#Sima Jiong

[the-archlich]

I know that new emperors often posthumously made their fathers, grandfathers, etc. emperors as well, but I read that Sima Yan also made his uncle an emperor. Was that unusual? Couldn't that have caused succession problems by asserting that there's another legitimate 'imperial' branch of the family?

That was a little unusual, for exactly the reasons you'd expect; it sets up a potential rivalry within the royal family. Sun Quan avoided this by making Sun Ce a prince/king instead of an emperor, and although he was criticized for this it's hard to argue with the practicalities of the decision.

Sima Yan went the other way, and it did cause problems. There was always a contingent that supported Sima You as a potential emperor; first as a rival to Sima Yan, then to Sima Zhong. And of course, his son Sima Jiong seized control of the government (though he didn't go so far as to make himself emperor, after how badly it went for Sima Lun). Such rivalries were never good for the health of the country.

[fuyonggu]

Biography of Sima Jiong (Book of Jin 59)

齊武閔王冏，字景治，獻王攸之子也。少稱仁惠，好振施，有父風。初，攸有疾，武帝不信，遣太醫診候，皆言無病。及攸薨，帝往臨喪，冏號踴訴父病為醫所誣，詔即誅醫。由是見稱，遂得為嗣。元康中，拜散騎常侍，領左軍將軍、翊軍校尉。趙王倫密與相結，廢賈后，以功轉遊擊將軍。冏以位不滿意，有恨色。孫秀微覺之，且憚其在內，出為平東將軍、假節，鎮許昌。倫篡，遷鎮東大將軍、開府儀同三司，欲以寵安之。

Sima Jiong was styled Jingzhi; his posthumous title was Prince Wumin ("the Martial and Pitied") of Qi. He was the son of Prince Xian ("the Presented") of Qi, Sima You. Even as a child, Sima Jiong won acclaim for his kind and benevolent attitude and enjoyed being generous; he had the same spirit as his father.

Before Sima You's death, although he had become ill, Emperor Wu did not really believe that he was sick. So he sent the imperial doctors to examine and diagnose Sima You, and they declared that he was not ill. When Sima You then passed away and Emperor Wu went to attend the mourning service, Sima Jiong was in a fit of grief, declaring that the doctors had given false reports about Sima You's illness. Emperor Wu ordered the doctors put to death, and Sima Jiong won renown for this act and was permitted to inherit his father's title as Prince of Qi (although he was not the eldest son).

During the Yuankang reign era (291-300), Sima Jiong was appointed as a Cavalier In Regular Attendance, as acting General of the Left Army, and as Colonel Who Supports The Army. The Prince of Zhao, Sima Lun, secretly formed ties with him.

For his role in helping to depose Jia Nanfeng (in 300), Sima Jiong was appointed as General of Roaming Assault. But Sima Jiong was not satisfied by this position, and he often looked resentful. When Sun Xiu realized this, he was afraid to keep Sima Jiong too close at hand, so he had him sent away as General Who Pacifies The East and Credential Holder and had him garrison Xuchang.

When Sima Lun usurped the throne (in 301), he appointed Sima Jiong as Grand General Who Guards The East and granted him the privilege of a Separate Office with equal ceremonial to the Three Excellencies, in order to mollify and appease him.

冏因眾心怨望，潛與離狐王盛、潁川王處穆謀起兵誅倫。倫遣腹心張烏覘之，烏反，曰：「齊無異志。」冏既有成謀未發，恐或泄，乃與軍司管襲殺處穆，送首於倫，以安其意。謀定，乃收襲殺之。遂與豫州刺史何勖、龍驤將軍董艾等起軍，遣使告成都、河間、常山、新野四王，移檄天下征鎮、州郡縣國，咸使聞知。揚州刺史郗隆承檄，猶豫未決，參軍王邃斬之，送首於冏。冏屯軍陽翟，倫遣其將閭和、張泓、孫輔出堮阪，與冏交戰。冏軍失利，堅壘自守。會成都軍破倫眾于黃橋，冏乃出軍攻和等，大破之。及王輿廢倫，惠帝反正，冏誅討賊党既畢，率眾入洛，頓軍通章署，甲士數十萬，旌旗器械之盛，震於京都。天子就拜大司馬，加九錫之命，備物典策，如宣、景、文、武輔魏故事。

Sima Jiong was planning to take advantage of the anger and resentment of the people against Sima Lun, and he secretly plotted with Wang Sheng of Lihu and Wang Chumu of Yingchuan to rise up with soldiers to overthrow Sima Lun. But at the same time, Sima Lun had sent one of his confidantes, Zhang Wu, to keep a close eye on Sima Jiong. When Zhang Wu returned to the capital, he reported, "The Prince of Qi has no ulterior motives against you." And since Sima Jiong's plans were not yet complete, he was afraid that the plot might leak out. So he joined with his Army-Marshal, Guan Xi, to kill Wang Chumu, then sent Wang Chumu head to Sima Lun in order to allay his concerns. However, once Sima Jiong's plan was complete, he arrested Guan Xi and killed him.

Then Sima Jiong raised an army, together with the Inspector of Yuzhou, He Xu, the Dragon-Soaring General, Dong Ai, and others. He sent word around to inform others of his plot: the Prince of Chengdu, Sima Ying, the Prince of Hejian, Sima Yong, the Prince of Changshan, Sima Ai, and the Prince of Xinye, Sima Xin.

Sima Jiong sent out a proclamation of his intentions to every general or minister, to all the Generals Who Conquer, Generals Who Guard, Inspectors, Administrators, Prefects, and Interior Ministers, so that everyone might know what his designs were.

When the Inspector of Yanzhou, Chi Long, received Sima Jiong's proclamation, he was hesitant and could not decide whether to support him or not. But one of his Army Advisors, Wang Sui, beheaded Chi Long and sent his head to Sima Jiong.

Sima Jiong camped his army at Yangdi. Sima Lun sent his generals Zhang Hong, Lü He, and Sun Fu to march out through Eban, where they met Sima Jiong in battle. Sima Jiong had the worst of the fighting, so he withdrew into his defenses and fortified his ramparts. But in the meantime, Sima Ying's army routed Sima Lun's forces at Huangqiao. So Sima Jiong led his army out again and attacked Lü He and the others, this time greatly routing them.

Once the Princes had finished deposing Sima Lun and restoring Emperor Hui to the throne and Sima Jiong had completed his executions of Sima Lun's partisans in villainy, Sima Jiong led his troops into Luoyang, where he made arrangements for accommodating his troops. He had hundreds of thousands of armored soldiers, with a full panoply of flags and banners and military gear, and the capital region trembled.

Emperor Hui appointed Sima Jiong as Grand Marshal and granted him the Nine Bestowments. He was granted regent authority to handle all canons and policies, just as Sima Yi, Sima Shi, Sima Zhao, and Emperor Wu had once wielded such power on behalf of the government of Wei. 

冏於是輔政，居攸故宮，置掾屬四十人。大築第館，北取五穀市，南開諸署，毀壞廬舍以百數，使大匠營制，與西宮等。鑿千秋門牆以通西閣，後房施鐘懸，前庭舞八佾，沈於酒色，不入朝見。坐拜百官，符敕三臺，選舉不均，惟寵親昵。以車騎將軍何勖領中領軍。封葛<方與>為牟平公，路秀小黃公，衛毅陰平公，劉真安鄉公，韓泰封丘公，號曰「五公」，委以心膂。殿中御史桓豹奏事，不先經冏府，即考竟之。於是朝廷側目，海內失望矣。南陽處士鄭方露版極諫，主簿王豹屢有箴規，冏並不能用，遂奏豹殺之。有白頭公入大司馬府大呼，言有兵起，不出甲子旬。即收殺之。

Sima Jiong thus acted as regent over the government. He lived in Sima You's old palace, and selected forty assistants and subordinates for himself. He greatly expanded the rooms and buildings of his palace, extending the estate north to reach the Five Grains Market and south to connect with the various government offices. He demolished hundreds of homes and buildings in the process. He ordered the Grand Architect to lay out his palace to be on the same scale as Emperor Hui's residence at the Western Palace. He bored a hole through the Qianqiu Gate to make a direct path to the Western Pavilion, and he hung up bells in his rear chambers and arrayed dancers in eight rows (an imperial privilege) in his front hall. He indulged himself in wine and sensual pleasures, not bothering to attend court.

Sima Jiong appointed various ministers without any ceremony, just granting the appointments from where he sat, and he issued commands to the Three Bureaus of the government simply by a mark. And in his selections and promotions, he was not impartial, but only favored those who were close to him and familiar. He appointed the General of Chariots and Cavalry, He Xu, as General Who Leads The Army of the Center. He also appointed Ge Yu as Duke of Mouping, Lu Xiu as Duke of Xiaohuang, Wei Yi as Duke of Yinping, Liu Zhen as Duke of Anxiang, and Han Tai as Duke of Fengqiu; they came to be known as the "Five Dukes", and all of them were Sima Jiong's close companions.

The Secretary of the Central Hall, Huan Bao, submitted a petition without first sending it to Sima Jiong's office for review, for which he was submitted to interrogation. From then on, the court ministers all glanced about in fear, and everyone within the Seas lost hope in Sima Jiong.

A recluse of Nanyang, Zheng Fang, submitted an essay harshly remonstrating with Sima Jiong (his essay is listed below). And one of the Registrars, Wang Bao, often warned Sima Jiong against what he was doing (his essays and biography are in the Biographies of Loyal Ministers). But Sima Jiong did not follow either of their advice, and he even arranged to have Wang Bao killed.

A white-haired gentleman ran into the office of the Grand Marshal, exclaiming that there would be an uprising soon, before the next Jiazi year (in 304). He was arrested and killed.

冏驕恣日甚，終無悛志。前賊曹屬孫惠復上諫曰：惠聞天下五難，四不可，而明公皆以居之矣。捐宗廟之主，忽千乘之重，躬貫甲胄，犯冒鋒刃，此一難也。奮三百之卒，決全勝之策，集四方之眾，致英豪之士，此二難也。舍殿堂之尊，居單幕之陋，安囂塵之慘，同將士之勞，此三難也。驅烏合之眾，當凶強之敵，任神武之略，無疑阻之懼，此四難也。檄六合之內，著盟信之誓，升幽宮之帝，復皇祚之業，此五難也。大名不可久荷，大功不可久任，大權不可久執，大威不可久居。未有行其五難而不以為難，遺其不可而謂之為可。惠竊所不安也。自永熙以來，十有一載，人不見德，惟戮是聞。公族構篡奪之禍，骨肉遭梟夷之刑，群王被囚檻之困，妃主有離絕之哀。曆觀前代，國家之禍，至親之亂，未有今日之甚者也。良史書過，後嗣何觀！天下所以不去于晉，符命長存於世者，主無嚴虐之暴，朝無酷烈之政，武帝餘恩，獻王遺愛，聖慈惠和，尚經人心。四海所系，實在於茲。今明公建不世之義，而未為不世之讓，天下惑之，思求所悟。長沙、成都，魯、衛之密，國之親親，與明公計功受賞，尚不自先。今公宜放桓、文之勳，邁臧、劄之風，芻狗萬物，不仁其化，崇親推近，功遂身退，委萬機于二王，命方岳於群後，燿義讓之旗，鳴思歸之鑾，宅大齊之墟，振泱泱之風，垂拱青、徐之域，高枕營丘之籓。金石不足以銘高，八音不足以讚美，姬文不得專聖於前，太伯不得獨賢於後。今明公忘亢極之悔，忽窮高之凶，棄五嶽之安，居累卵之危，外以權勢受疑，內以百揆損神。雖處高臺之上，逍遙重仞之墉，及其危亡之憂，過於潁、翟之慮。群下竦戰，莫之敢言。惠以衰亡之余，遭陽九之運，甘矢石之禍，赴大王之義，脫褐冠胄，從戎于許。契闊戰陣，功無可記，當隨風塵，待罪初服。屈原放斥，心存南郢；樂毅適趙，志戀北燕。況惠受恩，偏蒙識養，雖復暫違，情隆二臣，是以披露血誠，冒昧幹迕。言入身戮，義讓功舉，退就鈇鑕，此惠之死賢於生也。冏不納，亦不加罪。

Sima Jiong only grew more arrogant by the day, and he never did reform his desires. 

A former official from the office of Bandit Management, Sun Hui, also wrote a letter to Sima Jiong remonstrating with him. He wrote, 

"I have heard that Your Highness has faced five hardships to reach your current position, and I am familiar with four truths about the impermanence of power. Yet Your Highness remains unconcerned about any of these things. 

"To set aside your gravity as keeper of your family’s ancestral temple and lay down your majesty of being lord of a domain of a thousand chariots in favor of personally donning armor and helmet and braving risks and facing dangers was the first hardship Your Highness undertook. To muster a band of three hundred fellows, devise plans for decisive and total victory, assemble soldiers from every corner, and gather together brave heroes was the second. To abandon the hallowed halls of your palace and dwell in the wretched conditions of a soldier's tent, peacefully enduring the noise and filth of the camp and sharing the labor and toil of the generals and soldiers was the third. To organize a flock of conscripts, prepare them to resist the fearsome might of the enemy, devise for them genius plans of martial prowess, and temper them with courage and resolve was the fourth. And to send out proclamations in every direction, gain the trust of sworn allies, restore the deposed Emperor to the throne, and revive the imperial fortunes was the fifth. 

"At the same time, I observe these truths: even a great reputation cannot ensure one's position, even great merits cannot secure one in office, even great influence cannot be wielded forever, and even great authority cannot be counted to last.

"Yet Your Highness does not recognize the extent of these five hardships you faced to get where you are, nor do you acknowledge these four truths. I cannot help but be concerned for you.

"In the eleven years since the start of the Yongxi era (in 290), there have been no instances of public virtue, but only reports of slaughter. The imperial clan has suffered the disasters of usurpations and struggles for power, and imperial relatives have inflicted punishments and executions against their own flesh and blood; princes have endured the indignities of jail cells and prison carts, and consorts have lamented their fates of being cut off and set aside. Indeed, in all of history, though we read of states that suffered disasters and close relatives that warred among themselves, never has there been a situation as dire as this one. If the historians be honest about our faults, how will our descendants ever bear to read about them? 

"Why then has the realm not abandoned Jin, and why has the Mandate not passed from our dynasty? Only because the ruler has not exhibited tyranny and severity and the court has not governed with violence and cruelty, because of the enduring grace of Emperor Wu and the lasting love of Prince Xian (Sima You). It was their sage benevolence and their kindly magnanimity which bound the hearts of the people toward Jin. And these are the things which secure the support of all those within the Four Seas.

"Now although Your Highness displayed an unparalleled sense of righteousness when you led your uprising against the usurper, still you have failed to show an equivalent sense of peerless virtue by yielding your position afterwards. The realm wonders at the reasons for this, and they seek an answer. Furthermore, the Princes of Changsha (Sima Ai) and Chengdu (Sima Ying) have the same close bond to one another as the ancient lords of Lu and Wey, they are the immediate family members of the Emperor (as his younger brothers), and when one considers whom among the three of you accomplished the most during the recent campaign and deserved the greatest rewards, it is difficult to be certain that Your Highness has an undisputed claim to supremacy. By continuing what you are currently doing, Your Highness will be giving up the good achievements of Duke Huan of Qi and Duke Wen of Jin when they selflessly rescued the royal family of Zhou from peril, and treading the same path as Zang and Zha instead. Straw dogs and all the beings of creation are not treated any differently out of any consideration of benevolence.

"Your Highness should honor your relatives and yield in favor of those near in stature to you, considering that your work is complete and withdrawing from the center. Entrust affairs to the two Princes, while you supervise the heirs of the various feudal lords. Display the banner of your righteous intention to yield power and sound the call of your wish to return to your noble fief, dwell within your domain as lord of the great Qi region, catch the spirit of the billowing wind, take the areas of Qingzhou and Xuzhou into your hands, and stand proud at your post at Yingqiu. If you do these things, then even gold will not be a good enough medium to record the greatness of your achievements and even the Eight Sounds will not be sufficient tunes to sing your praises; Ji Wen (King Wen of Zhou) would no longer have the sole claim for sagacity, nor Taibo for worthiness.

"But if you forget the dangers of the great precipice you are standing upon and heedlessly ascend towards the summit, you would be abandoning the security of the Five Peaks and making your position as precarious as a stack of eggs. Without, your power and authority would invite suspicion, and within, your reputation among the officials would suffer. Even if you were to venture to the top of a high terrace or seclude yourself behind rows of walls, I would still presume to fear for your safety, even more now than at the time of Yingchuan and Yangdi (during the uprising). Your subordinates quiver with fear for you, but none dare say a word. 

"Now who am I, Sun Hui, to tell you these things? Nothing but a sad remnant in fact. But inviting the onset of calamity and welcoming the perils of the slings and arrows, I once rushed to Your Highness's righteous call; casting aside my common clothes and putting on my helmet, I followed your army to Xu (Xuchang). Of great and glorious deeds in the line of battle, I have none to claim. Yet I followed you through the wind and dust of those days, and I am prepared to receive punishment in addressing you now. Though Qu Yuan was exiled, his heart was always with Ying in the south; though Yue Yi fled to Zhao, his thoughts were always with Yan in the north. Can it be any different with me, who has received your grace and was blessed with your recognition and your care? Though it may seem that I go against your wishes, I am your man through and through; I am baring my flesh to show the sincerity of my blood, and it is thus that I offer you such unpalatable advice. Having presented my words, I am prepared for my punishment. If by writing these things I can convince you to righteously yield power and to secure your achievements, I go to the chopping block willingly, for it would be a worthy end to my life."

Though Sima Jiong did not accept Sun Hui's advice, neither did he punish him.

翊軍校尉李含奔于長安，詐云受密詔，使河間王顒誅冏，因導以利謀。顒從之，上表曰：王室多故，禍難罔已。大司馬冏雖唱義有興復皇位之功，而定都邑，克寧社稷，實成都王勳力也。而冏不能固守臣節，實協異望。在許昌營有東西掖門，官置治書侍御史，長史、司馬直立左右，如侍臣之儀。京城大清，篡逆誅夷，而率百萬之眾來繞洛城。阻兵經年，不一朝覲，百官拜伏，晏然南面。壞樂官市署，用自增廣。輒取武庫秘杖，嚴列不解。故東萊王蕤知其逆節，表陳事狀，而見誣陷，加罪黜徙。以樹私黨，僭立官屬。幸妻嬖妾，名號比之中宮。沈湎酒色，不恤群黎。董艾放縱，無所畏忌，中丞按奏，而取退免。張偉惚恫，擁停詔可，葛旟小豎，維持國命。操弄王爵，貨賂公行。群奸聚黨，擅斷殺生。密署腹心，實為貨謀。斥罪忠良，伺窺神器。臣受重任，蕃衛方嶽，見冏所行，實懷激憤。即日翊軍校尉李含乘驛密至，宣騰詔旨。臣伏讀感切，五情若灼。《春秋》之義，君親無將。冏擁強兵，樹置私黨，權官要職，莫非腹心。雖復重責之誅，恐不義服。今輒勒兵，精卒十萬，與州征並協忠義，共會洛陽。驃騎將軍長沙王乂，同奮忠誠，廢冏還第。有不順命，軍法從事。成都王穎明德茂親，功高勳重，往歲去就，允合眾望，宜為宰輔，代冏阿衡之任。

The Colonel of 翊軍, Li Han, fled from the capital to Chang'an, the base of the Prince of Hejian, Sima Yong. He lied and said he had received a secret edict from Emperor Hui, calling on Sima Yong to punish Sima Jiong, and that Li Han had been sent to Sima Yong to help facilitate the plot.

