#Assembly Election 2022 Candidates list

[best24news]

Gujarat Assembly Elections: BJP ने उम्मीदवारों की सूची जारी, जानिए किसको मिला कहां से टिकट

Gujarat Assembly Elections: BJP ने उम्मीदवारों की सूची जारी, जानिए किसको मिला कहां से टिकट

गुजरात: गुजरात में 182 सीटों के लिए दो चरणों में चुनाव होने हैं। गुजरात विधानसभा चुनाव में एक महीने का समय भी नहीं बचा है। सभी पार्टियां चुनाव प्रचार में अपनी पूरी ताकत झोंक रही हैं। बीजेपी ने 160 उम्मीदवारों की सूची जारी की थी। शनिवार को पार्टी ने छह और उम्मीदवारों की लिस्ट जारी की है। Haryana Crime: डेरा प्रेमी का मर्डर पंजाब में, हरियाणा में अलर्ट क्यों, ज​निए वजय प्रचारकों की सूची जारी:…

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#BJP released the list of candidates #Election 2022 #election news #Gujarat Assembly #Gujarat Assembly Elections #know who got ticket from where #बीजेपी ने उम्मीदवारों #सूची जारी

[mariacallous]

It's even more grotesque because Mar Galcerán has been an activist and official working on inclusiveness and disability policy for a while now in Spain.

For decades she battled to ensure that people with intellectual disabilities were part of the conversation. The extent of the progress she had made, however, was laid bare recently when Mar Galcerán became Spain’s first parliamentarian with Down’s syndrome.

“It’s unprecedented,” the 45-year-old told the Guardian. “Society is starting to see that people with Down’s syndrome have a lot to contribute. But it’s a very long road.”

Her feat has been decades in the making. When Galcerán was 18 years old, she joined the conservative People’s party (PP) after being attracted to what she described as its embrace of tradition.

Slowly she worked her way up the party apparatus. Her commitment paid off last May when she was added as the 20th name on the list of candidates the PP was fielding in Valencia’s regional elections.

News that Galcerán had obtained a seat in the regional parliament came soon after. “Welcome Mar,” the region’s PP leader, Carlos Mazón, wrote on social media. “Great news for politics, overcoming barriers.”

The achievement catapults Galcerán to the top of the ranks of the handful of people with Down’s syndrome who have crashed through barriers to enter the world of politics. In 2020, Éléonore Laloux became the first person with the genetic disorder in France to be elected to public office, as a city council member in the northern town of Arras, while Ireland’s Fintan Bray was hailed for making history after he was elected to a political position in the country in 2022.

In Spain, Galcerán’s path into politics was blazed by Ángela Bachiller, who in 2013 became Spain’s first city councillor with Down’s syndrome in the northern city of Valladolid.

Galcerán may be the first in Europe, however, to join a regional or national parliament, according to Spain’s Down’s syndrome federation.

“We haven’t heard of anyone else,” said Agustín Matía Amor of Down España. “It’s a huge step forward and an example of real inclusion.”

He was quick to point out that the achievement was also a reflection of the decades Galcerán had spent working to advance the status of people with Down’s syndrome in Spain. For more than 20 years Galcerán had worked as a civil servant in Valencia, most recently helping to carve out inclusive policy, adding to the four years she spent at the helm of Asindown, a Valencian organisation dedicated to helping families with children that have Down’s syndrome.

“It’s both great news and a recognition of her work and the many initiatives she was involved in,” said Matía Amor. “It’s a good example of what is possible.”

While Galcerán’s September swearing in was hailed by Spanish media, she said the reaction online had been mixed. “You find all sorts on social media,” she said. “There are people who support me. But there are also others who think I’m not capable. But these are people who don’t know me or my background.”

As she gets acquainted with her new role, she described it as a tremendous responsibility. “I want to learn how to do it well, for Valencianos, and more importantly, for those of us who have different abilities.”

Ultimately she hoped her presence in the regional parliament would help to dismantle the many prejudices that continue to linger in society, particularly when it comes to people with Down’s syndrome. “I want people to see me as a person, not just for my disability.”

[beardedmrbean]

Bulgaria goes to the polls on October 2 2022 in early parliamentary elections, the fourth time in two years that the country elects a legislature. The official campaign period begins on September 2.

