre characterized by dominant vocals (often with strong use of harmony) referencing lyrics of a religious nature, particularly Christian.

Highlife - is a musical genre that originated in Ghana and spread to Sierra Leone and Nigeria in the 1920s and other West African countries.

Hip-Hop - is a style of popular music, typically consisting of a rhythmic, rhyming vocal style called rapping (also known as emceeing) over backing beats and scratching performed on a turntable by a DJ.

House - is a style of electronic dance music that was developed by dance club DJs in Chicago in the early to mid-1980s. House music is strongly influenced by elements of the late 1970s soul- and funk-infused dance music style of disco.

Indie - is a term used to describe genres, scenes, subcultures, styles and other cultural attributes in music, characterized by their independence from major commercial record labels and their autonomous, do-it-yourself approach to recording and publishing.

Instrumental - An instrumental is, in contrast to a song, a musical composition or recording without lyrics or any other sort of vocal music; all of the music is produced by musical instruments.

Isicathamiya - is an a cappella singing style that originated from the South African Zulus.

Jazz - is an original American musical art form which originated around the beginning of the 20th century in African American communities in the Southern United States out of a confluence of African and European music traditions.

Jit - is a style of popular Zimbabwean dance music. It features a swift rhythm played on drums and accompanied by a guitar.

Juju - is a style of Nigerian popular music, derived from traditional Yoruba percussion. It evolved in the 1920s in urban clubs across the countries. The first jùjú recordings were by Tunde King and Ojoge Daniel from the 1920s.

Kizomba - is one of the most popular genres of dance and music from Angola. Sung generally in Portuguese, it is a genre of music with a romantic flow mixed with African rhythm. http://www.chrisbitten.com/

Kwaito - is a music genre that emerged in Johannesburg, South Africa in the early 1990s. It is based on house music beats, but typically at a slower tempo and containing melodic and percussive African samples which are looped, deep basslines and often vocals, generally male, shouted or chanted rather than sung or rapped.

Kwela - is a happy, often pennywhistle based, street music from southern Africa with jazzy underpinnings. It evolved from the marabi sound and brought South African music to international prominence in the 1950s.

Lingala - Soukous (also known as Soukous or Congo, and previously as African rumba) is a musical genre that originated in the two neighbouring countries of Belgian Congo and French Congo during the 1930s and early 1940s

Makossa - is a type of music which is most popular in urban areas in Cameroon. It is similar to soukous, except it includes strong bass rhythm and a prominent horn section. It originated from a type of Duala dance called kossa, with significant influences from jazz, ambasse bey, Latin music, highlife and rumba.

Malouf - a kind of music imported to Tunisia from Andalusia after the Spanish conquest in the 15th century.

Mapouka - also known under the name of Macouka, is a traditional dance from the south-east of the Ivory Coast in the area of Dabou, sometimes carried out during religious ceremonies.

Maringa - is a West African musical genre. It evolved among the Kru people of Sierra Leone and Liberia, who used Portuguese guitars brought by sailors, combining local melodies and rhythms with Trinidadian calypso.

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restaurantinsanjuan · 3 years

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The Best Things to See, Eat, and Do in San Juan

Why come to Puerto Rico when you could travel in Mexico, or Miami, or even the Dominican Republic nearby? Great inquiry. Come to Puerto Rico to encounter the unusual impression of being in a completely unique nation (gas by the liter, streets by the kilometer, Spanish is spoken) while as yet being in the United States (same dollar, same president, no requirement for a visa). An outing here is a 3-for-1 deal of Caribbean sea shores, tropical rainforests, and wonderful mountainscapes - with the uncommon special reward of not one but rather three bioluminescent sounds. There's sufficient to see and do in Puerto Rico to keep you occupied for quite a long time.

All things considered, at the top of any Puerto Rico agenda ought to be San Juan, the dynamic capital city where most of the island's visitors land. Set up in 1521, this is the most established European-established settlement in the US and the second-most seasoned in the Americas. You don't need to squint too difficult to see that rich history around you: The pastel-hued Spanish frontier structures and thin cobblestone roads of the Old Town are ensured by seventeenth century strongholds and a 15-foot-thick crisscrossing divider. Take a mobile tour around Old San Juan to get the full impact. Additionally of historical import: The piña colada was concocted here.

Be that as it may, San Juan is something beyond enchanting old stuff and tourist shops. It's a mosaic of steadily advancing areas, similar to the cosmopolitan Miami vibes of Condado, or the fashionable person bars and road craft of Santurce. Regardless of whether you're here for the afternoon or remaining for a whole week, here are the best things to do in San Juan.

The Best Things to See on a Trip to Puerto Rico

Tour the history-pressed San Juan, zip line through a tropical rainforest, and hit the sea shore.

Visit the absolute most seasoned fortresses in the Americas

We should move the touristy stuff first, will we? Two tremendous fortresses front San Juan's northern face. To the west, the sixteenth century Castillo San Felipe del Morro (normally known as El Morro) is undoubtedly perhaps the most notable attractions in Puerto Rico. With its essential area ignoring the San Juan Bay, El Morro protected this port city from 1539 to as of late as WWII.

Passage into El Morro costs just $7.00 - save your ticket, since it likewise incorporates section to "that other fortification," Castillo San Cristobal, inside 24 hours of procurement. This is fundamentally El Morro's neglected younger sibling, yet San Cristobal is cool too! It's the biggest European fortress in the Americas and features the notorious Devil's Guerite (Garita del Diablo). Rumors have spread far and wide suggesting that warriors would randomly vanish as they stood watch in this guerite.

It's about a mile stroll from one fortress to the next, and the walk alone is breathtaking, with pastel provincial houses on one side and a capturing blue ocean on the other. A mammoth esplanade fronting El Morro fills in as a public social event spot, and is a great spot to take a break.