Sima Yong believed Li Han. He submitted a petition to the court: "The imperial family has suffered from many incidents of late, and disasters and difficulties continue to plague us. Although the Grand Marshal, Sima Jiong, may claim the credit of having called an uprising and restoring the Emperor to the throne, in truth it was thanks to the Prince of Chengdu's efforts that the capital region was pacified and the altars of state were secured. Yet Sima Jiong, not content to observe his proper duties as a minister and subject, has begun to harbor nefarious intentions.

"At Sima Jiong's army camp at Xuchang, he set up eastern and western Ye Gates like one sees at the Emperor's palace, and on his staff there, those whom he appointed as Secretaries of Recordskeeping, as Chief Clerks, or as Marshals all hovered about him with the same ceremony that residents of the palace would show towards the Son of Heaven. During the campaign, although the capital had already been entirely purged and the usurpers and traitors punished before his arrival, Sima Jiong still led an army of a million soldiers to infest the walls of Luoyang. He has kept his troops garrisoned there for an entire year by now. He never attends court, but makes the government ministers bow and perform obeisance before him, while he sits serenely facing south (in imitation of the Emperor). He has torn down buildings of the Music Bureau and the marketplace purely to expand and broaden his own estate. He has helped himself to the stored equipment of the Arsenal, and he has imposed martial law on the city without any sign of lifting restrictions. The former Prince of Donglai, Sima Ruí (Sima Jiong’s elder brother), recognized that Sima Jiong had betrayed his duties, and he presented a petition to the court listing Sima Jiong's offenses, but he was only met with slander and infamy, until he was charged with a crime and suffered demotion and exile. Sima Jiong has presumed to fill the government ministries with his own partisans and minions, and he grants his favored lovers and floozies titles comparable to those used in the Emperor's harem. He freely indulges himself in wine and in sensual pleasures, showing no regard for the common people. He allows his henchman Zong Ai to do whatever he pleases without any hesitation or suspicion, for though the government receives complaints about Zong Ai's behavior, he always gets let off from any charge. He permits a nobody like Zhang Wei to determine whether imperial edicts shall be allowed to go out or not, and he entrusts a miscreant like Ge Yu with control of the state. He hands out noble titles as he pleases, and bribes change hands freely and openly. He surrounds himself with a rogues' gallery, and he makes the call on who will live or who will die. His closest confidantes think only of how to enrich themselves. And he has slandered and punished good and worthy people, while gazing with longing towards the sacred instruments of power.

"I was assigned a serious charge and am responsible for protecting and defending a strategic area of the realm. But as I have witnessed Sima Jiong's actions, I have nursed a sense of righteous indignation. Then this very day, the Colonel of 翊軍, Li Han, secretly came to me by courier horse to present to me the imperial will and decree. When I bowed before him to hear the reading of this edict, which called upon me to raise my banners and turn against my own flesh and blood, my feelings were assailed and all my senses were aflame. And is it not a principle of the Spring and Autumn Annals that one may never war against their liege or their kinfolk? Yet Sima Jiong has a powerful army at his beck and call, he has placed his favorites into positions of power, and not a one of the important offices of state exists but is filled by one of his cronies. So though in turning my sword against Sima Jiong I would be committing a serious crime which deserved death, still I am afraid I could no longer in good conscience accept what he has done.

"Thus I am now marching at the head of a hundred thousand elite soldiers. May the provincial commanders join me in this loyal and righteous cause and combine their forces with mine at Luoyang. I ask that the General of Agile Cavalry and Prince of Changsha, Sima Ai, likewise prove his loyalty and sincerity by removing Sima Jiong from power and sending him back to his estate. Anyone who refuses to heed the imperial order shall be dealt with by military law. 

"The Prince of Chengdu, Sima Ying, is wise, virtuous, luxuriant, and friendly; his achievements are lofty and his deeds profound. When he departed the capital last year and yielded his power, he gained the hopes and admiration of all. He is suited to serve as regent over the government. Let him take up the role of A-Heng (Yi Yin) in Sima Jiong's stead."

顒表既至，冏大懼，會百僚曰：「昔孫秀作逆，篡逼帝王，社稷傾覆，莫能禦難。孤糾合義眾，掃除元惡，臣子之節，信著神明。二王今日聽信讒言，造構大難，當賴忠謀以和不協耳。」

When Sima Yong's petition arrived at Luoyang, Sima Jiong was terrified. He summoned the ministers and said to them, "When Sun Xiu plotted his treason before and usurped and oppressed the Emperor and the Princes, the very altar of state was nearly toppled, and no one else was able to stand against such difficulties. I was the one who gathered together soldiers to begin an uprising, and I was the one who swept away and purged the chief evil. I have maintained my duty as a subject and as a son, and the spirits can attest to my trustworthiness. Yet now these two Princes have returned my trust with slander and are causing great trouble. Gentlemen, I shall depend on your loyal advice for how to reconcile with these wayward foes." 

司徒王戎、司空東海王越說冏委權崇讓。冏從事中郎葛旟怒曰：「趙庶人聽任孫秀，移天易日，當時喋喋，莫敢先唱。公蒙犯矢石，躬貫甲胄，攻圍陷陣，得濟今日。計功行封，事殷未遍。三臺納言，不恤王事，賞報稽緩，責不在府。讒言僭逆，當共誅討，虛承偽書，令公就第。漢、魏以來，王侯就第甯有得保妻子者乎！議者可斬。」於是百官震悚，無不失色。

The Minister Over The Masses, Wang Rong, and the Minister of Works and Prince of Donghai, Sima Yue, advised Sima Jiong to resign his authority and honor the others by yielding his position. 

But Sima Jiong's Attendant Officer of the Palace Gentlemen, Ge Yu, angrily told them, "The commoner of Zhao (Sima Lun) heeded and employed Sun Xiu, and he abused his authority; Heaven and Earth themselves changed based purely on his whims. Everyone talked and talked about doing something back then, but no one else dared to speak up first. It was our lord who braved the slings and arrows, personally wearing armor and helmet and attacking the enemy lines and breaking their formations, and who brought us to this happy day. Considering the rewards he has received for all that he has done on behalf of the state, one could argue that he has still not gotten all that he deserves. 

"For members of the Three Bureaus to say such things shows how much you disregard the Prince's affairs. It is no fault of his that rewards for others have been slow in coming. Besides, those who speak slander and stir up chaos should all be put to death. How can you heed the empty orders of this presumptuous letter and command our lord to retire to his estate? And through all the time of Han and Wei, what prince or noble that retired to his estate has ever been able to protect his wife and children? Anyone who suggests such a thing out to be beheaded." 

The ministers were greatly disturbed and trembling, and all of them turned pale.

長沙王乂徑入宮，發兵攻冏府。冏遣董艾陳兵宮西。乂又遣宋洪等放火燒諸觀閣及千秋、神武門。冏令黃門令王湖悉盜騶虞幡，唱云：「長沙王矯詔。」乂又稱：「大司馬謀反，助者誅五族。」是夕，城內大戰，飛矢雨集，火光屬天。帝幸上東門，矢集御前。群臣救火，死者相枕。明日，冏敗，乂擒冏至殿前，帝惻然，欲活之。乂叱左右促牽出，冏猶再顧，遂斬於閶闔門外，徇首六軍。諸黨屬皆夷三族。幽其子淮陵王超、樂安王冰、濟陽王英于金墉。暴冏屍於西明亭，三日而莫敢收斂。冏故掾屬荀闓等表乞殯葬，許之。

The Prince of Changsha, Sima Ai, rushed into the palace, then raised troops to attack Sima Jiong's office. Sima Jiong sent Zong Ai to array troops west of the palace. Sima Ai also sent Song Hong and others to set fire to and burn down the various pavilions and the Qianqiu and Shenwu Gates.

Sima Jiong ordered the Prefect of the Yellow Gate, Wang Hu, to steal all the Zouyu Banners and display them (thus compelling all soldiers to cease fighting) while announcing, "The Prince of Changsha has forged an imperial decree." 

But Sima Ai also spread the message, "The Grand Marshal has plotted rebellion, and anyone who helps him will have their families executed to the fifth degree."

That night, there was great fighting within the city; flying arrows poured down like rain, and the glow of the fires outshone the heavens. Emperor Hui was at the Shangdong Gate when a flurry of arrows came his way. His ministers were trying to put out the fires, and they fell down dead in heaps.

By the next day, Sima Jiong had been defeated. Sima Ai brought Sima Jiong to the Front Hall. Emperor Hui, feeling sad for him, wished to let him live, but Sima Ai ordered those around him to lead Sima Jiong away, even as Sima Jiong kept looking back. Sima Ai beheaded Sima Jiong outside the Changhe Gate, and displayed his head to the six armies (of the capital soldiers).

Those who were in league with Sima Jiong were executed with their families to the third degree. The Princes of Huailing, Le'an, and Qiyang, Sima Jiong's sons Sima Chao, Sima Bing, and Sima Yīng, were imprisoned at the Jinyong fortress.

Sima Jiong's body was left publicly exposed at Ximing Terrace, and for three days no one dared to claim the body for burial. Then Sima Jiong's former subordinates, Xun Kai and others, petitioned to be allowed to hold a mourning for Sima Jiong and to bury him, and their request was granted.

初，冏之盛也，有一婦人詣大司馬府求寄產。吏詰之，婦人曰：「我截齊便去耳。」識者聞而惡之。時又謠曰：「著布袙腹，為齊持服。」俄而冏誅。

Earlier, when Sima Jiong had been at his zenith, a woman had visited the Grand Marshal's office to ask for some supplies. When the officials had scolded her, she had said, "I'll just make things nice and tidy and then go." This disturbed some people, for they recognized that the term she had used, 截齊, could be interpreted as "cut down (the Prince of) Qi".

And there had also been a ditty going around: "Wrap the cloth 'round the middle bit, to make it all (or, Qi) nice and fit (or, to submit)." And indeed, it wasn't long before Sima Jiong was executed.

永興初，詔以冏輕陷重刑，前勳不宜堙沒，乃赦其三子超、冰、英還第，封超為縣王，以繼冏祀，曆員外散騎常侍。光熙初，追冊冏曰：「咨故大司馬、齊王冏：王昔以宗籓穆胤紹世，緒于東國，作翰許京，允鎮靜我王室。涎率義徒，同盟觸澤，克成元勳，大濟潁東。朕用應嘉茂績，謂篤爾勞，俾式先典，以疇茲顯懿。廓士殊分，跨兼吳楚，崇禮備物，寵侔蕭、霍，庶憑翼戴之重，永隆邦家之望。而恭德不建，取侮二方，有司過舉，致王於戮。古人有言曰：'用其法，猶思其人。'況王功濟朕身，勳存社稷，追惟既往，有悼於厥心哉！今復王本封，命嗣子還紹厥緒，禮秩典度，一如舊制。使使持節、大鴻臚即墓賜策，祠乙太牢。魂而有靈，祗服朕命，肆寧爾心，嘉茲寵榮。」子超嗣爵。

At the beginning of the Yongxing reign era (305), an edict was issued declaring that Sima Jiong's offenses had not been serious enough to merit the harsh punishment that he had received, and that due to his earlier good deeds, his lineage should not be snuffed out. Thus his three sons Sima Chao, Sima Bing, and Sima Yīng were all pardoned and allowed to return to their estates, and Sima Chao was appointed as Prince of a county in order to continue Sima Jiong's lineage. Sima Chao eventually served as a Cavalier In Regular Attendance Without Assignment.

At the beginning of the Guangxi reign era (306), Sima Jiong was posthumously honored with a decree by Emperor Hui.

"I declare the following regarding the late Grand Marshal and Prince of Qi, Sima Jiong:

"The late Prince might have quietly and meekly inherited the fief which he was due. Yet rather than sequester himself in his eastern domain (at Qi), he sent forth his proclamation from Xujing (Xu or Xuchang), and fully acted to protect our royal family and quell the disturbance of the imperial household. Zealously leading forth his followers for a righteous cause and forging an alliance at Lake Chu, he achieved successes and performed the greatest of deeds, and was very accomplished at Yingdong (eastern Yingchuan?). I ought to have responded to these things with congratulations for his exceptional performance, thanking him for his loyal and faithful service, and honoring him according to the ancient standards, thereby ensuring and glorifying his legacy. He ought to have been granted a fief even grander than those once held by Han's Princes of Wu and Chu, and he ought to have been honored with such exceptional courtesy and respect that he would have rivaled the favor enjoyed by Xiao He or Huo Guang. The great assistance and protection which he provided us entitled him to the everlasting admiration of the royal clan and the state.

"Yet the Prince failed to practice virtue, he incurred the enmity of two of his peers, the officials pressed him for his faults, and in the end he was executed. The ancients had a saying: 'Enforce the law, but think of the accused.' How much less can I ignore this sentiment when it was thanks to the Prince's deeds that I remained safe and the fortunes of state were preserved? And how tragic, how heart-rending it seems that only posthumously may his achievements be recognized!

"I hereby restore the Prince to his former title as Prince of Qi, and command that his son and heir be permitted to return and to inherit this title. The salary and privileges, canons and systems associated with the title shall all be as they once were. And I hereby send the Commissioner Bearing Credentials and Grand Diplomat to convey my words to the tomb of the late Prince and to offer a Grand Sacrifice to his spirit. If the dead are still aware of what takes place in this world, then may they take note of my command; may the spirit of the late Prince feel peace in his heart and be joyful of this favor and honor."

Sima Jiong's son Sima Chao thus inherited his title as Prince of Qi.

永嘉中，懷帝下詔，重述冏唱義元勳，還贈大司馬，加侍中、假節，追諡。及洛陽傾覆，超兄弟皆沒于劉聰，冏遂無後。太元中，詔以故南頓王宗子柔之襲封齊王，紹攸、冏之祀，曆散騎常侍。元興初，會稽王道子將討桓玄，詔柔之兼侍中，以騶虞幡宣告江、荊二州，至姑孰，為玄前鋒所害。贈光祿勳。子建之立。宋受禪，國除。

During the Yongjia reign era (307-311), Emperor Huai also issued an edict which again praised Sima Jiong for having the chief accomplishment of having sounded the call to rise up against Sima Lun. Emperor Huai posthumously restored Sima Jiong's rank as Grand Marshal, and he also appointed him as a Palace Attendant and a Credential Bearer and gave him his posthumous name (Wumin).

When Luoyang fell (to Han-Zhao, in 311), Sima Chao and his brothers were all lost to Liu Cong, leaving Sima Jiong without any descendants.

During the Taiyuan reign era (376-396), Emperor Xiaowu issued an edict appointing Sima Rouzhi, the son of the late Prince of Nandun, Sima Zong, as Prince of Qi in order to continue Sima You's and Sima Jiong's lineage. Sima Rouzhi rose in office as high as Cavalier In Regular Attendance. At the beginning of the Yuanxing reign era (402), when the Prince of Kuaiji, Sima Daozi, was about to campaign against the rebel general Huan Xuan, an edict was issued appointing Sima Rouzhi as a Palace Attendant, and he was sent out with the Zouyu Banners to command the soldiers of Jiangzhou and Jingzhou (under Huan Xuan's command) to stand down. But when Sima Rouzhi came to Gushu, he was killed by Huan Xuan's vanguard. He was posthumously appointed as Superintendent of the Crown Prince's Household.

Sima Rouzhi's son Sima Jianzhi inherited the title Prince of Qi. But after Liu Yu accepted the abdication of the Jin dynasty and established the Song dynasty (in 420), Sima Jianzhi's fief was abolished.

鄭方者，字子回，慷慨有志節，博涉史傳，卓犖不常，鄉閭有識者歎其奇，而未能薦達。及冏輔政專恣，方發憤步詣洛陽，自稱荊楚逸民，獻書於冏曰：「方聞聖明輔世，夙夜祗懼，泰而不驕，所以長守貴也。今大王安不慮危，耽于酒色，燕樂過度，其失一也。大王檄命，當使天下穆如清風，宗室骨肉永無纖介，今則不然，其失二也。四夷交侵，邊境不靜，大王自以功業興隆，不以為念，其失三也。大王興義，群庶競赴，天下雖甯，人勞窮苦，不聞大王振救之令，其失四也。又與義兵歃血而盟，事定之後，賞不逾時，自清泰已來，論功未分，此則食言，其失五也。大王建非常之功，居宰相之任，謗聲盈塗，人懷忿怨，方以狂愚，冒死陳誠。」冏含忍答之云：「孤不能致五闕，若無子，則不聞其過矣。」未幾而敗焉。

Zheng Fang was styled Zihui. He was a passionate man with a sense of duty and ambition, and he waded through and absorbed all the Histories and Annals. He was exceptionally talented and zealous, and those in his district who knew him all sighed in admiration of how much he stood out. Yet he never held office, because there was no one able to recommend him.

When Sima Jiong held power over the government and abused his authority, Zheng Fang was so moved with indignation that he set out by foot to visit Luoyang. Styling himself a wanderer from Jing and Chu, he presented a letter to Sima Jiong.

"I have heard that when the sage and wise steer the affairs of the age, day and night they are always careful and cautious, nor do they get carried away in their joy. Thus do they preserve and defend their honor. Yet you, Great Prince, are currently relaxed and not thinking of any danger, sinking into the depravity of wine and sensual pleasures and overindulging yourself in feasting and music; this is your first fault. You ought to be as respectful to the realm as the pure wind, and there should not be the slightest distance between yourself and your kinfolk and your flesh and blood, yet there currently is; this is your second fault. The barbarians are pressing in from every side and the borders are unstable, yet you consider that you have already accomplished enough and you take no notice of these things; this is your third fault. When you launched your uprising, all the people rushed to your banner, yet although there is now peace in the realm, the people continue to suffer endlessly, and I have heard nothing of any orders from you on how their burdens might be lifted; this is your fourth fault. And you made a covenant with blood-smeared lips and pledged to those that supported you in your uprising that after things had been completed, rewards would not be slow in coming, yet although the evil has already been purged, there have been no discussions of merit or distributions of rewards; you have eaten your words, and this is your fifth fault.

"Great Prince, you have achieved uncommon deeds, and you now occupy the role of chief minister of the state. Yet you allow slander and rumor to swirl around you and you do nothing while people bear anger and hatred against you. Though it be rash and foolish of me, still I would risk death to demonstrate my sincerity to you."

Sima Jiong bit his tongue and only responded, "I had no idea of my five shortcomings. If not for you, Sir, I would never have heard of them."

It was not long before Sima Jiong was destroyed.

史臣曰：冏名父之子，唱義勤王，摧偽業于既成，拯皇輿於已墜，策勳考績，良足可稱。然而臨禍忘憂，逞心縱欲，曾不知樂不可極，盈難久持，笑古人之未工，忘己事之已拙。向若采王豹之奇策，納孫惠之嘉謀，高謝袞章，永表東海，雖古之伊、霍，何以加焉！

The Historian's Appraisal: Sima Jiong was the son of a famous father, he sounded the call to rise up and rallied the Princes to his banner, he smashed Sima Lun's false designs and kept them from fruition, and he rescued Emperor Hui from falling into oblivion. Truly his actions and deeds were excellent and worthy of praise. Yet afterwards, when he himself stood at the brink of destruction, he failed to heed the danger, but only indulged his heart's desires and did whatever he wished. Did he not know that pleasure cannot go unbridled, or a host of difficulties left unchecked? Was it not ironic that he mocked the ancients who never finished their work, not realizing that his own achievements had been undone? If only he had plucked out the fine plan offered by Wang Bao or accepted the good advice provided by Sun Hui, by magnanimously yielding his imperial splendor at the capital and going out to his fief on the Eastern Sea, where his lineage might have endured! If he had done that, could even Yi Yin or Huo Guang have surpassed him?