This is The Sofia Globe’s factfile:

A total of 23 parties and six coalitions registered for the elections, but one party did not submit a list of candidates and will not appear on the ballot.

In all, there are more than 6700 candidates vying for one of the 240 seats in Bulgaria’s 48th National Assembly.

To win seats in the National Assembly, a party or coalition must get at least four per cent of valid votes cast.

Voters have the option to choose “I don’t support anyone”. Such votes are counted in when calculating turnout, but have no impact on the distribution of seats in the National Assembly.

Bulgarian citizens over the age of 18 are eligible to vote, but not if they are serving an effective term of imprisonment.

How many Bulgarians are eligible to vote? In the November 2021 presidential elections, the Central Election Commission based its calculation of turnout in the first round, held on November 14, on a figure of 6 635 505 eligible voters. For the second round, held on November 21, it used a figure of 6 672 935, on the basis of a number of people having turned 18 between the first and second rounds. For the November 14 2021 early parliamentary elections, the commission based its voter turnout calculation on a figure of 6 665 534. It is not known why the commission had two different figures for eligible voters, given that there is no legal difference in eligibility to vote in a presidential and a parliamentary election.

As amended in 2021, after the April elections, Bulgarian electoral law requires that voting is done using a machine at any precinct where more than 300 voters are registered.

There will be voting machines at 9363 polling stations in Bulgaria, with a second machine at 1104 of these polling stations.

There will be voting machines at 290 polling stations outside Bulgaria, with a second machine at 233 of these stations.

Bulgaria’s caretaker government has allocated close to 71 million leva for the holding of the October 2 elections.

With the sums allocated by previous administrations in 2021, this brings to more than 253 million leva the money set aside for elections this year and last year.

The official campaign period continues until midnight on September 30.

During the official campaign period, media publishing the results of opinion polls are required by law to include information, as provided by the polling agency, of items such as the methodology and sample size of the poll and how the poll was funded.

Coverage of the elections on public media is governed by law and by agreements between the heads of the public media and the parties and coalitions, as approved by the Central Election Commission.

Campaign materials, whether in print, on air or on billboards, are required by law to include the words “buying and selling of votes is a crime”.

Canvassing may be conducted solely in the Bulgarian language.

While electoral law governs media coverage, it is does not affect content on social networks such as Facebook, which are not defined in Bulgarian law as media providers.

During the campaign period, election materials may not include the coat or arms or the flag of Bulgaria or a foreign country, nor religious signs or images. Election advertising may not depict children.

Electoral law forbids the distribution of anonymous campaign materials and those that denigrate the “good morals, honour and dignity” of candidates.

Campaigning in state and municipal institutions and companies, as well as the use of state or municipal property by parties, coalitions, independent candidates and initiative committees, is prohibited.

It is expected that during the campaign period, the Dossier Commission, the body empowered by statute to disclose whether people in certain public walks of life were affiliated with Bulgaria’s communist-era secret services, will announce the results of its checks of parliamentary candidates. Bulgaria’s constitution does not allow lustration, so even if a candidate is announced to have worked for these services, this is no bar to being elected to office.

Following the close of the official campaign period, October 1 will be a “Day of Contemplation” during which canvassing is forbidden.

From the end of the campaign period until after 8pm on October 2, it is forbidden to make public the results of exit polls.

On election weekend, municipalities have the right to ban or restrict the sale of alcohol. There are 265 municipalities in Bulgaria, so such decrees – if issued – have to be checked individually. Any such ban also applies to foreigners ineligible to vote in presidential and National Assembly elections in Bulgaria.

On October 2, voting opens at 7am and continues until 8pm. If there are still queues at 8pm, election officials are empowered to extend voting, but no later than 9pm. These same hours and rules apply at polling stations abroad, on the basis of local times.

While exit polls will be made known publicly on election night, the Central Election Commission has until October 6 to publish the official results of the election and until October 9 to announce the names of those who have been elected as MPs.

An MP elected from more than one electoral district must declare from which one that MP will be deemed to have been elected.

According to the constitution (to be found in English at this link), the President has up to a month after the elections to convene the National Assembly. Should the President not do so, Parliament may be convened by at least a fifth of its members.

After consultations with parliamentary groups, the President appoints a Prime Minister-designate nominated by the party that has won the highest number of seats in the National Assembly.