Take a look at the lead representative's home

After you visit the fortresses, walk the waterfront down to La Fortaleza, another walled compound where the island's Governor lives. You're not permitted to go in - it's in a real sense the Governor's home and office - yet you'll see it from the entryway. Lately, the First Lady has stepped up and brighten Fortaleza Street paving the way to the fundamental door. Right now, it's adorned with many bright umbrellas drifting over the road.

Snap a selfie at La Puerta de la Bandera

Since 2012, the passage doors of a flimsy structure on San José Street have become a significant image for Puerto Ricans living under the island's present financial emergency. Craftsman Rosenda Álvarez initially painted the doors with the Puerto Rican banner, just to revisit her painting four years after the fact, quiet the red and blue shades of the banner, and paint them dark all things considered. It was an analysis to the questionable monetary oversight board that is currently controlling the island funds. The structure is presently a famous selfie spot among tourists and local people.

Chase for noticeable (dead) local people in the graveyard

Despite the fact that it's found right close to El Morro, this pioneer time graveyard is regularly neglected by tourists. It lies right external the divider, confronting the ocean. The Santa Maria Magdalena de Pazzis Cemetery is the last resting spot of a few noticeable Puerto Ricans - among the most acclaimed names discovered here are Pedro Albizu Campos, Jose Celso Barbosa, and José de Diego, among numerous others.

Chill with something fruity

In the event that you see a little kart with "piraguas" composed on it, do not spare a moment! Piraguas are squashed ice cones seasoned with nearby natural product syrups like cherry, enthusiasm organic product, strawberry, tamarind, coconut, and lemon. Sadly they're a withering practice, yet they can in any case be found in Old San Juan, particularly close to El Morro and Paseo la Princesa.

You'll likewise see hand crafted popsicles sold to a great extent at inhabitants' front doors, generally for $1. These are paletas, seasoned with pretty much every natural product on the island. Guava. Coconut. Other stuff. I got one that was an orange-and-cream blend, and I discovered it some way or another gooier than I'd anticipated. It was likewise truly reviving. Which was fundamental around noontime in the late spring, when the city can be, ah, I'll simply say it, abusively hot.

See the rotunda in the Puerto Rican Capitol

The capitol building is a marble structure fronting the Atlantic, not a long way from Fort San Cristobal. Passageway is totally free, Monday through Friday. Look upward at the roof, where the history of Puerto Rico is portrayed in a dazzling, point by point mosaic. Remain in the focal point of the rotunda, and you'll be encircled by glass-encased duplicates of the Puerto Rican and U.S. constitutions. Outside, the Puerto Rican and U.S. banners fly one next to the other.

Visit the most established house of God in Puerto Rico

In the first place, look at the gallery at Casa Blanca, a house worked for the Spanish traveler Ponce de León and his family. De León, who broadly (and uselessly) looked for the wellspring of youth, kicked the bucket on a campaign before he could move in. Walk a couple of squares to the San Juan Bautista basilica where Ponce de Leon moved in, and where he'll remain forever; he's entombed inside.

There's nothing extravagant about the design, however San Juan Bautista is the most established church in Puerto Rico and the second most seasoned in the Americas. Notwithstanding the tomb of de León, it contains the holy place to Carlos Manuel Rodríguez Santiago - the principal Puerto Rican and the main layman in the history of the United States to be beatified.

Dance to the beat of "Despacito" in La Perla

La Perla has gained notoriety for strict hundreds of years. This historic shanty town was initially settled in the nineteenth century to house previous slaves and destitute workers who weren't permitted to live inside the city dividers. Today, the area appreciates newly discovered acclaim as where Luis Fonsi shot his music video for "Despacito." It was hit hard by Hurricane Maria is still amidst remaking. In case you're nearby on a Sunday night, go celebrating at La 39 Bar, a shoddy bar based on the top of a house that was mostly obliterated during the typhoon. Request a Medalla, the most mainstream brew in Puerto Rico.

Go to a well known speakeasy mixed drink bar

Likewise featured in the "Despacito" music vid is the speakeasy El Condal. This spot is so well known among local people, it doesn't require a sign outside. It's found where the well known Hijos de Borinquen bar used to be (you can in any case see the first name inside, painted on the divider), and El Condal holds the calm vibe of the famous unique.

It's tourist-accommodating, however as you advance inside you'll discover more than tourists drinking - and moving - there. Past the covered up indirect access are four more individual spaces, including a wine-bar, dance floor, and basement like bar - each with its own music, vibe, climate, beverages, and food. You may even get spendy and drop $9 on a mixed drink.

Attempt a delectable tripleta

Puerto Rico has no deficiency of delightful road food, particularly since the food-truck fever has assumed control over the island. In any case, Puerto Rico has had its own customary food-truck dish throughout recent decades - it's called tripleta. What's a tripleta? It's a sandwich. Tripleta implies three, so this sandwich has marinated barbecued 3D square steak, ham or pork, and chicken. It is served on a portion of yam bread with chips, mayonnaise, and ketchup. Trust me, it is delightful! Among the most famous tripletas is El Mariachi, found in Caguas and numerous different districts. You can visit best Italian restaurant in San Juan.

Absorb the Miami vibes along Ashford Avenue

Ashford Avenue feels like a Caribbean adaptation of Miami Beach with its Miami-style design, very good quality stores, popular lodgings, and beachfront bistros. Stroll along the road to absorb the climate, chill at the beachfront Ventana del Mar Park, have a dynamic night at the historic La Concha Resort, or tune in to live groups at the Hard Rock Café.

#san juan #restaurant #food

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weinger37-blog · 5 years

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Music Genres