贊曰：偉哉武閔！首創宏謨。德之不建，良可悲夫！

Crown Prince Li Xian of Tang's Appraisal: 

Pity the magnificent Prince Wumin!

His deeds were bold, his plans so keen!

Alas, his virtues he did not keep

And thus for this good man we weep.

#Sima Jiong #Eight Princes #War of the Eight Princes #Book of Jin #Jinshu #Jin Dynasty #Western Jin #Chinese History #China

[bookofjin]

Commentary on the Water Classic: From the Puchang Sea to Heguan

[After its subterranean journey from the Puchang Sea, the He reappears at Jishi mountain, and from there enters the land of the Qiang.]

Again east it enters the frontier, passing by south of Dunhuang敦煌, Jiuquan酒泉, and Zhangye張掖 commanderies.

The He 河 from Puchang蒲昌there is evidence of its hidden submergence, and also of its beginning among the passes and entrance through the frontier. From this, the Classic is seeking out the real causes. The He River河水 has multiple sources, and also issues out from outside of the western frontier to set out for the mountain of Jishi積石.

The Classic of Mountains and Seas says: The mountain of Jishi積石, beneath it are the Stone Gates石門, where the He River河水 spreads out and flows west. On this mountain, among the ten thousand beings there are none who are not there. It is what the Tribute of Yu speaks of as leading the He河 from Jishi積石.

The mountain is among the Western Qiang where the Shaodang dwelt. 2nd Year of Yanxi [159 AD], the Shaodang of the Western Qiang violated the frontier. The Colonel who Protects the Qiang, Duan Jiong, chastised them. In pursuit he set out from the frontier and arrived at Jishi Mountian積石山. He cut off their heads and turned back.

Sima Biao says: The Western Qiang are from Xizhi析支 and westward. Adjacent to the left and right sides of He's河 head are their dwellings. The He River河水 bends and flows north-east, passing the land of Xizhi析支, this is Hequ河曲[“He Bend”].

Ying Shao says: In the Tribute of Yu, Xizhi析支 belongs to Yong province雍州, and is west of Heguan河關 [“He Pass”]. The distance east to Heguan河關 is more than 1 000 li. The Qiang people that dwell there are spoken of as the Hequ Qiang. To the north-east is successively south of Dunhuang敦煌, Jiuquan酒泉, and Zhangye張掖.

Ying Shao's Records of Geographic Manners and Customs says: Dunhuang敦煌, Jiuquan酒泉, its waters are similar in taste to beer/wine [jiu酒] is the reason. Zhangye張掖, it tells of stretching out [zhang張] the state's supporting [ye掖] arm to overawe the Qiang and Di.

The Explaining Writing says: The commandery [jun郡] system: The Son of Heaven's territory is a thousand li square, divided into a hundred counties. A county has four commanderies [?]. For that reason the Transmittals on Spring and Autumn says: A High Grandee a county, a Low Grandee a commandery. Arriving at Qin, they first set up thirty-six commanderies, and used them to oversee the counties. From yi邑[“town”] with jun君 phonetic.

The Interpreting Names says: A commandery is a crowd, where people crowd and gather.

Huang Yizhong's Records of the Thirteen Provincessays: Talking of the “lord”君 in commandery郡, when they changed the fiefs of dukes and marquises, then they talk of lords, who are extremely venerated. A commandery warden has sole authority, and the rites of lord and subject are fully honoured. Now the jun郡 character, jun君 is on its left, and yi邑 is on its right. A lord is the primary head, a town is for carrying the people. For that reason they took the name from lord and speaks of it as a commandery.

The Han Officials says: Qin employed Li Si's opinion, and divided Under Heaven into thirty-six commanderies. Altogether among the commanderies, for some they used the arrayed states, these were Chen陳, Lu魯, Qi齊 and Wu吳. For some they used old towns, these were Changsha 長沙 and Danyang丹陽. For some they used mountains and hills, these were Taishan太山 and Shanyang山陽. For some they used river uplands, these were Xihe 西河 and Hedong河東. For some they used what they produce, these were Jincheng金城 where beneath the city one obtains gold [jin金], Jiuquan 酒泉 where the springs [quan泉] taste like beer/wine[jiu酒], Yuzhang豫章 where the camphor [zhang樟] trees grow in the courtyard, Yanmen雁門 where wild geese [yan雁] are reared. For some they used commands and orders, Yu united the various feudal princes for a great assessment at the mountain of Dongye東冶, and following that named it Kuaiji會稽[“Meeting to examine”].

The He河 passes to their south and then wraps around the far distant. The He River河水 from Hequ河曲 again goes east to pass south of Xihai [“Western Sea”] commandery西海郡. In the time of Emperor Ping of Han, Wang Mang controlled the government. He wished to dazzle with power and potency, and so took on distant regions. He suggested the Qiang offer the territory of Xihai西海, set up Xihai commandery西海郡, and then built five counties there. He surrounded the sea with watchtowers and beacons to look out for each other. When Mang usurped the government, there was disorder and chaos, and the commandery was also abandoned and abolished.

He River河水 again goes east to pass Yun Stream允川, and then successively north of Dayu大榆 and Xiaoyu Valleys小榆谷, where Mitang and Zhongcun of the Qiang dwelt.

5th Year of Yongyuan [93 AD], Guan You replaced Nie Shang as Colonel who Protects the Qiang. He attacked Mitang, beheaded and captured more than 800, and gathered their ripe wheat, several ten thousand hu. At Fengliu逢留 on the He河 he built a walled settlement to store away the wheat, and also made great ships. At the gorge of the He河 he made a bridge to cross over troops. Mitang in consequence went far way to take refuge in Hequ河曲.

9th Year of Yongyuan [97 AD], Mitang again together Zhongcun went east to rob, and then turned back. 10thYear [98 AD], the internuncios Wang Xin and Geng Tan went west to strike Mitang. He surrendered to them. Decreed he take heed to return to the Da- and Xiaoiyu Valleys小榆谷. Mitang said the Han had constructed a bridge over the He河, and troops came at any time, and for that reason the land could not be dwelt in. He again rebelled to dwell in Hequ河曲. He and the Qiang became enemies, the people of his kind and the official troops struck them at Yun Stream允川.

When the distance to Mitang was several tens of li, the encampment was fixed in place. They dispatched light troops to challenge to battle, and following that to pull out and turn back. Mitang pursued them, and arrived at the encampment where a battle followed. Mitang was defeated and ran away. Hence in Xihai西海 and the Da- and Xiaoiyu Valleys小榆谷 had not again assembled family groups.

The Chancellor of Yumi隃糜, Cao Feng, sent up words: “From the Jianwu era [25 – 56] and onwards, the Western Rong have several times violated the law, and often accompany the Shaodang kind in rising up. By means such as these, since in their dwellings in the Da- and Xiaoyu Valleys小榆谷 the land and earth is fertile and pleasing, and also nearby the inside of the frontier. They and their various kinds are close to each other, to the south they got the Zhongcun and so broaden their multitudes. To the north they impede the Great He 大河, and because of that use it as their strength. They also have the profits of the fish and salt of the Western Sea西海. They hem the mountains and bank the rivers, and so broaden their farming and husbandry, and for that reason they are able to be strong and great, and often hold sway over the various kinds.

Now their partisans and aides are ruined and destroyed, relatives and subordinates depart in rebellion, and their remnants capable for war do not exceed a few hundred. [We] ought to catch up with these times, establish again Xihai西海 commandery and county, counsel and strengthen the Two Yu二榆, broadly place farming garrisons, separate the frontier Qiang and Hu's paths of connections, plant grain and enrich the border, and rationalize the service of movement and relocation.”

The Sovereign designated Feng as Chief Commandant of Jincheng's金城 Westeren Section, thereupon he began twenty-seven farming garrisons. The arranged garrisons occupied both sides of the He河, they and Jiancheng建威 were head and tail of each other. Later the Qiang rebelled and consequently they were abandoned.

Note Duan Guo's Records of Sha Province: The Tuyuhun upon the He河 made a bridge. It is spoken of as the He Crossing河厲 and is hundred and fifty paces long. On the two banks they amassed stones to make foundational steps. The segments and sections were one after the other, great trees lengthwise and sidewise successively pressing down, the two sides both level, three zheng from each other. Also great timber was used to plank sidewise after that. They arranged curling railings with considerable adornment and decorations. The bridge is east of a clear river stream.

#shuijingzhu

[zirroxas]

If You’re Wondering Who is Who in the Trailer

Sima Liang - Prince of Runan

Sima Wei - Prince of Chu

Sima Lun - Prince of Zhao

Sima Jiong - Prince of Qi

Sima Ling - Prince of Chengdu

Sima Yong - Prince of Hejian

Sima Ai - Prince of Changsha

Sima Yue - Prince of Donghai

And the woman we see briefly at the end is almost certainly Empress Jia Nanfeng.

#total war #jin dynasty

[funny-that-its-blue]

and here are the rest of my ocs, the side characters! they finally got nicer designs, AND a new guy!

info on them under the cut

Kong Jiong > Kong Haili’s and Kong Mao’s father. > Born and raised alongside the imperial family in Luoyang. Eldest of 5 children. Hails from a long lineage of famous imperial warriors--a natural-born fighter. > A very prestigious and talented general, engineer, and guard. He took an oath to never marry into royalty--however, he ended up breaking this oath after falling in love with an imperial woman. Though he knew his reputation would be ruined with the marriage, but he chose to go through it anyways and excommunicated himself to avoid the remainder of family from being punished. > He joined in the Coalition against Dong Zhuo despite not being allied with any particular faction. He wished to restore his name and find a safe leader that would protect his family and village. He was well-known by and on good terms with each warlord. > Dutiful, serious, brave, stern, a natural leader; gentle and loving at heart. A big teddy bear around his children. > ???-196. Was caught in a fire and slain by Lu Bu while trying to defend Xiapi. > 5′11″ (180 cm) > Faction: None > Weapon: Zhanmadao > Theme: OVERWERK - Canon Pt. II > Fun fact: whittles wood as a hobby. He enjoys making little chimes and figurines for his and the village’s children.

Kong Mao > Kong Haili’s older brother. He was adopted after fleeing from a cruel household at 6 years old. > Greatly looked up to his father and trained to fight as well as him since he was a young age. > Very charismatic, bold, brave, passionate, fiery, and loving. Excellent at keeping moral up, giving hope, and making others happy and comfortable. A huge family man. Very compassionate with peasants and villagers, making him quite popular among both soldiers and common folk. > 178-208. Wounds were infected after returning from Chibi. Possibly was injured by Haili when they clashed. He wrote a letter to his sister on his deathbed. > 6′1″ (185 cm) > Faction: Shu > Weapon: Spear-ended battleaxe > Theme: Madeon - Finale > Theme w/ Haili: Okami OST - Reset (English Cover) > Fun fact: Both his and Haili’s existences were never known outside of their village until joining their respective factions.

Song Xingyu > Xu Long’s childhood friend and wife; Haili’s daughter-in-law. > Middle child of 3 siblings. > Has an unusual appearance for one of Asian roots, and is very shy. This led her to be subject to teasing. > Has star-shaped beauty marks under her left eye and light freckles. > Very gentle, timid, compassionate, and nurturing. Gets anxious easily, and can be rather insecure. > Doesn’t fight. Would only ever touch a weapon if there was no way for her to escape from something and she needed to protect her family. > A tailor and designer. She used to work with her family in Shouchun, but later moved her business to Luoyang to support Xu Long. She’s rather popular with the locals for her work. > 212-272. Passes of natural causes. > 5′1″ (155 cm) > Faction: Jin > Theme: Hong Ting - A Bit of Gold > Theme w/ Xu Long: Mindy Gledhill - I Do Adore > Fun fact: Her hair is always in excellent condition. No one really knows how Xingyu does it.

Su Biao > Xu Long’s closest friend, whom he met shortly after joining the army. They see each other as brothers. > Second of 2 children. His older brother became a bandit who fled from the city and was never seen again. > Comes from a criminal family. He joined the army in hopes of clearing their name and making himself a good person. > EXTREMELY temperamental, possibly has anger management issues. Rowdy, reckless, proud, and always getting into fights. Even so, he is a very kind and very generous man who dotes on his friends. He’s surprisingly selfless, and loves to donate time and money to others. Can be a bit of a goof, too. Though feared for his temper, he’s popular for his kindness. > After his parents were convicted and executed by the Sima for their crimes, Su Biao defected to Wu in a fit of rage. > 209-245. Killed by Xu Long after attacking him recklessly on the battlefield. > 5′8″ (173 cm) > Faction: Jin, Wu > Weapon: Meteor hammer > Theme: Steve Aoki (ft. Linkin Park) - Darker Than Blood > Fun fact: Had a massive crush on Xu Long shortly after they met.

#oc #my oc #super soldier | kong jiong #firecracker | kong mao #shooting star | song xingyu #wild card | su biao #arts

[xiahoumiaocai]

How much do you know about the 8 princes of Jin china? I know ther'es a lot of greedy grabby princes about but who do you think the true heroes villains of that time-period were?

Boy, am I glad someone asked me this. Yes, I know a lot about this period, and it is probably one of my favourite periods. Many people dismiss this era as being one of avaricious and malevolent princes, but I actually find that many of these people were fascinating. And, contrary to popular belief, it was more than just princes bickering over power for a couple decades, although it’s quite easy to understand why someone could make this mistake.

No.1 hero? Sima Ai, Prince of Changsha[n]. 

I don’t think it would be quite right to compose a list of the heroes of this age without putting him somewhere up there at the top. Sima Ai was the younger brother of Sima Wei, and participated in some of his activities. I’m not even going to get started on his antics, but Sima Ai was only fourteen years old following his very influential and sole full-blood brother. He can be forgiven. As an adult, he decided to act against Sima Jiong, the regent who had been monopolising power. He was initially used by Sima Yong as a scapegoat for justifying his own rebellion, but Sima Ai was able to defeat Sima Jiong. Sima Ai made no attempts to monopolise power as his predecessors had done, and insisted on acting as co-regent together with Sima Ying. Even when Sima Ying and Sima Yong plotted against him, he attempted to prevent his commander, Huangfu Zhong, from advancing, and made numerous attempts to make peace with his brother (whose allies he had been thwarting continuously). However, he was betrayed and seized by his subordinate, Sima Yue, and executed by Zhang Fang.

Which brings us to Zhang Fang, the greatest villain of the age.

Zhang Fang was a general who allied himself with Sima Yong. He was responsible for most of the bitterness between many of the princes and the most significant accelerant of chaos. He  captured Sima Jiong’s general Xiahou Shi and his followers, and executed them all - by cutting them in half by the waist (the same way Qin Chancellor Li Si went). Later, when Sima Yong had found himself against Sima Ai, Zhang Fang was sent to attack Huangfu Shang (Zhong’s younger brother) and able to arrive at Luoyang. There, he plundered the city and the towns around, resulting in about 40 thousand deaths, and possibly much more, the majority of these being civilians. He wasn’t even able to capture it. He then had Sima Ai burned to death. While dealing with Liu Chen’s rebellion, Zhang Fang abducted ten thousand slave girls from Luoyang and supplied his armies by killing some of them, and many other civilians, and mixing their flesh with horse meat and beef. Liu Chen was also cut in half by the waist once captured too. When the crown prince welcomed him back to the capital, Zhang Fang immediately deposed him and Emperor Hui’s empress, and continued to allow his soldiers to pillage the land. He then relocated the capital to Chang’an, but not before permitting one final plunder, allowing his soldiers to seize any women they wanted from the city and imperial harem. All the ornaments and treasures that had been accumulated by Han, Wei and Jin were also stolen so that there was nothing remaining. The only reason why he didn’t burn Luoyang to the ground was because he wanted to avoid any comparisons to Dong Zhuo (following advice given to him by a man called Lu Zhi, no less). A bit late, anyhow, and Zhang Fang was worse than Dong Zhuo, in my humble opinion. He was even the reason why Sima Yue (in emulation of Yuan Shao and Cao Cao) made a call-to-arms for warlords and generals around the empire to oppose Zhang Fang’s power. The situation had grown so bad that even Sima Yong was forced to act against him, sending Zhi Fu to assassinate Zhang Fang in his camp in a vain attempt to appease the coalition. By this point, the empire was irreversibly weakened, and the likes of Liu Yuan and Shi Le were able to sweep in and take over the situation. 

This period is home to an assortment of heroes and talents, such as:

Sima Xin, Huangfu Shang, Huangfu Zhong, Liu Hong, Tao Kan, Sima Yao, Liu Qiao, Liu Kun, Sima Mao, Wang Jun, Wei Huacan, Sima Xiao, Liu Qiao, Wang Rong, Feng Song, Murong Hui, Sima Yue, Liu Zhun, Li Te, Li Xiong, Zhang Gui, Yang Yao, Wei Guan, Sima Liang, Wang Dao, Liu Yuan, Liu Cong, Sima Rui, Lu Zhi, Gongsun Hong, Qi Sheng, Jia Nanfeng, Liu Wen, Yang Xi, Wen Xian, Pei Wei, Zhang Hua, Sima Yu, Gou Xi, Tian Hui, Hai Xi

and a variety of villains and troublemakers, such as:

Yang Jun, Sima Jiong, Sima Lun, Sun Xiu, Rong Hui, Meng Guan, Liu He, Shi Le, Gongshi Fan, Sima Xiao, Sun Hui, Xu Chao, Shi Yi, Lu Ji, Sima Yong, Sima Ying, Zhang Lin, Zhang Heng

There are many others. I know a lot about these guys, and a lot of information has recently been translated, so I’m learning more too. Feel free to ask me about anything.

[gaminghardware0]

Total War: Three Kingdoms – Eight Princes review

The war of the Three Kingdoms has reached an apprehensive stalemate, and the Jin dynasty sits atop a powder keg waiting for a match. The ruling capacity of the developmentally disabled Emperor Hui is in question, and warlords and diplomats throughout the Sima family fancy themselves more capable leaders. In particular, eight Sima princes have come forward to challenge the ruling family, resulting in yet another tumultuous period of Chinese civil war.

Eight Princes takes place 100 years after the events of Total War: Three Kingdoms, and brings with it eight new character campaigns to play through, as well as a small handful of new features that add another layer to the already dense Three Kingdoms experience. There’s a lot to like here, but it may not feel new enough for lapsed Three Kingdoms players to make a return trip to ancient China.

Each of the eight princes aligns with the five existing character classes from the base game, and gains a unique mechanic that helps to shape their playstyle. For instance, Sima Wei is a Vanguard who can expand quickly thanks to reduced unit upkeep, and Sima Jiong is a Commander whose unique resource, Control, helps him manage corruption and public order. As an interesting twist, he loses Control when appointing other characters to his government. To supplement the varying playstyles of each prince, Creative Assembly has included a host of new buildings, reforms, army units, and options for handling your court.

View the full site

RELATED LINKS: Total War: Three Kingdoms review, Total War: Three Kingdoms diplomacy guide, Total War: Three Kingdoms Lü Bu guide from https://www.pcgamesn.com/total-war-three-kingdoms/eight-princes-review

[yogeshmalik]

Total War: Three Kingdoms – Eight Princes DLC Heroes – Sima Jiong - VGR.com https://ift.tt/2Yg9bU7

[bilmisler]

Sekiz Prensin İsyanı

https://bilmisler.com/sekiz-prensin-isyani/

Sekiz Prensin İsyanı

Sekiz Prensin İsyanı, Batı Jin Hanedanlığı’na karşı kendi aile üyelerinin başlattığı büyük çapta bir ayaklanmaydı. 16 yıl süren isyan, Batı Jin’in askeri gücünü büyük ölçüde tüketerek hanedanın çöküş sürecini başlattı.