Should the Prime Minister-designate fail to form a government within seven days, the mandate is passed to the person designated by the second-largest parliamentary group. Should the second attempt at forming a government fail, the mandate goes to a parliamentary group of the President’s choice.

Should consultations on forming a government prove successful, the President asks the National Assembly to vote to elect the Prime Minister-designate.

If no agreement on forming a government is reached, the President appoints a caretaker government, dissolves the National Assembly and schedules new elections on a date two months from the date on which Parliament is dissolved.

#nunyas news #good luck with round 3 is it #you're still doing better at forming a government than belgium and israel

[howwelldoyouknowyourmoon]

The Dark Shadow Cast by Moon Sun Myung’s Unification Church and Abe Shinzo (Part 1)

Asia Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Peter McGill October 15, 2022

Abstract: The killing of Abe Shinzo sparked a backlash in Japan against the Unification Church, after the assassin blamed it for his family’s destitution and linked the former prime minister to the Korean cult. This has led to a government investigation of the Unification Church, popularly known as the Moonies, that may result in its disbandment in Japan. The scandal has focused attention on the vital role played by Japan in financing the sect founded by Moon Sun Myung, and the strange history that spawned a global empire swaddled in taboo.

The July 8 slaying of Abe Shinzo on the streets of Nara has spawned unexpected consequences. Public reaction in Japan whipsawed from shock and grief at the former prime minister’s tragic death to anger and disgust at longstanding ties between the ruling Liberal Democratic Party and the Unification Church. On October 17, Prime Minister Kishida Fumio announced a government investigation of the Unification Church that may lead to the dissolution of its Japanese branch.

Yamagami Tetsuya, the former navy officer and unemployed man who fatally shot Abe from behind with a homemade gun, told police that his family had been left destitute, and his own life blighted, by his mother’s huge donations to the Korean cult founded by Moon Sun Myung. In Yamagami’s disturbed mind, Abe’s political embrace of the Unification Church made him a legitimate target for revenge.

On July 16, the Japanese tabloid Nikkan Gendai, which had been the first to report that Yamagami’s mother belonged to the Unification Church, published a list of 111 other members of the Diet (parliament) who shared Abe’s links to the cult. The list was compiled by journalist Suzuki Eito, a specialist in tracking cults in Japan.

Japanese media critical of the LDP and of Abe’s right-wing nationalism, most notably the Asahi and Mainichi dailies, doggedly pursued the scoop, and there has been an almost constant stream of press conferences and stories that have inflicted serious damage to the Unification Church in Japan, and acutely embarrassed the mainly conservative politicians who associated with it. On September 8, the LDP released the results of an internal survey, showing that almost half of its 379 Diet members had admitted to dealings with the cult. In addition, 290 members of prefectural assemblies and seven prefectural governors have acknowledged association with it, according to a survey by the Asahi. 

Japanese Moonies are not so numerous as to constitute a significant voting bloc. Sakurai Yoshihide, a professor of sociology at Hokkaido University and an expert on Japanese cults and new religions, says their main political value is as a source of volunteers to help favoured candidates in election campaigns. Abe had recommended that members of his Seiwa-kai faction take advantage of such offers.

Prime Minister Kishida Fumio hastily announced a state funeral for Abe, the Moonies’ most valuable ally in Japan, soon after the assassination. Since then, the deluge of reporting about the Unification Church helped shift Japanese public opinion against the state funeral which took place on September 27 with a cost to taxpayers of ¥1.25 billion. Kishida’s popularity slumped, and the October announcement of a probe into the Unification Church has been seen as a means to boost his standing in opinion polls.   Japanese Fund a Global Empire Japan has been crucial to the growth of the Unification Church. The former colonial power, which ruled the Korean peninsula from 1910 to 1945, has twice the number of Moonies as its home country - 300,000 compared to between 150,000 and 200,000 in South Korea, according to spokesman Ahn Ho-yeul – and ever since the 1970s, has provided the lion’s share of the church’s global income.