Jin imparatorluğu, Başkent Luyang’ı koruyacak bir bir savunma hattı oluşturabilmek için yerel askeri yönetimler kurmuştu. Gücün herhangi bir general ya da valide değil de imparatorluk ailesinde kalması için bu yönetimlerin başına prensler atandı. Böylelikle Sima Yan adı verilen Prenslikler ortaya çıktı. Bu prensler kendi bölgelerini istedikleri gibi yönetebilir ve emirlerinde 5.000 asker bulundurabilirdi. İmparatorluk ailesinin diğer üyeleri ise merkezi ve yerel yönetimlerde yer alıyor hatta önemli askeri birliklerde yüksek görevlere atanıyordu.

Prensliklerin kurulma kararı İmparator Wu’nun emriyle gerçekleşmişti. Kısa süre içerisinde prenslik sayısı 27’e kadar çıktı. İmparator Wu ölmeden kısa süre önce Kayınpederi Yang Jun’u veliaht prensin naibi olarak görevlendirdi. Yine aynı şekilde Sima Liang’da saltanat naibliğinin ortağı olucaktı.

İmparator Hui, tahta çıktıktan sonra taraflar gücü ele gerçirmek için harekete geçti. Yang Jun ve İmparator Hui’nin karısı İmparatoriçe Jia Nanfeng, Sima Liang’ı başkentten uzaklaştırdı. Yang Jun tek başına saltanat naibi oldu. Ama Jia Nanfeng tüm yetkiyi Yang Jun’a bırakmak istemiyordu. Prens Wei ile işbirliği yaparak saltanat naibi Yang Jun’a suikast düzenledi. Suikast sonrası devletin en güçlü makamları Prens Liang ve Başdanışman Wei Guan’ın eline geçti. İmparatoriçe Jia Nanfeng durumdan yeteri kadar memnun değildi. Prensi Wei’yi Prens Liang’ı öldürmeye teşvik etti. Ardından Prens Wei ihanetle suçlandı. Sürecin sonunda İmparatoriçe Jia Nanfeng, saltanat naibliği makamını ele geçirdi.

Ancak bu olay, imparatorluk muhafızlarını komuta eden Prens Lun’inin, impartoriçeye savaş açmasına neden oldu. İmparatoriçe’yi öldürmek için Prens Jiong’la birlikte savaştı. 301’de Prens Lun, İmparator Hui’yi tahttan indirdi ve imparator olarak tahta çıkdı. İmpartorluk topraklarında bu olay tahta zorla el koyma olarak görüldü. Prenslerin ayaklanmasının da zeminini hazırladı.

İlk olarak harekete geçen Xuchang garnizonunun komutanı Prensi Jiong oldu. Komutan Ye ve Prens Yong da ona katıldılar. Başkentteki yüksek rütbeli muhafızlardan biri İmparator Lun’u öldürdü ve İmparator Hui’yi yeniden tahta geçti. Prens Jiong imparatoru korumayı bahane ederek saltanat naibi olma isteğiyle başkente geldi. Durumdan memnun olmayan Prens Yong ise 302’nin başlarında askerleriyle birlikte başkent Luoyang’a doğru ilerledi. Prens Yong başkente yaklaşırken Prens Jiong, Prens Yi tarafından öldürüldü. Prensi Yi, yeni saltanat naibi oldu.

303 yılında Prens Yong ve Prens Ying’i yeni naib Prens Yi’yi öldürmek için harekete geçtiler. Başkomutan Zhang Fang, birlikleriyle başkente doğru ilerlemeye karar vermişti. Prens Yong’da 20.000’den fazla askerden oluşan bir orduyla ona katıldı. Saltanat naibinin ordusu daha küçük olmasına rağmen Prens Yong ve Prens Ying’i yenmeyi başardı. Yine de iki prens başkent Luoyang’ı kuşatmayı başardılar. Başkentte yöneticiler kimin tarafını tutacaklarından emin değillerdi. En sonunda Prens Yi’yi tutuklamaya ve onu Zhang Fang’a teslim etmeye karar verdiler. Prens Yi canlı canlı yakıldı.

Prens Ying imparatorluğun en güçlü adamı haline geldi. Ancak Başkentte kalmak yerine Ye şehrine geri döndü. Saraydan uzaktayken ülkenin kontrolünü de kaybetti. Prensi Yue, imparatoru rehin aldı ve Ye’deki Prens Ying’e saldırdı. Dangyin Savaşında iki prens karşı karşıya geldiler. Prens Ying savaşı kazanmayı başardı. Prens Yue, Donghai’deki topraklarına çekildi. Prens Ying’in eski ortakları Prens Yong ve onun sağ kolu Zhang Fang başkenti güvence altına almaya uğraşıyorlardı. Prens Yue ise kardeşi Sima ile güçlerini birleştirdi. Youzhou’nun bölge müfettişi de onlara katıldı. Birlikte Ye’ye saldırdılar.

Prens Ying, imparatoru da beraberinde götürerek önce Luoyang’a sonra batıda Chang’an’a çekildi. 305 yılında Prens Yue yeni birliklerle Prens Yong’a saldırdı ve onu yendi. Bir yıl sonra İmparator Hui’yi özgürlüğüne kavuşturdu. İmparator Hui başkente döndi. İsyankar prensler Ying ve Yong, sonraki savaşlarda öldürüldüler. Prens Yue imparatorlukta gücü eline geçirdi. Böylelikle Sekiz Prensin İsyanı da sona ermiş oldu.

Prens Yue artık hem sarayı hem başkenti kontrol ediyordu. Ama imparatorluğu kontrol etmek artık mümkün değildi. Yerel liderler merkezi otoriteye karşı ayaklandılar. Jin ordusu iç bölgelerde savaştığı için kuzey sınırı korunamadı ve kuzey topraklarının önemli bölümü kaybedildi. Saray entrikaları ve prensler arası rekabet devam etti.Tüm bu gelişmeler sonucunda Batı Jin Hanedanı’nın çöküş süreci başladı.

#sekiz prens #sekiz prensin isyanı #tarih isyan

[the-archlich]

Do you still think of Sima Ai as being the one good Sima during the 8 Princes War?

I think Sima Jiong was pretty good too, IIRC. But it’s been a while since I read up on everything.

[fuyonggu]

Biography of Sima Jiong’s Brother Sima Ruí (Book of Jin 38)

Not that Sima Rui.

字景回，出繼遼東王定國。太康初，徙封東萊王。元康中，曆步兵、屯騎校尉。蕤性強暴，使酒，數陵侮弟冏，冏以兄故容之。冏起義兵，趙王倫收蕤及弟北海王寔系廷尉，當誅。倫太子中庶子祖納上疏諫曰：「罪不相反，惡止其身，此先哲之弘謨，百王之達制也。是故鯀既殛死，禹乃嗣興；二叔誅放，而邢衛無責。逮乎戰國，及至秦漢，明恕之道寢，猜嫌之情用，乃立質任以禦眾，設從罪以發奸，其所由來，蓋三代之弊法耳。蕤、寔，獻王之子，明德之胤，宜蒙特宥，以全穆親之典。」會孫秀死，蕤等悉得免。冏擁眾入洛，蕤于路迎之。冏不即見，須符付前頓。蕤恚曰：「吾坐爾殆死，曾無友于之情！」

Sima Ruí, styled Jinghui, was the eldest son of Sima You. Rather than inherit his father's title as Prince of Qi, he was sent out to inherit the title of the late Prince of Liaodong, his uncle Sima Dingguo. At the beginning of the Taikang reign era (~280), his title was changed to Prince of Donglai. During the Yuankang reign era (291-300), he served as Colonel of Infantry and then as Colonel of Camped Cavalry.

Sima Ruí was a violent brute by nature, and when he got drunk, he often bullied and insulted his younger brother Sima Jiong. However, Sima Jiong put up with this behavior out of respect for Sima Ruí's position as his elder brother.

When Sima Jiong launched his uprising against Sima Lun (in 301), Sima Lun arrested Sima Ruí and the Prince of Beihai, Sima Ruí's younger brother Sima Shí. Both of them were handed over to the Minister of Justice and were scheduled to be executed. 

The 中庶子 to the Crown Prince whom Sima Lun had appointed, Zu Na, sent up a petition arguing against these sentences. He wrote, "Crimes should not be transferable between kin; a man's guilt ought to fall only upon his own head. Such were the magnanimous principles which the sages of old passed down and by which the princes and nobles were properly governed. For in ancient times, even though Emperor Shun executed Gun, he still allowed Gun's son Yu the Great to claim his father's inheritance and even to flourish; even though the Duke of Zhou was compelled to execute two uncles of King Cheng, he did not hold their relatives the Lords of Xing and Wey responsible. It was only during the time of the Warring States, and down through the Qin and Han dynasties, that the path of wise forgiveness fell into decline and feelings of paranoia and suspicion arose. Thus was the policy of demanding hostages adopted, in order to keep people in line, by attaching the guilt of the one to the rest and repaying villainy with villainy. Were these three dynasties (Zhou, Qin, and Han) not bereft of the laws, to permit such a practice to exist? Now Sima Ruí and Sima Shí are both the sons of Prince Xian (Sima You), and they have inherited his wisdom and virtue. You ought to show them mercy and grant them special pardons, and thus uphold the principle of respecting your kinfolk."

Before the executions could be carried out, Sun Xiu was killed (and Sima Lun was overthrown), so Sima Ruí and Sima Shí were released.

When Sima Jiong led his troops into Luoyang, Sima Ruí was there on the road to receive him. Yet Sima Jiong did not welcome him at once, but only gave him some token gesture of acknowledgement. Sima Ruí fumed, "I almost died because of you, yet you won't show the slightest sign of friendship!"

及冏輔政，詔以蕤為散騎常侍，加大將軍，領後軍、侍中、特進，增邑滿二萬戶。又從冏求開府，冏曰：「武帝子吳、豫章尚未開府，宜且須後。」蕤以是益怨，密表冏專權，與左衛將軍王輿謀共廢冏。事覺，免為庶人。尋詔曰：「大司馬以經識明斷，高謀遠略，猥率同盟，安復社稷。自書契所載，周召之美未足比勳，故授公上宰。東萊王蕤潛懷怨妒，包藏禍心，與王輿密謀，圖欲譖害。收輿之日，蕤與青衣共載，微服奔走，經宿乃還。奸凶赫然，妖惑外內。又前表冏所言深重，雖管蔡失道，牙慶亂宗，不復過也。《春秋》之典，大義滅親，其徙蕤上庸。」後封微陽侯。永甯初，上庸內史陳鍾承冏旨害蕤。死，詔誅鍾，復蕤封，改葬以王禮。

Once Sima Jiong was in control of the government, an edict was issued appointing Sima Ruí as a Cavalier In Regular Attendance, and later he was promoted to Grand General and acting General of the Rear and received appointment as a Palace Attendant and the designation of Specially Advanced. His fief was also increased to twenty thousand households altogether.

Sima Ruí went to see Sima Jiong to ask him for the privilege of a Separate Office as well. But Sima Jiong told him, "Emperor Wu's sons, the Princes of Wu and Yuzhang, have not yet received that privilege. You must wait for them first, and afterwards you might receive it too." This only made Sima Ruí even more enraged at Sima Jiong.

Sima Ruí secretly submitted a petition claiming that Sima Jiong was monopolizing power, and he formed a plot with the Guard General of the Left, Wang Yu, to depose Sima Jiong together. But the plot was discovered, and Sima Ruí was stripped of his princely title and became a commoner.

Soon, an edict was issued: "The Grand Marshal (Sima Jiong) is learned, intelligent, wise, and decisive; his plans are lofty and his thinking is farsighted. He ventured to forge an alliance for a common cause and brought peace and stability back to the altars of state. In all of recorded history, no one can match his achievements; even the illustrious deeds of the Dukes of Zhou and Shao (as regents) pale in comparison to his. It was for these reasons that the Grand Marshal was empowered as the chief minister of the state.

"The Prince of Donglai (Sima Ruí) nursed a grudge of anger and jealousy against the Grand Marshal, hiding sinister intentions within his heart. He formed a secret plot with Wang Yu, hoping to slander the Grand Marshal and do him harm. On the day of Wang Yu's arrest, Sima Ruí threw on the green clothing of a commoner, fled in disguise, and hid away from home before he dared to return. Through wickedness he worked his mischief; through deception he misled those without and within. And he even spoke harshly against Sima Jiong in his earlier petition. Though the Dukes of Guan and Cai too once lost their way and caused turmoil and chaos for the royal house of Zhou, their crimes never surpassed those of Sima Ruí.

"It is a principle of the Spring and Autumn Annals that one cannot fail to enforce what is right just for the sake of a relative. Thus I hereby exile Sima Ruí to Shangyong commandary."

Sima Ruí was later granted a title as Marquis of Weiyang.

At the beginning of the Yongning reign era (~301), the Interior Minister of Shangyong, Chen Zhong, killed Sima Ruí under the pretext that he had orders from Sima Jiong to do so. But Chen Zhong was ordered to be executed, and Sima Ruí was posthumously restored to his princely title and buried with the rites suited to a prince.

#Sima Jiong #Book of Jin #Jinshu #Western Jin #Jin Dynasty #Chinese History #China

[fuyonggu]

Book of Jin 89: Biography of Wang Bao

I was a bit surprised to see that Creative Assembly picked Wang Bao as Sima Jiong’s sole initial starting minister. Though I admit I’m not certain who I would have gone with, the below biography might cast some doubt on the good relationship between the two of them.

While I appreciate the “Sima Ai did nothing wrong” meme as much as the next person, he does come off very badly here, especially considering that he himself would soon be floating the same “divide the realm at Shan” proposal to Sima Ying. Although Sima Ying probably wouldn’t have gone along with the idea in either case, I don’t think it’s a certainty, and it’s interesting to consider what might have happened if Sima Jiong and Sima Ying had agreed to such an arrangement.

(Original text is at the end for this one.)

Wang Bao was a native of Shunyang commandary. Even as a youth, he was forthright and blunt. He originally served as Attendant Officer With Separate Carriage of Yuzhou. When the Prince of Qi, Sima Jiong, was appointed as Grand Marshal (in 301), he appointed Wang Bao as his Registrar.

Sima Jiong was arrogant and unrestrained, and he lost the hearts of the people of the realm. Wang Bao thus wrote him a letter, stating:

"I have heard that when there is discord between ruler and minister, a change in conduct is required in order to restore harmony to their relationship, settle the age, and secure the protection of the fortunes of state. For when a minister cheats his sovereign, even execution is not sufficient punishment for him, while when a ruler goes against his minister's remonstrations, even such posthumous titles as Ling ('the Aloof') or Li ('the Harsh') are not enough to describe his infamy.

"Now you, Sir, possess a humble heart and have shown consideration to those beneath you; you open your bosom to accept the good and you are sincere and earnest in your displays. Yet still, you turn a deaf ear to words you do not wish to hear. Of late, I have been considering how the government of the Jin dynasty has begun to decline, and that ever since the beginning of the Yuankang reign era (291), no one who has held sway as the chief minister of state has ever been able to save himself in the end. Now the reason that these things came about was because these people acted improperly. You yourself have overcome and pacified disaster and turmoil, and brought peace to the state and stability to the royal family. Thus you have been able to restore the laws that had recently been toppled and lost. Yet you are still continuing to follow the same path that overturned the carts before you. You still intend to go on living a long time, but I dare not admit to having heard of anyone who was able to achieve such a thing.

“Now the Prince of Hejian (Sima Yong) is firmly settled in Guanyou, the Prince of Chengdu (Sima Ying) has a secure base in the old capital of Wei at Ye, and the Prince of Xinye (Sima Xin) is secure between the Yangzi and the Han River. These three honored Princes each possess sturdy positions and strong and numerous armies, and each of them is well-stocked with arms and horses and occupies places where they may inflict great harm. As for you, Sir, it is true that you led the uprising against the traitor (Sima Lun) and your achievements surpass all the realm; your wisdom and virtue are glorious and profound, and your reputation and power stand above the age. Yet you have been stingy with giving out rewards for achievements, and though you have the power to compel your sovereign, you only occupy the capital region itself. Even so, you continue to press for more power and greater authority. To go any further will mean 'the dragon exceeding the proper limits, and occasion for repentance', while to retreat will mean 'laying hold of thorns', and though you hope for aid and peace, you shall never see good fortune. Thus I have dared to send you this letter, in order to express to you my humble thoughts and feelings.

"In ancient times, after King Wu of Zhou conquered King Zhou of Shang and founded the Zhou dynasty, he organized the various feudal lords under the auspices of the Two Lords: those nobles to the east of Shan (near Luoyang) were under the supervision of the Duke of Zhou, while those to the west of Shan were overseen by the Duke of Shao. And this led to a good foundation for the new dynasty. For even as the power of the dynasty declined and the hegemons rose among the feudal lords, the royal domain was no greater than a handful of provinces while the land within the Four Seas was filled with powerful armies. Yet the feudal lords never dared to go so far as to 'ask after the Nine Tripods (infringe upon the royal sovereignty)'. And this was the natural result of the early practices having established themselves as tradition across the realm.

"We in our own time may likewise honor and emulate the old laws of Zhou. Let the Prince of Chengdu act as Lord of the Northern Provinces and organize the various princes and nobles north of the Yellow River under his command. You yourself may serve as Lord of the Southern Provinces and bring the officials and leaders of the south under your authority. Both of you, while keeping your original offices, will also go out and reside in your own regions. Thus you will both establish your virtue out in the realm while acting with full loyalty to the court within, and every winter you may both lead your subordinates to bring tribute to the court. You may receive good and talented people and wield command over worthy and capable fellows, all of whom shall submit as the officials of the Son of Heaven. By doing such things, all the lands within the Four Seas will enjoy a lasting peace, and the countless states shall know boundless fortune, while you yourself will enjoy the same glorious reputation for virtue as the Dukes of Zhou and Shao. Then even if danger and defeat should threaten and the road ahead be closed, the altars of state will still endure.

"Sir, consider well how Gaozu (Liu Bang) accepted the strategies of Lou Jing and realized the wisdom of Zhang Liang's advice; he pondered deeply the threat of distant dangers, and thus he was able to grant his dynasty the enduring security of Mount Tai. May you show the same consideration. You might make Wan or Xuchang your base."

When, having sent this letter, Wang Bao received no response, he wrote another one, stating:

"It has been about twelve days now since I sent you my letter. I understand that, concerned as you are with the lofty and distant concerns of the state, you may not have had the time to direct your attentions to examine my thoughts or write a single character in response stating whether you agreed with my proposals or not. Yet I am like one of the old treasures of the hegemon-kings of old, those diviners of safety or danger, and I am not someone who can stand by and say nothing.

"Sir, you possess four great aspects which make it difficult for the realm to put up with you. You have performed great achievements, you enjoy a great reputation, you cherish great virtue, and you wield great authority. Ancient worthies and sages who found themselves in the same position as you pondered their circumstances with fear and trembling; they would not eat anything until after noon, and even when in bed they could not sleep.

"Consider the Duke of Zhou: he was the elder brother of King Wu of Zhou, and during the time that King Wu's son King Cheng was his sovereign, the Duke of Zhou had achieved great things during the campaign against King Zhou of Shang, he acted as regent over the dynasty because of his close kinship to the king, he possessed a deep and abiding virtue, and he exercised a broad and far-seeing wisdom. He was fully loyal, and fully benevolent; fully filial, and fully respectful. Yet during the time that he wielded power over the state, there were constant rumors against him from every side, and in the end he was alienated from King Cheng and so compelled to leave the court and dwell in the east for three years. Only when there were signs of great winds and rains did King Cheng realize the Duke of Zhou's true worth and ask him to return. I fear that if the Duke had not honored the wishes of august Heaven and stood blameless before the examination of the spirits and the people, he would have fallen victim to some sudden disaster with no means to guard against it. Yet even after he returned and once again wielded power, even so he still split his authority with the Duke of Shao at Shan, and thus they became the Two Lords.

"As for you, Sir, you can see for yourself that your achievements and your virtue are like those of the Duke of Zhou. Furthermore, ever since the start of the Yuankang reign era (291), the position of chief minister has been a poison, a source of great danger; no one has been able to put up with the holders of this office, and secret plots and hidden disasters have risen up to engulf them all. How then can you consider that you will be able to enjoy security and survival? Nor do I need to reach into the distant past to give you examples, for you have seen the fate of your predecessors with your own eyes.

"If a fellow does not concern himself with distant threats, he must at least think about dangers that are close at hand. For by the time that the danger actually arrives, it will be too late for regrets.

"Therefore, if you wish to follow my advice, then I propose that you send all the princes and nobles away to their fiefs and divide the realm at the Yellow River, with yourself and the Prince of Chengdu acting as the new Two Lords; the Prince of Chengdu shall be at Ye, while you make your base at Wan. You will both thus have a thousand li of the realm under your respective control, and each of you shall supervise the various marquises, earls, barons, viscounts, and all other leaders and commanders great and small. You shall form good ties with one another and act as allies, together serving the royal family. You will follow the old laws of tribute and control, just the same as the canons of Zhou. And if you indeed find these proposals to be wise and proper, then may you be the first to reach out to the Prince of Chengdu and discuss them with him.

"I myself am a fellow of meager talents, yet still I presume to help put this plan into effect. After all, Si Yang was just some insignificant fellow in the states of Yan and Zhao and Baili Xi was a mere merchant in the states of Qin and Chu, yet in both their cases, the two states that heeded their advice enjoyed peace. Likewise, though I am no one special, I would see the great provinces acting in accord, and I hope that you will overlook my obscurity in order to rise to the occasion and master the difficulties of these times. Though I am of little account, I hope that will not mean you will dismiss my advice out of hand."

Sima Jiong initially wrote back to Wang Bao stating, "I have received both of your letters; they are worth consideration, and I will dwell on your ideas."

But about this time, the Prince of Changsha, Sima Ai, arrived. When Sima Ai saw Sima Jiong studying Wang Bao's letter, he said to Sima Jiong, "This miscreant wishes to split the realm asunder like slicing the flesh from the bone. Why do you not beat him to death beneath the Copper Camels?"

Sima Jiong thus felt that he would not be able to honor Wang Bao's plan, so he heeded Sima Ai's advice. He even submitted a petition about Wang Bao to the court, stating, "Moved to indignation against the wicked treason of the presumptuous usurper and seeking to restore the fallen fortunes of the imperial throne, I joined with the Princes of Chengdu, Changsha, and Xinye to lead an uprising together and bring peace back to the altars of state. In doing so, my sole wish was to devote all my energy to supporting the royal family and exercising my full devotion to stand alongside the fellow members of the royal clan. This I swore, day and night, and the spirits cannot censure me otherwise.

"Yet the Registrar, Wang Bao, has recently dared counsel me to follow a different path. Claiming that I, in my unworthy role as chief minister, am surely in imminent danger and should be concerned with some sudden disaster that requires me to act at once rather than wait to receive misfortune, he would have the Prince of Chengdu and myself divide the realm at Shan and act as Lords, and send away all the princes to their fiefs. Above, he slanders the perception and power of the heavenly court's authority; below, he seeks to beguile and mislead, sowing suspicion and discord among the hearts of the people. He wishes to turn us against one another, ingeniously selling his scheme to split us into two. He would mock those above and slander those below, defame those within and alienate those without. He would steer us towards evil and guide us towards villainy, and leave us stewing in suspicion and doubt.

"In ancient times, when Confucius sought to rectify the state of Lu, he executed the Lesser Regulator; before Zichan served as Chancellor of the state of Zheng, he first put Deng Xi to death. This is because these two miscreants sought to confuse and muddle what was supposed and what was true; they were of the same deceitful ilk as the Qin minister Zhao Gao. Wang Bao is no different, for he is neither loyal nor obedient nor righteous. Thus I ask that he be turned over to the capital guards for examination, so that we may clearly expunge this injustice."

When Wang Bao was about to die, he said, "Hang my head above the Grand Marshal's gate. I want to see when the soldiers come to attack him.”

Everyone felt that Wang Bao was innocent. And indeed, Sima Jiong was soon defeated.

王豹，順陽人也。少而抗直。初為豫州別駕，齊王冏為大司馬，以豹為主簿。冏驕縱，失天下心，豹致箋於冏日：  豹聞王臣蹇蹇，匪躬之故，將以安主定時，保存社稷者也。是以為人臣而欺其君者，刑罰不足以為誅；為人主而逆其諫者，靈厲不足以為諡。伏惟明公虛心下士，開懷納善，款誠以著，而逆耳之言未入於聽。豹伏思晉政漸缺，始自元康以來，宰相在位，未有一人獲終，乃事勢使然，未為輒有不善也。今公克平禍亂，安國定家，故復因前傾敗之法，尋中間覆車之軌，欲冀長存，非所敢聞。今河間樹根于關右，成都盤桓于舊魏，新野大封于江漢，三面貴王，各以方剛強盛，並典戎馬，處險害之地。且明公興義討逆，功蓋天下，聖德光茂，名震當世。今以難賞之功，挾震主之威，獨據京都，專執大權，進則亢龍有悔，退則蒺藜生庭，冀此求安，未知其福。敢以淺見，陳寫愚情。昔武王伐紂，封建諸侯為二伯，自陝以東，周公主之，自陝以西，召公主之。及至其末，霸國之世，不過數州之地，四海強兵不敢入窺九鼎，所以然者，天下習於所奉故也。今誠能尊用周法，以成都為北州伯，統河北之王侯，明公為南州伯，以攝南土之官長，各因本職，出居其方，樹德於外，盡忠於內，歲終率所領而貢于朝，簡良才，命賢俊，以為天子百官，則四海長寧，萬國幸甚，明公之德當與周召同其至美，危敗路塞，社稷可保。顧明公思高祖納婁敬之策，悟張良履足之謀，遠臨深之危，保泰山之安。若合聖思，宛許可都也。書入，無報，豹重箋曰：豹書御已來，十有二日，而聖旨高遠，未垂采察，不賜一字之令，不敕可否之宜。蓋霸王之神寶，安危之秘術，不可須臾而忽者也。伏思明公挾大功，抱大名，懷大德，執大權，此四大者，域中所不能容，賢聖所以戰戰兢兢，日昃不暇食，雖休勿休者也。昔周公以武王為兄，成王為君，伐紂有功，以親輔政，執德弘深，聖思博遠，至忠至仁，至孝至敬。而攝事之日，四國流言，離主出奔，居東三年，賴風雨之變，成王感悟。若不遭皇天之應，神人之察，恐公旦之禍未知所限也。至於執政，猶與召公分陝為伯。今明公自視功德孰如周公。且元康以來，宰相之患，危機竊發，不及容思，密禍潛起，輒在呼噏，豈復晏然得全生計！前鑒不遠，公所親見也。君子不有遠慮，必有近憂，憂至乃悟，悔無所及也。今若從豹此策，皆遣王侯之國，北與成都分河為伯，成都在鄴，明公都宛，寬方千里，以與圻內侯伯子男小大相率，結好要盟，同獎皇家；貢御之法，一如周典。若合聖規，可先旨與成都共論。雖以小才，願備行人。昔廝養，燕趙之微者耳，百里奚，秦楚之商人也，一開其說，兩國以寧。況豹雖陋，大州之綱紀，加明公起事險難之主簿也。故身雖輕，其言未必否也。冏令曰：「得前後白事，具意，輒別思量也。」會長沙王乂至，於冏案上見豹箋，謂冏曰：「小子離間骨肉，何不銅駝下打殺！」冏既不能嘉豹之策，遂納乂言，乃奏豹曰：「臣忿奸凶肆逆，皇祚顛墜，與成都、長沙、新野共興義兵，安復社稷，唯欲戮力皇家，與親親宗室腹心從事，此臣夙夜自誓，無負神明。而主簿王豹比有白事，敢造異端，謂臣忝備宰相，必遘危害，慮在一旦，不祥之聲可蹻足而待，欲臣與成都分陝為伯，盡出籓王。上誣聖朝鑒御之威，下長妖惑，疑阻眾心，噂遝背憎，巧賣兩端，訕上謗下，讒內間外，遘惡導奸，坐生猜嫌。昔孔丘匡魯，乃誅少正；子產相鄭，先戮鄧析，誠以交亂名實，若趙高詭怪之類也。豹為臣不忠不順不義，輒敕都街考竟，以明邪正。」豹將死，曰：「懸吾頭大司馬門，見兵之攻齊也。」眾庶冤之。俄而冏敗。

#Book of Jin #Jinshu #War of the Eight Princes #Eight Princes #Sima Jiong #Jin Dynasty #Western Jin

[fuyonggu]

Cao Jiong’s “Discourse on the Six Dynasties”

This essay appears in the Wenxuan or Literary Selections, in Chapter 52, the second chapter on Discourses.

Cao Jiong was a distant relative of the Wei royal family; he was two generations senior to Cao Fang, so he may have been a cousin to Cao Pi. We are told that he did not attach his own name to this essay, but claimed it was the work of Cao Zhi, who had an established reputation as a literary genius; the true author was only cleared up during the early Jin dynasty, when Cao Zhi's son confirmed that Cao Jiong and not his father had written it. Since Cao Jiong mentions in the essay that the Wei dynasty had existed for "twenty-four years" by then, he probably wrote it in 244 or 245.

It was the policy during the Wei dynasty for members of the royal clan other than the Emperor and the Crown Prince to be kept entirely from power. Although many of them were granted nominal titles and fiefs, they wielded no real power or influence and were kept under strict supervision by the court. In this essay, Cao Jiong argues forcefully against this policy. Drawing upon numerous historical examples, he makes the case for greatly empowering the imperial clan to provide greater security in the realm and ensure that the Emperor and his immediate family will be safe from rebellion and usurpation. Since at the time he wrote this, the reigning Emperor, Cao Fang, was still a young child, the real target of the essay was one of Cao Fang's regents, Cao Shuang, who was the de facto ruler. However, Cao Shuang did nothing to follow the advice presented here, and the imperial clan remained powerless to prevent the coup of Sima Yi a few years later and the gradually usurpation of the Sima clan that ultimately led to the end of Wei.

Yet Cao Jiong had not written this essay in vain, for ironically, it found a ready audience in the form of the founding ruler of the subsequent Jin dynasty, Sima Yan or Emperor Wu. The many historical examples were only further bolstered by the immediate example of the fate of Wei, which had indeed been powerless to stop Emperor Wu's ancestors from seizing the throne. Determined not to make the same mistake, Emperor Wu went far in the other direction: he greatly empowered a large number of his own relatives and entrusted them with civil authority and control of military forces. Initially, the policy was a success: it prevented the attempted usurpations of the father of Emperor Wu's wife, Yang Jun, of his son's wife, Jia Nanfeng, and of his uncle, Sima Lun. Yet in the end, Emperor Wu's policy was one of many factors that led to the civil strife of the War of the Eight Princes, when a great number of the Princes fought for control of the realm. Perhaps one bright spot was that one of the Princes, Sima Rui or Emperor Yuan, was still able to refound a diminished version of Jin in the south afterwards.

A shorter version of this post without source text or notes is available here.

六代論 曹元首

Discourse on the Six Dynasties

By Cao Yuanshou

〈論夏、殷、周、秦、漢、魏也。〉〈魏氏春秋曰：曹冏，字元首，少帝族祖也。是時，天子幼稚，冏冀以此論感悟曹爽，爽不能納，為弘農太守。少帝，齊王芳也。〉

(These "six dynasties" were Xia, Yin (Shang), Zhou, Qin, Han, and Cao-Wei.

The Annals of the Clans of Cao-Wei states, "Cao Jiong, styled Yuanshou, was a kinsman of the Young Emperor, two generations his senior." The Young Emperor was the Prince of Qi (Cao Fang).

At the time that Cao Jiong wrote this discourse, the Son of Heaven was still young and tender, and Cao Shuang was in control of the government. Cao Jiong hoped that the arguments he set forward here would move Cao Shuang and awaken him to the seriousness of the situation. But Cao Shuang could not follow Cao Jiong's advice, and instead he sent him away to serve as Administrator of Hongnong.)

昔夏殷周之歷世數十，而秦二世而亡。何則？三代之君與天下共其民，故天下同其憂；秦王獨制其民，故傾危而莫救。夫與人共其樂者，人必憂其憂；與人同其安者，人必拯其危。先王知獨治之不能久也，故與人共治之；知獨守之不能固也，故與人共守之。兼親疏而兩用，參同異而並進。是以輕重足以相鎮，親疏足以相衛，并兼路塞，逆節不生。及其衰也，桓文帥禮；苞茅不貢，齊師伐楚；宋不城周，晉戮其宰。王綱弛而復張，諸侯傲而復肅。二霸之後，寖以陵遲。吳楚憑江，負固方城，雖心希九鼎，而畏迫宗姬，姦情散於胸懷，逆謀消於脣吻，斯豈非信重親戚，任用賢能，枝葉碩茂，本根賴之與？

Among the dynasties of ancient times, Xia, Yin (Shang), and Zhou each lasted for dozens of generations, while Qin perished after only two. Why was this? Because the lords of those three dynasties shared control of the people of the realm, thus the lords of the realm saw the sovereign's concerns as their own concerns, while the kings of Qin monopolized control of the people, thus in times of danger and distress no one was willing to come to their aid. Those with whom you share your joys will likewise sympathize with your sorrows; those you make your peers in peace will be your saviors when danger comes. The ancient kings knew that the sovereign who reigned alone could not ensure an orderly realm for long, thus they shared power with others in order to obtain stability; they knew that the ruler who defended the realm alone could not guard it forever, thus they shared responsibility with others in order to attain security. Both their intimate relatives and their distant kinfolk were employed; both members of their clan and outsiders from other surnames were advanced. Those of more or less power worked together to protect each other; those of the same or different blood acted in concert to shield one another. There were neither instances of "total annexation", nor were "traitorous impulses" allowed to fester.

Even when the Zhou dynasty was in decline, Duke Huan of Qi and Duke Wen of Jin still treated the King with respect and acted on his behalf. When the state of Chu refused to present its tribute of grass and thatch to the King, the state of Qi led an army to punish them; when the state of Song refused to help build walls around the King's capital at Chengzhou (Luoyang), the state of Jin executed their minister. Though the King's laws became lax and loose for a time, they were once again enforced; though the feudal lords become arrogant for a season, they were once more reverent.

It was said that "after the age of these two Hegemons (Dukes Huan and Wen), the feudal lords became boorish and remiss". Indeed, the states of Wu and Chu were defiant, trusting in the Yangzi to be their bulwark and the stout square walls of their cities to be their rampart. Yet though in their hearts they sought to "inquire after the Nine Tripods" (as though they had more right to dominion than the King), even then they feared to go so far as to outright threaten or oppress the royal clan. Wicked feelings scattered in the breast; treasonous plots died on the lips. Was it not because the King had trusted and empowered his kinfolk and relatives and employed and used the worthy and able? Don't the branches and the leaves grow great and luxurious because the roots and the stem depend upon them?

〈紀年曰：凡夏自禹以至于桀，十七王。殷自成湯滅夏以至于受，二十九王。大戴禮曰：殷為天子二十餘世，而周受之。周為天子三十餘世，而秦受之。秦為天子，二世而亡，何﹖殷周有道而長，秦無道而暴也。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：孝宣帝稱曰：與我共此者，其唯良二千石乎？〉〈班固漢書贊曰：昔周盛，則周、召相，其治致刑措，衰則五伯扶其弱，與共守之。〉〈賈誼過秦曰：秦并兼諸侯山東三十郡。漢書，主父偃說上曰：今以法割削諸侯，則逆節萌起。〉〈齊桓、晉文。〉〈左氏傳曰：齊侯伐楚，楚子使與師言曰：不虞君之涉吾地，何故？管仲對曰：爾貢苞茅不入，王祭不共，無以縮酒，寡人是徵。又曰：晉魏舒合諸侯之大夫于翟泉，將以城成周，宋仲幾不受功，曰：滕、薛、郳，吾役也，為宋役亦職也。士伯怒曰：必以仲幾為戮。乃執仲幾歸諸京師。〉〈漢書曰：二霸之後，寖以陵遲。〉〈左氏傳，屈完對齊侯曰：楚國方城以為城，漢水以為池。又曰：楚子觀兵于周疆，問鼎之大小輕重焉，王孫滿對曰：周德雖衰，天命未改，鼎之輕重，未可問也。〉〈班固漢書述曰：公族蕃滋，枝葉碩茂。〉

(According to the historical records, the Xia dynasty had seventeen kings, from Yu the Great to Jie; the Yin (Shang) dynasty had twenty-nine kings, from Cheng Tang and his conquest of Xia down to their surrender of the Mandate of Heaven. The Book of Rites of Master Dai states, "The lords of Yin (Shang) were Sons of Heaven for more than twenty reigns, before Zhou inherited the Mandate from them; the lords of Zhou were Sons of Heaven for more than thirty reigns before they too surrendered the right. But Qin ruled for only two reigns before it fell. Why was this? Because Yin and Shang ruled with principle, thus they long endured; Qin ruled without principle, and so it was destroyed."

In the Book of Han's Biographies of Upright Officials, Emperor Xuan is quoted as saying, "The reason why the people are able to tend to their fields in peace and have no mournful lamentations or hearts filled with hatred is because of good governance and careful examination. I do not rule alone; it is the Administrators of the commandaries and the other Two Thousand Bushel salary officials who do the ruling with me."

In the preface to the Book of Han's Table of the Feudal Lords, Ban Gu remarks, "When the Zhou dynasty was ascendant, the Dukes of Zhou and Shao served as chief ministers, and they governed so well that punishments were greatly reduced; when the Zhou dynasty was in decline, the Five Lords (the Five Hegemons) aided the young rulers and shared the governance of the realm with them."

Cao Jiong uses the expressions "total annexation" and "traitorous impulses". The first of these quotes from Jia Yi's essay The Faults of Qin: "Qin totally annexed the lands of the feudal lords east of the mountains and organized their former domains into thirty commandaries." The second quotes from a petition from Zhufu Yan to Emperor Wu of Han: "Now is the time to use the law to cut the lands of the feudal lords down to size, so that no traitorous impulses may arise."

Cao Jiong refers to "Huan and Wen"; he means Duke Huan of Qi and Duke Wen of Jin.

Regarding Chu's failure to send tribute, the Zuo Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals states, "When the Marquis of Qi led a campaign against Chu, the Viscount of Chu sent envoys to speak to the Qi commander and ask, 'Just what has caused you to trespass on our lands?' Guan Zhong told them, 'You have failed to send in your tribute of grass and thatch, causing the King's sacrificial offerings to be insufficient and the royal wine to be lacking. Thus we are punishing you.'"

Regarding Song's failure to build the walls of Chengzhou, the same source states, "Jin, Wei, and Shu assembled the chief ministers of the feudal lords at Diquan, planning to build the walls of the King's capital at Chengzhou. But Zhongji of Song, who felt that Song would gain no merit for participating in this labor, objected, 'Has Song not already done such work at Teng, Xue, and Ni? Let that count as our share.' This angered Shi Bo of Jin, who said, 'We must slay Zhongji for this.' And they arrested Zhongji and brought him back to the capital."

Cao Jiong quotes from the Book of Han in speaking of the feudal lords becoming "boorish and remiss".

The Zuo Commentary states, "Qu Wan said to the Marquis of Qi, 'Chu perceives the square walls of their cities as their rampart and the Han River as their moat.'"