In 1984, the Washington Post was told by two renegade former officials of the Unification Church in Japan that from 1975 to 1984 it had transferred at least US$800 million to the United States, to finance a myriad of the cult’s businesses, publications, and political operations, including the money-draining Washington Times newspaper.1

Most of the money came from gullible and superstitious Japanese who were peddled marble vases, ivory seals, and miniature pagodas said to have miraculous powers, along with ginseng teas, at vastly inflated prices. Japanese members of the cult were given sales quotas requiring them to transfer to the United States about $2.5 million a month earmarked for the Washington Times, which lost an estimated $150 million in its first two-and-a-half years of operation, according to Soejima Yoshikazu.   Soejima had been editor of the cult’s Japanese newspaper, Sekai Nippo, but was fired on Moon’s orders for attempting editorial independence. A gang of toughs from the Unification Church, led by members of the affiliated anti-communist group Kokusai Shokyo Rengo, ransacked the newspaper office, and beat him up, according to Soejima. Then in June 1984, Soejima was attacked outside his Tokyo home and repeatedly stabbed. At the time, he had been preparing an article critical of Moon for Bungei Shunju magazine.

In 1987, the Asahi calculated there had been 15,000 complaints since 1980 of Japanese citizens being defrauded by Unification Church members, through total purchases amounting to ¥317 billion. A national network of lawyers to combat reikan shoho (霊感商法, selling of spiritual goods) was set up. 

The Japanese backlash forced the Unification Church to curtail unscrupulous sales in favour of pressuring Japanese members to make donations. These were often linked to fundraising projects of Moon Sun Myung, such as the construction of a tunnel between Japan and Korea (since stalled), car factories in North Korea and China, and a 1,200-hectare “Peace Park” at Moon’s birthplace.

The new donation strategy reportedly led to a substantial increase in financial demands placed upon Japan. Sakurai Masaue, a disillusioned former cult official, told the Mainichi that in the two decades before he quit in 2017, the Unification Church in Japan had an annual fund-raising target of around ¥30 billion, or $209 million. The extreme burden placed on Japanese members pushed many into bankruptcy, he said.

Offspring of Japanese duped into handing over their life savings or retirement money to the Unification Church have given harrowing testimony; none more so than that of Yamagami, the alleged assassin of Abe, whose hatred of the cult festered as his family was dragged into poverty.

Yamagami was four years old when his father, a site director of a tunnel construction firm, killed himself. Seven years later, his mother joined the Unification Church and started making huge donations that eventually bankrupted her and compelled Yamagami to drop out of university. His brother later committed suicide. 

“After my mother joined the church, my entire teenage years were gone, with about ¥100 million wasted,” Yamagami wrote in a letter. “It’s no exaggeration to say my experience during that time has kept distorting my entire life.”

Upon joining the Unification Church in 1991, his mother turned over ¥50 million she had received from her late husband’s life insurance policy. When her own father died in 1998, she became head of his construction company, but five months later sold a house she had inherited and gave more than ¥40 million to the cult. In 2002, she was declared bankrupt but continued giving money to the cult. Yamagami’s paternal uncle said he used to receive telephone calls from the three children complaining of having nothing to eat. He finally halted financial support because their mother was just handing over his money to the Unification Church. When Yamagami tried to commit suicide in 2005, she opted to stay in South Korea on a church mission.

これが『統一教会』の秘部だ

#unification church #sun myung moon #moonies #hak ja han #ffwpu #霊感商法 #Peter McGill #Yamagami Tetsuya

[hardynwa]