Regarding the act of "inquiring after the Nine Tripods", which were a symbol of Zhou's right to rule, the Zuo Commentary states, "The Viscount of Chu was reviewing his troops at Zhoujiang. He inquired about the size and weight of the royal Tripods. Wangsun Man told him, 'Though the virtue of Zhou may be in decline, the Mandate of Heaven has not passed from them. The weight of the Tripods is not for you to ask about.'")

自此之後，轉相攻伐。吳并於越，晉分為三，魯滅於楚，鄭兼於韓。暨乎戰國，諸姬微矣，唯燕衛獨存。然皆弱小，西迫強秦，南畏齊、楚，救於滅亡，匪遑相卹。至於王赧，降為庶人，猶枝幹相持，得居虛位。海內無主，四十餘年。秦據勢勝之地，騁譎詐之術，征伐關東，蠶食九國。至於始皇，乃定天位。曠日若彼，用力若此，豈非深根固蔕，不拔之道乎？易曰：「其亡其亡，繫于苞桑。」周德其可謂當之矣。

But from that time on, incessant fighting broke out between the states. Wu was taken over by Yue, and Jin split into three; Lu was conquered by Chu, and Zheng was annexed into Hann. Although originally most of the families of the feudal lords had come from the royal Ji family, by the time of the Warring States era, most of these royal relatives were long gone, and only in the states of Yan and Wey did they still rule. What was left of the King's domain was small and pathetic, threatened by powerful Qin to the west and menaced by fearsome Qi and Chu to the south; though they sought deliverance from their destruction, there was no one left to take pity on them. And even after King Nan was deposed to become a commoner, still the branches of the state grasped at each other's power, squabbling over an empty title. For more than forty years, the land within the Seas had no master.

The state of Qin occupied a powerful and influential region and was crafty at the arts of lying and deceit. Thus they were successful in their campaigns against the lords east of the mountains and were able to nibble the Nine States down to nothing. And by the time of the First Emperor, the imperial throne was once again filled. Yet when Qin employed force like this and a lack of virtue like that, how could they expect to last? In what sense did they have deep roots or a thick stem, to prevent themselves from being yanked up?

The Book of Changes states, "Though they cry 'perish, perish', he plants himself firm like a mulberry." Zhou was virtuous, and their longevity was because of it; such a verse could well describe them.

〈史記曰：越王勾踐自會稽歸，拊循其士民伐吳，大破之，吳王自殺。又曰：魏武侯、韓哀侯、趙敬侯滅晉後，而三分其地。又曰：楚考烈王伐滅魯。又曰：韓哀滅鄭，并其國。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：暨于王赧，降為庶人，用天年終，號位已絕於天下，尚猶枝葉相持，莫得居其虛位。海內無主，四十餘年也。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：秦據勢勝之地，騁狙詐之兵，蠶食山東，一切取勝。賈誼過秦曰：九國之師遁逃而不敢進。〉〈尚書曰：天位艱哉。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：至始皇乃并天下。以德若彼，用力如此，其艱難也。〉〈老子曰：有國之母，可以長久，是謂深根固蔕，長生久視之道。班固漢書贊曰：所以親親賢賢，褒表功德，深根固本，為不可拔者也。〉〈周易否卦之辭也。鄭玄曰：苞，植也。否世之人，不知聖人有命，咸云其將亡矣，其將亡矣，而聖乃自繫於植桑，不亡也。王弼曰：心存將危，乃得固也。〉

(The Records of the Grand Historian mentions the destruction of the states mentioned here: "King Goujian of Yue returned from Kuaiji, then organized and led his officers and troops to campaign against Wu. He greatly routed them, and the King of Wu killed himself."

And, "Marquis Wu of Wei, Marquis Ai of Hann, and Marquis Jing of Zhao killed the descendants of the ruler of Jin, then partitioned Jin into three states."

And, "King Xiaolie of Chu campaigned against Lu and conquered it."

And, "Marquis Ai of Hann conquered Zheng and annexed its lands."

In the preface to the Book of Han's Table of the Feudal Lords, Ban Gu remarks, "After King Nan was deposed to become a commoner, so that the Heavenly calendar was ended and the royal title and position were cut off for the realm, still the branches of the state grasped at each other's power, though none of their squabbling could gain them the empty title. For more than forty years, the land within the Seas had no master."

And, "The state of Qin occupied a powerful and influential region and practiced the strategies of ambush and deceit. Thus they were were able to nibble the lands east of the mountains down to nothing and conquer all."

And, "By the time of the First Emperor, Qin had annexed all the realm. By virtue had Zhou ruled, by force had Qin; their position was indeed perilous."

And, "When the ruler treats their kin as kin and the worthy as worthy, and when they appreciate and extol the accomplished and the virtuous, then the state will be like a plant that has deep roots and a firm stem, and cannot be pulled up."

In The Faults of Qin, Jia Yi remarked, "The leaders of the Nine States shrank back and hid from Qin, not daring to advance against them."

The Book of Documents states, "What a perilous place, the Heavenly seat!"

The Daodejing states, "He who possesses the mother of the state may continue long. His case is like that (of the plant) of which we say that its roots are deep and its flower stalks firm: - this is the way to secure that its enduring life shall long be seen."

Cao Jiong quotes from the Fifth Nine Undivided verse of the Book of Changes. Zheng Xuan's commentary to that verse states, "The term 苞 means 'plant'. The ignorant people, unaware that the sage ruler still possesses the Mandate, all proclaim that the state is about to 'perish, perish'. Yet the sage ruler binds themself fast like a plant or a mulberry tree, and they perish not." Wang Bi's commentary states, "The heart is preserved though disaster looms, thus the state endures.")

秦觀周之弊，將以為以弱見奪，於是廢五等之爵，立郡縣之官，棄禮樂之教，任苛刻之政。子弟無尺寸之封，功臣無立錐之土，內無宗子以自毗輔，外無諸侯以為蕃衛。仁心不加於親戚，惠澤不流於枝葉，譬猶芟刈股肱，獨任胸腹；浮舟江海，捐棄楫櫂。觀者為之寒心，而始皇晏然，自以為關中之固，金城千里，子孫帝王萬世之業也。豈不悖哉！是時，淳于越諫曰：「臣聞殷、周之王，封子弟功臣，千有餘歲。今陛下君有海內，而子弟為匹夫，卒有田常六卿之臣，而無輔弼，何以相救？事不師古而能長久者，非所聞也。」始皇聽李斯偏說而絀其義。至身死之日，無所寄付，委天下之重於凡夫之手，託廢立之命於姦臣之口，至令趙高之徒，誅鋤宗室。胡亥少習剋薄之教，長遵凶父之業，不能改制易法，寵任兄弟，而乃師謨申商，諮謀趙高，自幽深宮，委政讒賊，身殘望夷，求為黔首，豈可得哉？遂乃郡國離心，衆庶潰叛，勝廣唱之於前，劉項斃之於後。向使始皇納淳于之策，抑李斯之論，割裂州國，分王子弟，封三代之後，報功臣之勞，土有常君，民有定主，枝葉相扶，首尾為用，雖使子孫有失道之行，時人無湯武之賢，姦謀未發，而身已屠戮，何區區之陳項，而復得措其手足哉？故漢祖奮三尺之劍，驅烏集之衆，五年之中，而成帝業。自開闢以來，其興功立勳，未有若漢祖之易者也。夫伐深根者難為功，摧枯朽者易為力，理勢然也。

When the First Emperor of Qin considered the decline of Zhou, he felt that it was the weakness of the Zhou kings that had caused them to lose power. Thus he abolished the old system of the Five Noble Titles and organized the realm into commandaries and counties instead, and he threw out the methods of teaching the people through music and ritual behavior in favor of imposing stern and harsh government. His younger relatives received not an inch of land as fief, and his accomplished ministers had not a spade of land to call their own. Within, there were no royal relatives who might assist the state, and without, there were no feudal lords who might shield the realm from harm. He did not show a benevolent heart towards his flesh and blood, nor extend any kindness towards those who might have served as his branches and leaves. He was like a person who cuts off their own arms and legs, content to live as a mere torso; he was like a ship which, before crossing a wide river or a deep ocean, throws away its oars. There were many whose hearts turned cold when considering the danger of such a situation. Yet the First Emperor remained serene, believing that the capital area of Guanzhong was such an impenetrable region, a "bastion of golden walls and a thousand li", that his descendants would rule as sovereigns for ten thousand generations. Wasn't it ridiculous?

At the time, Chunyu Yue tried to remonstrate with him. He told the First Emperor, "I have heard that the Kings of Yin and Zhou granted fiefs to their relatives and their accomplished ministers, and their dynasties lasted for more than a thousand years. Now Your Majesty has become lord of all the realm within the Seas, yet your relatives are no more than commoners. Someday our dynasty might face the same threat of usurpation as happened with Tian Chang in Qi or the Six Ministerial Clans in Jin, yet Your Majesty has not provided for any powerful subjects who might help to guide affairs in the capital; who would step in to save the royal family? I have never once heard of any state which failed to heed the teachings of the ancients in these matters and yet long endured."

But the First Emperor dismissed these principles and heeded the advice of Li Si instead. And thus, on the day of his death, there was no one to whom he could entrust the future of the state. The weighty decisions of the realm were left in the hands of a miscreant, and the power to decide who and who would not inherit the throne was left to the words of a wicked subject. People like Zhao Gao were even able to bring about the slaughter and uprooting of the royal family.

Ying Huhai (the Second Emperor) had been instructed in the teachings of severity and oppression since youth, and he honored the philosophies of violent men as an adult. Rather than change the regulations and alter the laws of his father, he continued the models of Shen Buhai and Shang Yang, he consulted and plotted with Zhao Gao, he isolated himself deep within the palace, and he entrusted the governance of the realm to slanderous bandits. When at the last he met his end at Wangyi Palace, though he begged to be spared to live as a commoner, how could he have expected anyone to show him mercy?

Thus were the commandaries and the states alienated from Qin, and the people deserted and rose against them in rebellion; Chen Sheng and Wu Guang were the first to sound the call against them, and Liu Bang and Xiang Yu buried them in the end. If only the First Emperor has accepted the advice of Chunyu Yue and rejected the words of Li Si, if he had carved up the provinces and fiefs, empowered his younger relatives as Princes, granted domains to the descendants of the three dynasties (Xia, Shang, and Zhou), and repaid the deeds of his subjects by rewarding them with their own domains! Then the regions of the realm would have had settled lords and the people familiar masters. Branches and leaves could support one another; the head and the tail could work in tandem. Even if some of the successors of the Son of Heaven went astray, there were no great heroes in those days like Tang of Shang or King Wu of Zhou; the leader of any wicked plan would have been snuffed out before anything could be done, and how could the rabble of people like Chen Sheng or Xiang Yu have gotten anywhere?

When Gaozu of Han (Liu Bang) drew his three-foot sword and led his flock of crows to war, it only took five years before he had completed his imperial enterprise. In all of history, no one was ever able to achieve such a thing as easily as he did. But it was only natural. To chop down a tree with a thick trunk is a difficult undertaking, while to smash a bunch of rotten wood is easily accomplished.

〈班固漢書贊曰：秦既稱帝，患周之敗，以為諸侯力爭，四夷交侵，以弱見奪。於是削去五等。史記，李斯奏曰：置諸侯不便。始皇於是分天下以為三十六郡，置守尉監也。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：秦竊自號謂皇帝，而子弟為匹夫。內亡骨肉本根之輔，外亡尺土蕃翼之衛。莊子曰：堯、舜有天下，子孫無置錐之地。〉〈法言曰：灝灝之海，濟樓航之力也。航人無楫，如航何？通俗文：櫂，謂楫也。〉〈賈誼過秦曰：天下已定，始皇之心，以為關中之固，金城千里，子孫帝王萬世之業也。〉〈史記曰：齊簡公立田常、監止為左右相。田氏殺監止，簡公出奔。田氏執簡公于徐州，遂殺之。又曰：晉昭公卒，六卿強，公室卑。六卿謂：范氏、中行氏、智氏及趙、韓、魏也。論語，糾滑讖曰：陳滅齊，六卿分晉。尚書曰：事不師古，以克永代，匪說攸聞。〉〈史記曰：始皇崩，趙高乃與胡亥，丞相李斯陰破去始皇所封書賜公子扶蘇者，而更詐為丞相受始皇遺詔，立子胡亥為太子。更為書賜公子扶蘇死。〉〈史記曰：二世尊用趙高，申法令，乃行誅大臣及諸公子。春秋合誠圖曰：誅鋤民害。〉〈史記曰：趙高故常教胡亥書，及獄律令法事。史記，太史公曰：商君，其天資刻薄人也。〉〈史記，李斯上書二世曰：能明申、韓之術，而修商君之法，法修術明而天下亂者，未之聞也。應劭漢書注曰：申不害，韓昭侯相。衛公孫鞅，秦孝公相。李奇曰：法皆深刻無恩。史記曰：二世常居禁中，與趙高決事，事無大小，輒決於高。蒼頡篇曰：委，任之也。〉〈史記曰：二世齋望夷宮，欲祠涇，使使責讓趙高以盜事，高懼，乃陰與其女婿咸陽令閻樂謀易上。樂前，即謂二世曰：足下其自為計。二世曰：願得妻子為黔首。閻樂麾其兵進，二世自殺也。〉〈尚書曰：受有億兆夷人，離心離��。左氏傳曰：人逃其上曰潰。〉〈史記曰：吳廣為假王，擊秦。班固漢書贊曰：秦竊自號謂皇帝，而子弟為匹夫，吳、陳奮其白挺，劉、項隨而斃之。〉〈曾子曰：烏合之衆，初雖相歡，後必相咋也。〉〈漢書曰：高祖五年斬羽東城，即皇帝位於汜水之陽。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：漢無尺土之階，繇一劍之任，五年而成帝業，書傳所未嘗有焉。何則？古代相革皆承聖王之烈，今漢獨收孤秦之斃。鐫金石者難為功，摧枯朽者易為力，其勢然也。〉

(In the preface to the Book of Han's Table of Princes and Feudal Lords Not From The Liu Clan, Ban Gu remarked, "After the First Emperor declared himself Emperor, he dreaded the mistakes which Zhou had made that brought about their downfall. He felt that it had been the great power and strife among the feudal lords and the incursions and ravages of the barbarians which had weakened Zhou until it lost power. Thus the First Emperor abolished and did away with the system of the Five Noble Titles."

The Records of the Grand Historian states, "Li Si argued that it would not be beneficial to establish feudal lords to govern the regions of the realm. So the First Emperor divided the realm into thirty-six commandaries under central control, and he appointed Administrators and Commandants to govern these commandaries."

The Book of Han states, "The First Emperor of Qin presumed to call himself Emperor, yet his relatives were nothing more than commoners. Within, no members of his flesh and blood were empowered to guide the capital region; without, not an inch of ground was granted to relatives who might have defended the borders."

The Zhuangzi states, "Yao and Shun possessed the whole realm, yet their descendants had not a spade of land as their own."

Yang Xiong's Exemplary Sayings states, "To cross the vast ocean, one needs the strength of a large storied boat. But if the boatmen have no oars, how will they drive it?"

The Tongsuwen states, "The term 櫂 means 'oar'."

Jia Yi's essay The Faults of Qin states, "After the realm was settled, in his heart the First Emperor believed that Guanzhong was such an impenetrable region, a bastion of golden walls and a thousand li, that his descendants would rule as sovereigns for ten thousand generations."

The Records of the Grand Historian states, "During the reign of Duke Jian of Qi, Tian Chang and Jian Zhi served as his Chancellors of the Left and Right. The Tian clan killed Jian Zhi, and Duke Jian fled the state. The Tian clan captured Duke Jian at Xuzhou and killed him."

And, "After Duke Zhao of Jin passed away, the Six Ministerial Clans of Jin were powerful while the Duke's family was weak. These Six Clans were the Fan, Zhongxing, Zhi, Zhao, Hann, and Wei clans." The Annotations to the Analects states, "Chen was conquered by Qi, and the Six Ministerial Clans fragmented Jin among themselves."

The Book of Documents states, "That the affairs of one, not making the ancients his masters, can be perpetuated for generations, is what I have not heard."

The Records of the Grand Historian states, "When the First Emperor passed away, Zhao Gao, Ying Huhai, and the Prime Minister, Li Si, plotted together. They destroyed the will that the First Emperor had left behind, which appointed his son Ying Fusu as his successor, and instead forged a will that the First Emperor had supposedly left to Li Si, proclaiming Ying Huhai as the Crown Prince instead. Then they sent Ying Fusu a letter commanding him to kill himself."

And, "The Second Emperor honored and employed Zhao Gao and followed his thinking and advice, thus he had the great ministers and the other princes all put to death."

And, "Zhao Gao had often instructed Ying Huhai from Legalist texts, and so the Second Emperor imposed incarceration, investigations, and harsh laws."

And, "Li Si sent a letter to the Second Emperor, writing, 'I have never heard of an instance where the ruler was able to make clear the principles of Shen Buhai and Han Fei and practice the laws of Lord Shang (Shang Yang) and yet the realm fell into disorder."

And, "The Second Emperor often secluded himself within the palace; he entrusted affairs to Zhao Gao, who decided everything, no matter how great or small." The text Cangxiepian states, "The term 委 'entrust' means 'to grant a role to'."

And, "When the Second Emperor traveled to Wangyi Palace, planning to offer sacrifices to the Jing River there, he sent agents to rebuke and chastise Zhao Gao for having failed to deal with the rebellions in the realm. Zhao Gao feared for his life. So he secretly plotted with the Prefect of Xianyang, his son-in-law Yan Yue, to depose the Second Emperor. When Yan Yue stood before the Second Emperor, he told him, 'You had better take responsibility.' The Second Emperor begged, 'I am willing to live with my wife and children as mere commoners.' But Yan Yue still ordered his soldiers to advance, so the Second Emperor killed himself."

And, "Wu Guang was appointed as Acting King, and he attacked Qin."

Ying Shao's Annotations to the Book of Han states, "Shen Buhai was the Chancellor of Marquis Zhao of Hann. Gongsun Yang of Wey (Shang Yang) was the Chancellor of Duke Xiao of Qin." Li Qi remarked, "Legalism was a philosophy of strict harshness without pity."

The Hexiantu commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals has the phrase, "They slaughtered and uprooted the people, doing them harm."

Sima Qian's commentary of Shang Yang states, "He was a harsh and meager man by nature."

The Book of Documents states, "Though Shou has hundreds of thousands and millions of ordinary men, they are divided in heart and divided in practice."

The Zuo Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals states, "When people abandon their sovereign, they 潰 'desert' him."

The Book of Han states, "Wu Guang and Chen Sheng rose their white lances against Qin, and Liu Bang and Xiang Yu came after to complete Qin's destruction."

Cao Xiong describes Liu Bang's army as 烏集之衆 "a flock of crows". Zengzi states, "A flock of crows are glad to assemble at first, but eventually they will peck at each other."

The Book of Han states, "In the fifth year of his reign (202 BC), Liu Bang took Xiang Yu's head at Dongcheng, and he declared himself Emperor on the north side of the Si River."

Ban Gu's commentary in the Book of Han states, "Liu Bang was originally just one man with a sword, without an inch of land to serve as his foundation. Yet within five years, he had completed his imperial enterprise. The histories and traditions had no precedent for such a thing. How was this possible? Because the ancient dynasties had all endured by preserving the spirit of the sage kings, while Han only needed to deal with the wreckage of the isolated Qin dynasty. It is a difficult thing to cut your way through metal or stone, but simple enough to force your way through rotten wood, which is only natural.")

漢鑒秦之失，封植子弟。及諸呂擅權，圖危劉氏，而天下所以不能傾動，百姓所以不易心者，徒以諸侯強大，盤石膠固，東牟朱虛授命於內，齊代吳楚作衛於外故也。向使高祖踵亡秦之法，忽先王之制，則天下已傳，非劉氏有也。然高祖封建，地過古制，大者跨州兼域，小者連城數十，上下無別，權侔京室，故有吳楚七國之患。賈誼曰：「諸侯強盛，長亂起姦。夫欲天下之治安，莫若衆建諸侯而少其力。令海內之勢，若身之使臂，臂之使指，則下無背叛之心，上無誅伐之事。」文帝不從。至於孝景猥用朝錯之計，削黜諸侯。親者怨恨，疏者震恐，吳楚唱謀，五國從風。兆發高祖，釁成文景，由寬之過制，急之不漸故也。所謂末大必折，尾大難掉。尾同於體，猶或不從，況乎非體之尾，其可掉哉？

Gaozu reflected upon Qin's mistakes, and he granted fiefs to his younger relatives. Thus when the clan of Empress Lü Zhi monopolized power in the capital and plotted to seize control from the Liu clan, the reason why the realm did not support them or the common people lose faith in the dynasty was because the feudal lords were great and powerful and the foundation of the dynasty was firm and deep. The Marquis of Dongmou (Liu Xingju) and the Marquis of Zhuxu (Liu Zhang) upheld the dynasty from within the capital, while the Princes of Qi (Liu Xiang), Dai, Wu, and Chu acted as guardians without. If Gaozu had followed in the footsteps of Qin and forgotten the systems of the ancient kings, then the realm would have passed from their hands then and there, and the Liu clan would have been supplanted.

Yet in his granting of fiefs and domains, Gaozu went beyond what the ancient kings had done. The greatest of the Princes had territories that straddled provinces and combined regions, while the lesser ones still controlled dozens of cities. There was no distinction between the Emperor and the Princes, for they wielded power on par with that of the royal family. This was what led to the Rebellion of the Seven Princes, Wu and Chu foremost among them. Jia Yi tried to warn of the impending danger, saying, "The feudal lords have become too strong and prosperous, and if the situation continues, turmoil will arise. For those who wish to ensure peace and order in the realm, there can be no greater policy than to multiply the number of the feudal lords while diminishing the power of each one. For when the spread of power within the Seas is like the relation of the arms to the body, or of the fingers to the arms, only then will those below lack hearts of treason or rebellion and those above lack any need to attack or punish the lords." Yet Emperor Wen did not listen to his advice, and his successor Emperor Jing rashly heeded Chao Cuo's plan to directly strip territory from the feudal lords; this only brought about anger and resentment among the close relatives and fear and trembling among the distant ones, and when the Princes of Wu and Chu sounded their call of rebellion, the other five Princes joined them.

What was sown during the reign of Gaozu reached fruition during the reigns of Emperors Wen and Jing; fiefs and domains were granted more generously than had been the case in ancient times, and the attempted solution was too hasty. When the tip is too large, it breaks off; when the tail is too big, it is difficult to move. Even when the tail is proportional to the body, sometimes it is still difficult to make it move; how much more does this apply when the tail has grown beyond all reason?

〈漢書，太后崩，上將軍呂祿、相國呂產專兵秉政，謀作亂。賈逵國語注曰：權，秉，即柄字也。〉〈漢書，宋昌曰：高帝王子弟，所謂盤石之宗也。莊子曰：待膠漆而固者，是侵其德者也。范曄後漢書曰：鄭泰曰，以膠固之衆，當解合之勢。〉〈漢書，宋昌曰：諸呂擅權專制，太尉卒以滅之。內有朱虛、東牟之親，外畏吳、楚、齊、代之強。又曰：齊悼惠王肥，高祖六年立。又曰：齊悼惠王子章，高后封為朱虛侯。章弟興居為東牟侯。〉〈王逸楚辭注曰：踵，繼也。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：漢興，懲戒亡秦孤立之敗，於是封王子弟，大者跨州兼郡，小者連城數十，宮室百官，制同京師。〉〈漢書賈誼上疏之文。〉〈漢書曰：朝錯數言吳過可削，文帝寬不忍罰。及景帝即位，錯曰：高帝初定天下，諸子弱，故大封同姓。今吳謀作亂逆，削之亦反，不削亦反。於是方議削吳。吳王恐，因欲發謀舉事。諸侯既新削罰，震恐，多怨錯。及吳先起兵，膠西、膠東、淄川、濟南、楚、趙亦皆反。猥，曲也。〉〈左氏傳，楚子問於申無宇曰：國有大城，何如？對曰：末大必折，尾大不掉，君所知也。杜預曰：折，折其本也。〉

(According to the Book of Han, after Empress Lü Zhi passed away, the Supreme General, Lü Lu, and the Chancellor of State, Lü Chan, assembled troops and monopolized power, plotting to usurp control of the state.

Jia Kui's Annotations to the Discourses of the States states, "Power and authority are the handles of the state."

In the Book of Han, Song Chang remarked, "Emperor Gao (Liu Bang) made Princes of his younger relatives, forming a rock out of the royal clan. The Lü clan monopolized power and wielded authority, but in the end the Grand Commandant (Zhou Bo) was able to purge them. Within, there were the imperial relatives, the Marquises of Zhuxu and Dongmou, and without there were the powerful Princes of Wu, Chu, Qi, and Dai, whom the Lü clan feared."

The Zhuangzi states, "In employing glue and varnish to make things firm, you must violently interfere with their qualities."

In Fan Ye's Book of Later Han, Zheng Tai states, "A host bound by glue and varnish will disperse a force hastily assembled."

According to the Book of Han, the first Prince of Qi was Prince Daohui of Qi, Liu Fei, appointed in the sixth year of Liu Bang's reign (201 BC). Two of his sons were Liu Zhang and Liu Xingju, whom Empress Lü Zhi appointed as Marquis of Zhuxu and Marquis of Dongmou.

Wang Yi's Annotations to the Songs of Chu states, "To 踵 'follow in the footsteps' means 'to continue'."

Ban Gu's commentary in the Book of Han states, "When the Han dynasty began, they sought to take warning from Qin's downfall, brought about from the isolation of its rulers. So they made Princes of younger relatives. The greatest of the Princes had territories that straddled provinces and combined regions, while the lesser ones still controlled dozens of cities, and their palaces, estates, and ministries all used the same systems as those employed at the imperial capital."

Cao Jiong quotes from Jia Yi's petition to Emperor Wen as it appears in the Book of Han.

The Book of Han states, "Chao Cuo often advised Emperor Wen that the Prince of Wu had committed sufficient offenses to justify carving off part of his territory. But Emperor Wen was tolerant and could not bear to charge the Prince of Wu with any crimes. After Emperor Jing came to the throne, Chao Cuo told him, 'When Emperor Gao (Liu Bang) first settled the realm, his own sons were still young and tender, thus he granted great fiefs to other members of his clan. But by now, the Prince of Wu is plotting to commit treason and cause chaos. He is going to rebel whether you carve off part of his domain or not.' Thus Emperor Jing began discussing taking away some of the Prince of Wu's land. The Prince was afraid, thus he decided to carry out his plot and put his plans into motion. And some of the other Princes had also just had parts of their territory taken away as well, so they feared for their positions and many of them hated Chao Cuo. Thus when the Prince of Wu rose up, the Princes of Jiaoxi, Jiaodong, Zaichuan, Jinan, Chu, and Zhao rebelled as well." The term 猥 means "crooked".

In the Zuo Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals, the Viscount of Chu asks Shen Wuyu, "If the state has large cities, what trouble is it?" Shen Wuyu told him, "Great branches are sure to break the roots; a great tail cannot be moved about. You know these things." Du Yu's Annotations to the text states, "Where Shen Wuyu says that the branches will 'break', he means they will break the roots.")

武帝從主父之策，下推恩之命。自是之後，齊分為七，趙分為六，淮南三割，梁代五分遂以陵遲，子孫微弱，衣食租稅，不豫政事，或以酎金免削，或以無後國除。至於成帝，王氏擅朝。劉向諫曰：「臣聞公族者，國之枝葉。枝葉落，則本根無所庇蔭。方今同姓疏遠，母黨專政，排擯宗室，孤弱公族，非所以保守社稷，安固國嗣也。」其言深切，多所稱引。成帝雖悲傷歎息而不能用。至乎哀平，異姓秉權，假周公之事，而為田常之亂。高拱而竊天位，一朝而臣四海，漢宗室王侯，解印釋綬，貢奉社稷，猶懼不得為臣妾，或乃為之符命，頌莽恩德，豈不哀哉！由斯言之，非宗子獨忠孝於惠文之間，而叛逆於哀平之際也，徒以權輕勢弱，不能有定耳。

Emperor Wu of Han followed the strategy of Zhufu Yan, by implementing a policy of "grace", splitting up the inheritance of the feudal lords by distributing their domains among all their sons. Thus the princely fief of Qi was split into seven parts, Zhao into six, Liang and Dai into five, and Huainan was cut into three. And in later years the feudal lords were bullied and cowed, their descendants becoming ever weaker; they only received sufficient pensions and supplies to provide for themselves, but no longer took any hand in governing their fiefs. Some had their territories reduced on charges of failing to provide sacrificial wine and gold; some had their titles abolished when they died without heirs.

By the time of Emperor Cheng, the Wang clan, imperial relatives by marriage, had taken control of court affairs. Liu Xiang remonstrated with Emperor Cheng for allowing the situation to come to such a state, saying, "I have heard that the imperial clan are the branches and leaves of the state. When the branches and leaves have fallen, then the roots and the stem no longer have any support or shade. By now, your relatives of the Liu clan are all distant and remote, while the partisans of your mother's family monopolize control and keep the royal family from power. To leave the royal clan weak and helpless is no way to preserve the altars of state or ensure the succession of the imperial line." But though Emperor Cheng was moved to grief by this plea, still he was unable to implement Liu Xiang's advice.

Thus it was that in the reigns of Emperors Ai and Ping, the Wang clan's control of the court was absolute; Wang Mang passed himself off as a wise regent like the Duke of Zhou, but in truth he was a usurper like Tian Chang. Though presenting a lofty salute, he had his eyes on the throne; in a single morning, he became master of all within the Four Seas. The princes and nobles of the imperial clan all surrendered their seals and handed over their ribbons of office to him and presented tribute to the altars of state. Yet some of them, still worried that they would not be able to save the lives of themselves and their families, went so far as to invent reports of omens approving of Wang Mang's usurpation and even sang his praises to extol his grace and virtue! Was it not pathetic?

Why did these things happen? Not because the members of the imperial clan were loyal and faithful during the reigns of Emperors Hui and Wen and traitors and opportunists during the era of Emperors Ai and Ping, but simply because their power and influence had grown so weak and useless that they no longer had any hopes of securing their positions.

〈漢書，主父偃說上曰：今諸侯或連城數十，願陛下令諸侯，得推恩分子弟，以地侯之，彼人人喜得所願，上以德施，實分其國，必稍自銷弱矣。上從其計。又，班固贊曰：武帝施主父之策，下推恩之令，使諸侯得分戶邑以封子弟，不行黜陟而國自析。自是齊分為七，趙分為六，梁分為五，淮南分為三也。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：景帝遭七國之難，抑損諸侯，諸侯唯得衣食租稅，不與政事。〉〈漢書曰：列侯坐獻黃金酎祭宗廟，不如法奪爵者百六人。漢儀注，王子為侯，侯歲以戶口酎黃金於漢廟，皇帝臨受獻金助祭。大祀曰飲酎，飲酎受金，小不如斤兩色惡者，王削縣，侯免國。漢書曰：趙哀王福薨，無子，國除。〉〈漢書劉向上疏之文。〉〈漢書曰：成帝即位，向數上疏，言得失，陳法戒。書數十上，以助觀覽，補遺闕。上雖不能盡用，然嘉其言，常嗟嘆之。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：至哀、平之際，王莽知中外殫微，因母后之權，假伊、周之稱，詐謀既成，遂據南面之尊。漢諸侯王厥角稽首，奉上璽韍，唯恐在後，或乃稱美頌德，以求容媚，豈不哀哉！田常篡齊，已見上文。漢書曰：王莽廢漢藩王。廣陵王嘉獻符命，封扶策侯。又曰：郚鄉侯閔以莽篡位，獻神書言莽，得封列侯。郚音吾。〉

(In the Book of Han, Zhufu Yan advises Emperor Wu, "These days, some of the feudal lords control dozens of cities. I implore Your Majesty to issue an edict concerning the feudal lords, saying that you are going to advance the cause of good grace by distributing the inheritance among all the sons and granting each of them a fief to hold as a marquis. Then each of the sons will be pleased to accept what you offer, and you will gain a reputation for virtue. In truth, you will be splitting up the overlarge fiefs, which will weaken of their own accord." And Emperor Wu followed his strategy. In his commentary, Ban Gu remarked, "Emperor Wu implemented Zhufu Yan's plan, advancing the cause of 'grace', and commanding the feudal lords to divide their inheritances among their sons so that each would hold a title. Thus, without having to take direct action to demote or disturb any existing titles, the great fiefs broke up off their own accords. Qi was split into seven fiefs, Zhao into six, Liang into five, and Huainan into three."

And, "After Emperor Jing experienced the Rebellion of the Seven Princes, the feudal lords had their powers stripped away; they received only sufficient pensions and supplies to sustain themselves, but no longer had any role in governing their fiefs."

Regarding the tribute of sacrificial wine and gold, the Book of Han states, "The nobles had the duty of presenting gold and wine for use in sacrifices at the clan temple in the capital. A hundred and six of them were charged with having failed to fulfill this duty. According to Han traditions, the sons of Princes who did not inherit their father's title were appointed as Marquises, and they had the duty of presenting annual tributes to the capital of population registers, sacrificial wine, and gold for the ancestral temple which the Emperor would come to receive and to use to assist with the sacrifices. The great sacrifices were called the 'consumption of sacrificial wine', at which the gold was presented. If a noble failed to provide the minimum of at least two catties of gold, they would have their fief reduced if a Prince or their title abolished if a Marquis."

And, "When Prince Ai of Zhao, Liu Fu, died without heirs, his fief was abolished."

Cao Jiong quotes from Liu Xiang's petition as it appears in the Book of Han. The Book of Han states, "After Emperor Cheng rose to the throne, Liu Xiang sent him several petitions speaking of his gains and losses and explaining laws and warnings. He sent dozens of these letters to help Emperor Cheng realize and reflect upon the situation and to help amend his faults. Although Emperor Cheng was unable to follow all of Liu Xiang's advice, he still praised his words and often sighed in admiration of them."

Ban Gu's commentary in the Book of Han states, "By the age of Emperors Ai and Ping, Wang Mang knew that everyone both within the court and out in the provinces were too weak and powerless to oppose him, and he had the Empress Dowager's influence to count on. He pretended to be another Yi Yin or Duke of Zhou, all the while plotting for his designs to reach fruition so that he could face south as a sovereign and rule the realm in his own name. Han's princes and nobles all bared their heads and kowtowed to him, presenting him their seals on their knees, and some of them, fearing lest their descendants might even yet be endangered, went so far as to sing Wang Mang's praises in odes in order to curry his favor and flatter him. Was it not pathetic?"

The incident of Tian Chang usurping the state of Qi was already mentioned above.

The Book of Han states, "After Wang Mang stripped the Han princes of their titles, one of them, the Prince of Guangling, Liu Jia, presented reports of favorable omens to Wang Mang, for which he was appointed as the Marquis of Fuce ('Marquis Who Presents The Omens')."

And, "After Wang Mang usurped the throne, the Marquis of Wuxiang, Liu Min, presented him with a letter of supposedly divine approval. He was appointed as a minor marquis.")

賴光武皇帝挺不世之姿，禽王莽於已成，紹漢祀於既絕，斯豈非宗子之力耶？而曾不鑒秦之失策，襲周之舊制，踵亡國之法，而僥倖無疆之期。至於桓靈，奄竪執衡，朝無死難之臣，外無同憂之國，君孤立於上，臣弄權於下，本末不能相御，身手不能相使。由是天下鼎沸，姦凶並爭，宗廟焚為灰燼，宮室變為蓁藪。居九州之地，而身無所安處，悲夫！

It was thanks to Emperor Guangwu's peerless character and abilities that he was able to destroy the dynasty that Wang Mang had already put into place and restore the severed lineage of the Han dynasty. How else to explain this feat except that it was the work of a scion of the royal clan? Yet Emperor Guangwu failed to reflect upon the mistaken policies which had brought about Qin's downfall or to return to the old system as practiced by Zhou. Thus he trod the path of a doomed state, and he was fortunate that there was no trouble during his own reign.

But by the time of Emperors Huan and Ling, eunuchs manipulated the levers of authority. In the court, there were no servants willing to risk death for the sake of the state, and in the provinces, there were no subjects who saw the interests of the royal family as their own. Above, the sovereign stood alone, while below, his ministers grasped for power. The roots and the branches were unable to work in conjunction; the body and the hands could not help one another. Thus the realm descended into chaos like a roiling cauldron, and villains and wastrels sprang up on every side; the ancestral temples of the imperial clan were burned to ashes, and the palaces became overgrown with weeds and grasses. In all the Nine Provinces (the whole realm) there was not a single place of peace or safety. Was it not lamentable?

〈杜篤論都賦曰：于時聖帝，兼不世之姿。〉〈范曄後漢書曰：桓帝立，曹騰以定策功，遷大長秋。又曰：靈帝時，大將軍竇武謀誅中官，曹節矯詔誅武等。鄭玄尚書注曰：稱上曰衡。〉〈班固漢書序曰：漢興，懲戒亡秦孤立之敗。〉〈張超牋曰：中外雲擾，萬夫鼎沸。〉〈杜預左氏傳注曰：燼，火餘木也。〉

(Du Du's Rhapsody Discussing The Capital has the verse, "The time was ripe for a sage Emperor, with peerless character and abilities."

Fan Ye's Book of Later Han states, "After Emperor Huan rose to the throne, Cao Teng was chosen as Merit Evaluator, then was transferred to be Superintendent of the Empress' Household."

And, "During the reign of Emperor Ling, the Grand General, Dou Wu, plotted to execute the palace eunuchs. But Cao Jie forged an edict commanding Dou Wu and others to be executed."

Zheng Xuan's Annotations to the Book of Documents states, "The term 衡 means 'to claim superiority'."

Ban Gu's Prelude to the Book of Han states, "During the rise of Han, they sought to take warning from and avoid the mistakes of Qin, whose isolated sovereigns were led to their downfall."

Zhang Chao's letter states, "Those within and those without were trembling with fear; the affairs of the realm were like a roiling cauldron."

Du Yu's Annotations to the Zuo Commentary states, "燼 'Ashes' are the remnants of burnt wood.")