Full list of 257 judges to hear petitions

A total of 257 judges will hear petitions arising from the 2023 general elections in Nigeria, according to a list by the National Judicial Council (NJC). Proceedings at the Presidential Election Petition Tribunal and State Election Petition Tribunals are expected to commence fully in May after the Worker’s Day holiday. Nigerians have shifted their attention to the tribunals as aggrieved candidates in the February 25 and March 18 contests attempt to overturn victories. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has issued Certificates of Return to all winners of various positions. Already, hundreds of petitions have been filed to challenge the outcome of the presidential, National Assembly, governorship and state assembly polls. But more are expected due to the April 15 supplementary elections in more than 20 states, in view of the provisions of the Electoral Act, 2022. Section 132 (7) & (8) allows for petitions to be filed within 21 days after the declaration of results. The respondents have 21 days to respond, while the court has 180 days to decide. The senior judicial officers to preside were drawn from State High Court, FCT High Court, Federal High Court and National Industrial Court. Below is the full list of the judges approved by the NJC under the leadership of the Chief Justice of Nigeria, Olukayode Ariwoola. Abia: Justices C.O. Onyeabo, O. Zik-Ikeorha, C.H. Ahuchaogu, A.O. Chijioke, K.C.J. Okereke, L.T.C. Eruba, B. Anya, N. Philomena, A.O. Phoeba, C.K. Nwankwo. Adamawa: Justices H.N.H. Joda, B.I. Ladukiya, Musa Usman, K.L. Samuel, A.J. Balami, K.Z.U. Modibbo. Akwa Ibom: Justices P.P. Idiong, A.D. Odokwo, O.A. Okon, F.J. Ibanga, and N.M. Obot. Bayelsa: Justices J.B. Egele, and Justice T.Y. Abasi. Benue: Justices W.I. Kpochi, T.A. Kume, T.T. Asua, P.T. Kwahar, M.T. Ugar, A.I. Ityonyman, M.M. Odinya, I. Muhammed. Borno: Justices H.Y. Mshelia, A.Z. Musa, U.S. Sakwa, M.G. Abubakar B. Othman. Cross River: Justices F.N. Isoni, E.O. Abua, O.I. Ofem, A.A. Ewah, U.A. Ibrahim, E.I. Ebri, I.B. Etape, E.A. Ubua. Delta: Justices A.O. Apkovi, F.N. Azinge, C.N. Ogadi, E.N. Ejiro, T.O. Uloho, M.O. Omovie, C.O. Emifoniye, C.I. Dafe. Ebonyi: Justices H.A. Njoku, B.A.N Ogbu, N.E. Nwibo, C.E. Eze, I.P. Chima, O. Elekwa, T.A. Achom, U. Onwosi. Edo: Justices V.O. Eboreime, J.O. Okeaya, Irele-Ifijeh, V.O.A. Oviawe, I.P. Braimoh, T.I. Eghe-Abe. Ekiti: Justices A.L. Ogunmoye, A.A. Adeleye, L.O. Ogundana, E.B. Omotoso, A.O. Familoni, J.A. Apuabi, O.O. Oluboyede. Enugu: Justices R.O. Odugu, E.N. Oluedo, N.R. Oji, C.A.B. Onaga, U.J. Nweze, E.N. Alukwu. Gombe: Justices A.M. Yakubu, H.H. Kereng, S.Y. Abubakar, M. Fatima, D.S. Sikkam, M.A. Haruna, B.H. Abbayo, M.I. Gombe. Imo: Justices L.C. Azuama, K.A. Ojiako, B.C. Iheka, S.I. Okpara, V.I Onyeka, E.N. Eke, K.A Leweanya, J.I. Obichere. Jigawa: Justices A.M. Abubakar, A.Y. Birnin Kudu, I. Ya’u, N. Zargina. Kaduna: Justices E.Y.B. Lolo, K. Dabo, M.T. Rashid, M.N. Sidi, A.Y. John, E. Michael. Kano: Justices M. Yusuf Ubale, A.A. Amina, I.M.M Karaye, N. Saminu, J.S. Suleiman, S.A. Maryam, S.M. Ado, A.A. Maiwada. Katsina: Justices A.B. Abdullahi, A.K. Tukur, I.W. Baraka, B.U. Safiya, I.I. Mashi, L. Umar, A. Yarima, M.D. Hadiza. Kebbi: Justices U. Abubakar, N.I. Umar, S.B. Shuaibu, F.H. Bunza, S.K. Manya, A.S. Bello, S.U. Mukhtar, U.A. S/Kudu. Kogi: Justices F. Ajayi, S. Umar, M.M. Gwatana, A.S. Husaini, S. Zubayru, B. Aina, D. Yakubu. Kwara: Justices A.A. Adebara, A.S. Halima, A. Gegele, F.D. Lawal, J.Z. Umar, M.A. Oniye, O.I. Olabisi, K. Abdul-Latif. Lagos: Justices M.O. Obadina, J.E. Oyefeso, A.O. Opesanwo, L.B.L. Akapo, J.A. Kudirat, S.S. Ogunsanya, I.O. Akinkugbe, O.A. Adamson. Nasarawa: Justices R.G. Soji, A.M. Mainoma, S.A. Ayiwulu, A.A. Ozegyu, M.A. Ramat, J.K. Kurape, A.T. Chanbo. Niger: Justices M. Abdullahi, S.T. Zainab, Y.G. Bilkisu, I. Usman, I. Hauwa Kulu, L.M. Amina, M.I. Khadijat. Ondo: Justice O.A. Osadebay, P.O. Ikujuni, W.R. Olamide, O. Sunday, J.O. Abe, A. Enikuomehin, T.M. Adedipe, A.E. Akeredolu. Ogun: C.C. Ogunsanya, Justice O. Ogunfowora, A.A.S. Femi, A.O. Araba, A.A. Adewole, I.O. Awofeso, D.I. Dipeolu. Osun: Justice A.A. Ajeibe, A.O. Ayoola, K.M. Akano, A.L. Adegoke, M.O. Agboola, S.A. Oke, M.O. Okediya, A.O. Adenji. Oyo: Justices G.A. Sunmonu, O.M. Fadeyi, E.O. Ajayi, M.L. Owolabi, M.I. Sule, L.A. Ganiyu, B.A. Taiwo, O.A. Adetujoye. Plateau: Justices A.I. Ashom, N.J. Dadi, T. Zololo, G.M. Kamyal, V. Dadom, D.S. Damulak, S.S. Fomber, B.M. Bassi. Rivers: Justices M.O. Opara, G.C. Aguma, F. Onyiri, L.T. Senewo, F.A. Fiberesima, L. Ngbor-Abina, O.D. Gbasam, S.S. Popnen. Sokoto: Justices M.U. Dogondaji, A.G. Sifawa, M. Mohammed, S. Shehu, M.A. Sambo, D.Y. Danjega, B.Y. Tambuwa, B. Ibrahim. Taraba: Justice S. Haruna, A.B. Abbare, C.J. Katabs, M.A. Badamasi, E. Tata, K.A.A. Yara. Yobe: Justices M.Z. Usman, K.B. Yusuf, M. Kyari, H.L. Musa, H.S. Tahir, K.M.B Inuwa, A.K. Kime. Zamfara: Justices H. Mikailu, B.M. Kucheri, I.H. Ismaila, U. AbdulNasir, S.G. G/Bore, B. Rabi. FCT High Court: Justices M.E. Anenih, O.A. Adeniyi, A.I. Kutigi, A.O. Otaluka, Y. Halilu, A.O. Ebong, B. Hassan, E. Enenche, A.S. Usman. Federal High Court: Justices A.A. Okeke, M.A. Onytenu, H.R.A. Shagari, J.O. Abdulmalik. National Industrial Court: Justices I.S. Galadima, S.H. Danjidda, K.D. Damuak. Read the full article

[espbase]

[njenjemedia]

[ad_1] In obedience to the Appeal Court ruling setting aside the sacking of all the candidates of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Ogun State, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has relisted the candidates of the party. In an update on Thursday, Ladi Adebutu appeared on the INEC list as the PDP governorship candidate in Ogun State, while Adekunle Akinlade was listed as the deputy governorship candidate in the 2023 election. INEC had earlier removed Adebutu and 39 other candidates of the PDP from its list of candidates in Ogun State, citing a court order. DAILY POST recalls that an Abeokuta Federal High Court on September 27 ordered the electoral umpire to remove all PDP candidates after nullifying all its primary elections. But, the Ibadan Appeal Court set aside the judgment on November 28, saying Segun Seriki, Taiwo Olabode, Samson Bamgbose and others did not have the locus standi to challenge the primaries as they were not aspirants. In a statement titled, ‘Amended List of Final List of Candidates Pursuant To Court Orders’, INEC recalled that it published the final list of governorship candidates on October 4, 2022, in accordance with the provisions of Section 32 of the Electoral Act, 2022. “After the said publication, the Commission was served Orders of Court in respect of the nomination of candidates for Governorship, Senatorial, House of Representatives and State House of Assembly elections. “By virtue of the provision of Section 287 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended), the Commission is bound to enforce the Orders of Court on the Nomination of candidates by political parties in the affected Constituencies,” it was said. Consequently, INEC said the lists of candidates were amended pursuant to the Orders of Court served on it as of December 21, 2022, for upload on its website. With this, all Ogun PDP candidates, including Olumde Aderinokun of Ogun Central, Toyin Amuzu of Abeokuta South Federal Constituency and others, have been reinstated as contestants in the 2023 polls. Meanwhile, the Ogun Central senatorial candidate, Aderinokun, and the Abeokuta South House representatives candidate, Amuzu have commenced their campaigns in earnest, appealing to voters to stand with the PDP next year. [ad_2]

[znewstech]