魏太祖武皇帝，躬聖明之資，兼神武之略，恥王綱之廢絕，愍漢室之傾覆，龍飛譙沛，鳳翔兗豫，掃除凶逆，剪滅鯨鯢。迎帝西京，定都潁邑。德動天地，義感人神。漢氏奉天，禪位大魏。大魏之興，于今二十有四年矣。觀五代之存亡，而不用其長策；睹前車之傾覆，而不改其轍跡。子弟王空虛之地，君有不使之民；宗室竄於閭閻，不聞邦國之政。權均匹夫，勢齊凡庶，內無深根不拔之固，外無盤石宗盟之助，非所以安社稷為萬代之業也。且今之州牧、郡守，古之方伯、諸侯，皆跨有千里之土，兼軍武之任，或比國數人，或兄弟並據。而宗室子弟，曾無一人間廁其間，與相維持，非所以強榦弱枝，備萬一之慮也。今之用賢，或超為名都之主，或為偏師之帥。而宗室有文者必限以小縣之宰，有武者必置於百人之上，使夫廉高之士，畢志於衡軛之內，才能之人，恥與非類為伍，非所以勸進賢能，褒異宗族之禮也。

The Grand Progenitor of our Wei dynasty, Emperor Wu (Cao Cao), was a man of wise and sage character and possessed divine martial prowess and cunning. He lamented the fact that the sovereign's laws had sunk to such a pitiful state, and he pitied the dire plight of the Han royal family. Rising like a dragon from Qiao and Pei and soaring like a phoenix from Yanzhou and Yuzhou, he purged and swept away the villains and evildoers of the land, and he cut out and annihilated the behemoths and leviathans of the realm. He welcomed the Emperor's arrival from the western capital (Chang'an) and established a new capital at Yingyi (Xu). His virtue impressed Heaven and Earth, and his righteousness touched the people and the spirits. Thus the Han royal family recognized the will of Heaven and abdicated their position to the Wei dynasty.

It has now been twenty-four years since the founding of Wei. Have we not had ample time to consider the factors which led to the rise and fall of the five dynasties before ours? Yet we do not follow the policies which would ensure our longevity. We have seen the carts in front of ours topple and fall, yet we do nothing to change our course. The younger relatives of the imperial clan hold empty titles and only nominally possess their lands, and in no sense do they preside over their people; the imperial relatives only scurry about the streets and lanes, and they are given no voice in how to govern the state. Their authority is no greater than the commoners, and their influence counts for no more than the average person. Within, the state has no deep roots to fortify it against being pulled up; without, it has no foundation of relatives and friends who could help defend it. This is no policy to preserve the altars of state for ten thousand generations.

Furthermore, the Governors of provinces and the Administrators of commandaries in our times have become the modern equivalents of the Border Lords and the feudal nobles of antiquity. They hold sway over territories of a thousand li, and they wield military as well as civil authority. Some of them control regions comparable in size to princely fiefs, and in some instances brothers from the same family all hold such offices simultaneously. At the same time, not a single one of the imperial kinfolk or the younger relatives of the crown hold any position that might check the power of these local leaders or band together to guard against them. This is no way to strengthen the trunk and weaken the branches, or provide against any emergency.

Of the worthy servants of the dynasty from other families, some have reputations so great that they are household names in the capital, and some are commanders of powerful armies. Meanwhile, even those members of the imperial clan who possess civil talents are limited to positions no greater than supervisors of small counties, while even those with martial abilities lead bands of no greater than a hundred soldiers. These are honest and lofty men, and yet their ambitions can rise no higher than to bear a yoke; they are talented and capable fellows, yet they are shamed by being lumped in with those who are not their peers. This is no way to encourage and promote the worthy and able, or praise and distinguish members of the imperial clan with ceremony.

〈晉灼漢書注曰：資，材量也。〉〈魏志曰：太祖武皇帝，沛國譙人，為兗州牧。後太祖遷都於許。許屬豫州。東��賦曰：龍飛白水，鳳翔參墟。〉〈左氏傳曰：楚子曰：古者明王伐不敬，取其鯨鯢而封以為大戮。杜預曰：鯨鯢，大魚。以喻不義之人也。〉〈魏志曰：天子東遷，敗於曹陽，太祖乃遣曹洪將兵，西迎天子還雒。董昭勸太祖都許。漢書，潁川郡有許縣。〉〈晏子曰：諺曰：前車覆，後車戒也。〉〈左氏傳曰：周之宗盟，異姓為後。〉〈班固漢書贊曰：徙吏二千石於諸陵，蓋亦強榦弱枝也。〉〈衡軛，車之衡軛也。言王者之御群臣，猶人之御牛馬，故以衡軛喻焉。畢志其內，未得騁其駿足也。〉

(Jin Zhuo's Annotations to the Book of Han states, "The term 資 means 'talents and potential'."

The Annals of Emperor Wu (Cao Cao) in the Records of the Three Kingdoms states, "Taizu, Emperor Wu, was a native of Qiao county in the Pei princely fief. He served as Governor of Yanzhou. Later, he shifted the capital to Xu, which was part of Yuzhou." The Rhapsody On The Eastern Capital has the verse, "He (Cao Cao) rose like a dragon over the Bai River and soared like a phoenix amidst the ruins."

The Zuo Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals states, "In ancient times, the wise kings campaigned against the disrespectful; they took these 鯨鯢 'leviathans' and buried them as the great punishment." Du Yu's Annotations states, "鯨鯢 'Leviathan' was a great fish. It was an expression meaning an unrighteous person."

The Annals of Emperor Wu states, "The Son of Heaven (Emperor Xian) came east, but was defeated at Caoyang. Cao Cao then sent Cao Hong to lead troops to escort him, and they welcomed the Son of Heaven to the west and brought him back to Luo (Luoyang). Dong Zhao urged Cao Cao to make Xu the capital." According to the Book of Han, there was a Xu county in Yingchuan commandary.

Yanzi states, "The proverb tells us, 'When the front cart topples, let the rear cart take warning.'"

The Zuo Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals states, "The house of Zhou records the names of its own kin first, and those of different surnames come afterwards."

Ban Gu's commentary in the Book of Han states, "They shifted the families of the Two Thousand Bushel salary officials to live among the various imperial tombs (in the capital region), in order to strengthen the trunk and weaken the branches."

衡軛 "Yoke" refers to the yoke of a cart. Cao Jiong was saying that princes were pulling the yokes of subjects, like an ox or a horse pulls the yoke for a human; it is an expression. And by "their ambitions can rise no higher" than this, he means they would never be able to roam free like a prized stallion.)

夫泉竭則流涸，根朽則葉枯。枝繁者蔭根，條落者本孤。故語曰：「百足之蟲。至死不僵，扶之者衆也。」此言雖小，可以譬大。且墉基不可倉卒而成，威名不可一朝而立。皆為之有漸，建之有素。譬之種樹，久則深固其根本，茂盛其枝葉。若造次徙於山林之中，植於宮闕之下，雖壅之以黑墳，暖之以春日，猶不救於枯槁，何暇繁育哉？夫樹猶親戚，土猶士民，建置不久，則輕下慢上，平居猶懼其離叛，危急將如之何？是聖王安而不逸，以慮危也；存而設備，以懼亡也。故疾風卒至，而無摧拔之憂；天下有變，而無傾危之患矣。

When the spring runs dry, it is because the groundwater has stopped flowing; when the trunk is rotten, it is because the leaves have withered. When the branches are abundant, they shelter the stem; when the twigs fall away, the trunk is left exposed. Thus it is said, "The centipede has its hundred feet; even in death, it does not collapse, for its numerous legs still keep it up." It is a little saying, but it illustrates a great principle.

Furthermore, the foundation of a stout wall cannot be laid all at once, nor can power and legitimacy be established in a single morning. In both cases, these things can be achieved only gradually and secured only over time. It is like a plant or a tree, which requires a great deal of time to grow before the roots extend deep and the trunk becomes strong, and greater still for its branches and leaves to multiply and flourish. Can someone who casts a seed among stones and thickets or beneath the palace gates expect the plant to grow fruitful and tall? Even if they surround it with blackish and rich soil and warm it by the springtime sun, they will not even be able to save it from withering. And what are the imperial relatives but trees sown by the sovereign, and what are the people but the soil which receives them? Unless the relatives be planted among them for a long time, then there will be obstinate below and disdain above. Even in peaceful times, there would still be the prospect of alienation or rebellion; how much moreso when some emergency arises?

The sage ruler does not relax during times of peace, but is always thinking of future dangers. Though their dynasty seems secure, still they make preparations to guard against threats to its destruction. Only then may they have no fear of being uprooted, though the storms and gales may blow; only then may they be assured the state will not collapse, though the realm be full of turmoil.

〈魯連子曰：百足之蟲，至斷不蹶者，持之者衆也。〉〈司馬相如諫獵書曰：此言雖小，可以喻大。〉〈文子曰：人主之有人，猶城之有基，木之有根，根深即本固，基厚即上安也。〉〈尚書曰：厥土惟黑墳。孔安國曰：色黑而墳起也。〉

(Lu Lianzi states, "The centipede has its hundred feet; even when it is severed, it does not fall down, for its numerous legs still keep it up."

Sima Xiangru likewise uses the phrase "It is a little saying, but it illustrates a great principle" in his letter to Emperor Wu of Han remonstrating against his hunting practices.

The Wenzi states, "The ruler of the people has their supporters, just as a wall has its foundation or a tree has its roots. When the roots are deep, then the trunk is sturdy; when the foundation is broad, then the wall is secure."

Cao Jiong describes the soil as 黑墳 "blackish and rich". The Book of Documents states, "The soil of this province was 黑墳." Kong Yingda's Annotations to the text states, "This meant the soil was black in color and fertile to produce growth.")

#Wei Dynasty #Jin Dynasty #Wenxuan #Literary Selections #Chinese History #Chinese Literature #China #Three Kingdoms #Sanguo

[fuyonggu]

Biography of Zhao You & Zhao Yin (Book of Jin 57)

No Wu association with this one.

趙誘，字元孫，淮南人也。世以將顯。州辟主簿。值刺史郗隆被齊王冏檄，使起兵討趙王倫，隆欲承檄舉義，而諸子侄並在洛陽；欲坐觀成敗，恐為冏所討，進退有疑，會群吏計議。誘說隆曰：「趙王篡逆，海內所病。今義兵飆起，其敗必矣。今為明使君計，莫若自將精兵，徑赴許昌，上策也。不然，且可留後，遣猛將將兵會盟，亦中策也。若遣小軍隨形助勝。下策耳。」隆曰：「我受二帝恩，無所偏助，正欲保州而已。」誘與治中留寶、主簿張褒等諫隆：「若無所助，變難將生，州亦不可保也。」隆猶豫不決，遂為其下所害。誘還家，杜門不出。左將軍王敦以為參軍，加廣武將軍，與甘卓、周訪共討華軼，破之。又擊杜弢於西湘，太興初，復與卓攻弢，滅之。累功賜爵平阿縣侯，代陶侃為武昌太守。時杜曾迎第五猗於荊州作亂，敦遣誘與襄陽太守朱軌共距之。猗既愍帝所遣，加有時望，為荊楚所歸。誘等苦戰皆沒，敦甚悼惜之，表贈征虜將軍、秦州刺史，諡曰敬。

Zhao You, styled Yuansun, was a native of Huainan commandary. His family had served as conspicuous generals for generations. He was recruited by the provincial office as a Registrar.

At that time (in 301), the Inspector of Yangzhou, Chi Long, had received the proclamation from the Prince of Qi, Sima Jiong, calling on the ministers and generals of the realm to join his uprising against Sima Lun, who had usurped the throne from Emperor Hui and named himself Emperor. Chi Long was hesitant on how he ought to respond. He considered supporting Sima Jiong's cause, but his sons and nephews were hostages in the capital at Luoyang, and he feared for their lives; he considered doing nothing for now and watching to see which side would prevail in the struggle, but he was worried that Sima Jiong would hold him responsible for not helping at once. He could not make up his mind alone, so he summoned a meeting of the officials of Yangzhou to discuss the matter.

Zhao You advised him, "The Prince of Zhao (Sima Lun) is a usurper and a traitor, and everyone within the Seas despises him. Even now, soldiers are rising up against him like a gale for righteousness, and he is certain to be defeated. Commissioner, if I may offer my strategies for you, the best plan would be to personally lead your best soldiers and meet up with the other loyalists at Xuchang. The next best would be to bide your time briefly before sending a fierce general to join the others. The worst thing you could do would be to just send a small army at the very end, to assist in following up on the victory."

Chi Long replied, "I have received favor from both Emperors (Emperor Hui and Sima Lun), and I cannot throw my support behind either side. I will defend my province, and do no more."

Zhao You and others objected to this, including one of the 治中s, Liu Bao, and another of the Registrars, Zhang Bao. They told him, "If you offer no assistance to the loyalists, then if any difficulties should arise in our province, you will have no means to protect it."

But Chi Long still could not follow their advice, and in the end he was killed by his subordinates. Zhao You returned home, closed the doors of his house, and did not come out again.

Several years later (~311), when Wang Dun was serving as General of the Left, he recruited Zhao You as an Army Advisor. Zhao You was later promoted to be General of Broad Valor. He worked together with Gan Zhuo and Zhou Fang to campaign against Hua Yi, and they routed him. Zhao You also fought Du Tao in western Xiangzhou, and at the beginning of the Taixing reign era (~318), he and Gan Zhuo attacked Du Tao and vanquished him. Zhao You was appointed as Marquis of Ping'a county for his achievements, and he replaced Tao Kan as Administrator of Wuchang.

Around that time (~317), Du Zeng had welcomed Diwu Yi to Jingzhou, and they were causing turmoil together. Wang Dun sent Zhao You and the Administrator of Xiangyang, Zhu Gui, to oppose them together. But since Diwu Yi had originally been granted titles and sent south by Emperor Min, he enjoyed a certain influence in the area, and many people of the Jing and Chu regions were willing to serve under him. Zhao You and the others fought bitterly against Diwu Yi and Du Zeng, but they were all lost in battle. Wang Dun deeply grieved their deaths, and he petitioned the court to posthumously appoint Zhao You as General Who Conquers The Caitiffs and Inspector of Qinzhou, with the posthumous name Jing ("the Respectful").

子龔，與誘俱死。元帝為晉王，下令贈新昌太守。龔弟胤，字伯舒。王敦使周訪擊杜曾，胤請從行。訪憚曾之強，欲先以胤餌曾，使其眾疲而後擊之。胤多梟首級。王導引為從事中郎。南頓王宗反，胤殺宗。於是王導、庾亮並倚仗之。轉冠軍將軍，遷西豫州刺史，卒于官。

Zhao You had two sons. The elder son was Zhao Gong; he died alongside his father. When Sima Rui became Prince of Jin (in 317), he issued a decree posthumously appointing Zhao Gong as Administrator of Xinchang.

Zhao You's younger son was Zhao Yin, styled Boshu. When Wang Dun sent Zhou Fang to attack Du Zeng (in 317), Zhao Yin asked to accompany the army. Zhou Fang was worried about the strength of Du Zeng's forces, so he wanted to have Zhao Yin lead the vanguard ahead to bait Du Zeng and tire out his army first, then Zhou Fang could send the main body to join the fight and defeat him. Zhao Yin took a great many heads during the battle. Wang Dun recruited Zhao Yin to his own staff to serve as his Attendant Officer of the Household Gentlemen.

When the Prince of Nandun, Sima Zong, rebelled (in 326), Zhao Yin killed him.

Both Wang Dao and Yu Liang came to rely upon Zhao Yin. He was transferred to be Champion General, then sent out west to serve as Inspector of Yuzhou. He passed away in office.

#Book of Jin #Jinshu #Jin Dynasty #Western Jin #Eastern Jin

[the-archlich]

I was replaying DW8 on PC and started wondering about the crossroad stages (where it splits between historical and what-if paths). Based on your knowledge of the era, how do you think the what-ifs would play out in real life and if a different battle/event would work better? 1) Wei won Chibi. 2) Wu won Hefei. 3) Guan Yu won Fan and wasn't a huge dick (with Lu Su alive or dead). 4) Sima Shi survived/sat out Guanqui Jian's rebellion. 5) Lu Bu kept Yan.

Short answer: In my estimation most of them wouldn’t have changed anything significant in and of themselves. Most just provided the winner with options they didn’t have historically but wouldn’t be game changers on their own.

1. Cao Cao winning at Wulin/Chibi would have been pretty major. Even if that alone didn’t force the submission of Sun Quan and the remaining southern powers, it would have pushed the line of battle significantly further south. With Cao Cao controlling the Great River and its crossings any stable resistance would have been removed to the distant south, without resources to compete. Victory would have only been a matter of time. The same can be said of his campaigns at Ruxu in 213 and 217, or Cao Pi’s Great River Campaign in 222/223. Or Wei’s many other attempts to gain control over the rivers.

2. Sun Quan capturing Hefei wouldn’t have been significant in and of itself. Hefei’s importance was as an obstruction. Sun Quan’s best way to invade Yang was by using the Ru River to transport troops and supplies north. Hefei was built to prevent this. Victory would have allowed Sun Quan to press further north and be a much more significant threat to northern Yang province and would have had more options opened to him for mobilizing his army, but it would just be the first step in a larger campaign.

3. Sort of a two-part answer. All by itself, Guan Yu taking Fan wouldn’t really mean a whole lot. Especially if he didn’t take its sister city Xiangyang as well. Supposing he did, though, it would only be the first step of a larger campaign, just like if Sun Quan took Hefei. There’d be a lot more work for Guan Yu to do to make the gain something significant. (Compared to Zhou Yu and Cheng Pu taking Jiangling, which cut Cao Cao off from controlling the rivers and was of huge significance.) Any gains he did make would be meaningless without Sun Quan’s alliance, though. Guan Yu would easily be isolated at Fan and destroyed, if he couldn’t be compelled to submit. Maintaining that alliance wasn’t something he was personally capable of, though. It would require him to be an entirely different sort of person. Given the reasons Sun Quan had to break their compact (Liu Bei’s threatening control over the rivers, Sun Quan’s recent appeasement of Cao Cao, and the past bad blood between them), it would require diplomatic feats of which Guan Yu was fundamentally incapable.

4. Sima Shi’s survival probably wouldn’t have changed much in the short term. I don’t think there would be any significant difference between his government versus that of his brother, save that Sima Shi might have actually taken the throne for himself rather than waiting for his son to do it. However, if Sima Shi survived he would have been succeeded by Sima You and THAT could have changed everything. Even if Sima You made all the same mistakes as Sima Yan, his son Sima Jiong was much more capable than Sima Zhong, so whatever happened after the death of Jin’s first emperors would have been a bit different. It’s possible that Sima Jiong, as the rightful emperor, could have prevented Western Jin’s collapse. But that’s all very far removed from the situation at hand and extremely hypothetical. The whole situation would have been different in the long term; probably too different to speculate on.

5. Even if Lu Bu fended off Cao Cao, he would have been crushed sooner or later. He was capable of success in the field, albeit inconsistently, but he lacked the skill to govern territory or manage affairs of state. He would certainly have been consumed by some other neighboring power - if not a resurgent Cao Cao then likely Yuan Shao or Yuan Shu. What that might have changed is too difficult to say; though if a man like Liu Bei can come back from numerous crushing defeats, I have confidence that someone of Cao Cao’s ability could reestablish himself without undue trouble.

[bookofjin]

Is there more recorded for Zu Ti's time in the War of the Eight Princes in the Jinshu? The Zizhi Tongjian just says he served Sima Ai (and also the chicken dance)

He held some posts at Luoyang under Sima Jiong and Sima Ai, and then accompanied the Emperor on the attack against Sima Ying. After the battle of Dangyin he fled back to Luoyang and sat out the final stage of the conflict.

“He was nominated to the staff of the King of Qi, Jiong, the Grand Marshal, and Libationer to King of Chansha, Ai, the [General] of Agile Cavalry. He transferred to Master of Accounts, and amassed to move to Palace Retainer to the Heir-Apparent, and Assistant Officer Palace Gentleman to the King of Yuzhang. He accompanied Emperor Hui on the northern attack. When the kingly host achieved defeat at Dangyin, he thereupon withdrew and turned back to Luoyang. When the Great Carriage went west to favour Chang'an, various princes East of the Passes, the King of Fanyang, Xiao, the King of Gaomi, Lüe, the Duke of Pingchang, Mo, and others contended to summon him. Every time he did not go. The King of Donghai, Yue, used Ti as Troop Director Army Advisor and Grand Warden of Jiyin. Because of mourning for his mother he did not go to his office.“