Gujarat Election Results 2022: Full list of winners & constituencies | Ahmedabad News - Times of India

Gujarat Election Results 2022: Full list of winners & constituencies | Ahmedabad News – Times of India

The BJP set new records in Gujarat assembly elections with its victory as it stormed back to power with 156 seats. The Congress party finished second, winning 17 seats. Here’s the full list of the assembly constituencies and the winning candidates: Abdasa : Jadeja Pradhyumansinh Mahipatsinh (BJP) Akota : Chaitanya Makarandbhai Desai (BJP) Amraiwadi : Hasmukh Patel (BJP) Amreli : Kaushik Kantibhai…

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[newslobster]

Gujarat Election Result 2022: Full List Of Leading Candidates

Gujarat Election Result 2022: Full List Of Leading Candidates

Election Results: The elections were held in two phases on December 1 and 5 The BJP today scored a landslide victory in Gujarat – the state it has been ruling since 1995. BJP chief strategist Amit Shah had set a 140-seat target for the 2022 Assembly elections, which the party comfortably crossed, and even delivered the best-ever poll score in the state.  The new BJP government in Gujarat is set…

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[hindiurdunews]

Himachal Pradesh Election Result 2022 LIVE Counting Underway: Check Full List of Winners Here

Himachal Pradesh Election Result 2022 LIVE Counting Underway: Check Full List of Winners Here

LIVE Himachal Election Result 2022 List of Winners: Counting of votes in 68-assembly seats of Himachal Pradesh is underway and so far results of two seats have been declared. So far, the BJP has won 5 seats and Congress has won 1. Meanwhile, a close fight is being witnessed between the ruling BJP and the main opposition Congress in Himachal Pradesh while Independent candidates are also trailing…

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[mayindianews]

Himachal Pradesh Election Result 2022 winners' list: Complete constituency-wise

Himachal Pradesh Election Result 2022 winners’ list: Complete constituency-wise

On December 8, the vote-counting process for the Himachal Pradesh election of 2022 will start. The results of the 68 assembly seats will be released as soon as the Himachal Pradesh election of 2022 is over. The BJP and the Congress are the two primary candidates for the HP election in 2022. The state is hilly and has 68 seats, with 35 being the midpoint. In the Himachal Pradesh election of 2022,…

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[mariacallous]

President Yoon Suk Yeol’s conservative People Power Party (PPP) suffered a major setback in South Korea’s parliamentary election held on April 10, 2024. Of the 300 seats in the National Assembly, the PPP secured only 108 seats through direct and proportional elections. Meanwhile, the major progressive opposition Democratic Party of Korea (DPK) and its satellite parties expanded its majority to 175 seats, hampering Yoon’s ability to govern for his remaining three years in office. Although the Yoon government’s domestic agenda may become further imperiled, his active foreign policy agenda will largely stay intact, including his staunch support for the U.S.-South Korea alliance and promotion of South Korea as a global pivotal state.

A referendum on President Yoon

South Korea’s midterm election was largely seen as a referendum on Yoon. Since coming to office in May 2022, Yoon’s domestic approval ratings have remained low, rarely breaking past 40 percent. Although support for the DPK and its party leader, Lee Jae-myung, has tracked equally as low, South Koreans were more likely to associate their country’s current economic woes, including inflation and high prices, with the ruling government.

A series of small, but unfortunate events and gaffes by Yoon during the election campaign may have also helped tip the scales in favor of opposition candidates in contested districts. In the months leading up to South Korea’s election, minor scandals surrounding the president’s wife and his former defense minister, an ongoing strike by the country’s medical doctors, and the president’s seemingly trivial comment about the price of green onions made him look out of touch.

Moreover, the rapid growth in support for a new progressive party founded by former Minister of Justice Cho Kuk just a month before the election attests to Yoon’s domestic unpopularity. Cho established the Rebuilding Korea Party (RKP) explicitly to challenge the Yoon administration, which he described as “dictatorial” and “anti-democratic.”  Despite the former justice minister’s own corruption scandals and indictment, the RKP performed better than any other third party, winning 12 seats in the party-list proportional voting system.

Domestic political challenges

A divided government and ongoing political polarization will make it especially difficult for government and opposition leaders to make compromises and find bold solutions to pressing social and economic problems, such as high inflation, falling birth rates, and the lack of affordable housing.

Yoon will continue to face challenges in implementing his domestic priorities. During recent town hall meetings, the president unveiled several policy initiatives in hopes of attracting voters, including plans for new housing through urban redevelopment and new infrastructure projects. Just prior to the election, Yoon promised major investment in a new industrial complex for the development of semiconductors and artificial intelligence and pledged to relocate the National Assembly out of Seoul to the administrative city of Sejong in the middle of the country. However, his government will face obstacles in the National Assembly in financing such projects with progressives holding a commanding majority.

Greater continuity in foreign policy

The basic contours of Yoon’s foreign and national security policy, including support for the U.S.-South Korean alliance, deterring North Korea, and the U.S.-Japan-Korea trilateral, will persist. Relations with the United States will also remain positive given wide public support, even among progressives, for the U.S.-South Korea alliance.

Likewise, the South Korean public’s unfavorable views of China and broad recognition of Chinese coercive actions in the region have muted major criticism that Yoon has antagonized China. Despite the Yoon government’s close alignment with Washington, Seoul has also maintained space to engage Beijing diplomatically. Last week, the Yoon government announced Seoul would host a China-Japan-South Korea trilateral summit in late May.

Nevertheless, the DPK’s electoral gains will take some of the wind out of Yoon’s foreign policy sails. The DPK may complicate further South Korean rapprochement with Japan and demand that Yoon seek greater concessions from Tokyo to address historical grievances. This in turn may slow the pace of U.S.-Japan-Korea trilateral cooperation and the implementation of the deliverables announced during the Camp David trilateral summit in 2023, particularly those that call for greater military cooperation with Japan.

Opposition party members may also feel more emboldened to speak out against Yoon’s hostile approach to North Korea in contrast to the DPK’s desire for greater inter-Korea engagement. Yoon’s revised unification plan for the two Koreas, which incorporates principles of freedom and democracy, will likely be criticized by DPK members.

A lame duck?

The term “lame duck” has been repeatedly used to describe Yoon’s remaining time in office. However, Yoon’s predicament may not significantly diverge from his first two years in office since the DPK did not win a supermajority—over 200 seats—needed to overcome filibusters and override presidential vetoes. The election results are also unlikely to change the overall tenor of South Korea’s polarized politics, as the ruling and opposition parties continue to highlight scandals and pursue corruption charges against their political opponents. Although political momentum may shift to the DPK, the PPP will likely regroup in preparation for the next presidential election in 2027 as it did following even greater losses by the conservative party in the 2020 parliamentary elections.

For South Korea’s allies and partners, some concern may emerge regarding whether the Yoon government can sustain its activist foreign policy agenda, including support for Ukraine or increased attention to Taiwan and cross-Strait relations. Yoon, however, is unlikely to backtrack on the idea of South Korea becoming a global pivotal state, as foreign policy and national security issues are typically the prerogatives of the president in South Korean politics, and Yoon remains at the helm of Korea’s strong executive branch.

Seoul recently hosted the third Summit for Democracy in March, and in May will co-host the AI Safety Summit and the China-Japan-Korea trilateral summit. NATO is looking toward South Korea and other Asian countries for greater support on Ukraine. Although unlikely, a more inward-looking South Korea resulting from the president’s so-called “lame-duck” status would be a loss for the international community.

Beyond partisan politics, the DPK too has a stake in elevating South Korea’s global role. Although North Korea and Japan issues elicit starkly different responses from South Korean progressives and conservatives, in recent years, attitudes towards the U.S.-South Korea alliance and China have somewhat converged. The United States and its allies should therefore continue to work with Seoul, irrespective of the party in power, to promote regional security and global order.

[taylorscottbarnett]

Wierd, unexpected 2022 election results:

Can we talk about how Democrats vulnerable Senate races where for the most part, not even really that close in a Democratic President's midterm who has pretty bad approval raitings?

Pennsylvania had the democrat running +5 in an open senate seat.

That's the same margin that dems kept Arizona's Senate seat: +5.

North Carolina Republicans held the seat by a mear +3. Somthing that definitely suggests the seat is competitive, and in a environment favoring Democrats they could have taken the seat.

In Wisconsin of all things, Republicans only claimed the open seat by +0.99. Less than 1%.

State Races things got even weirder:

Democrats all but ran the table. In the midterm of an unpopular Democrat as President.

The big states for Democrats: Arizona, Michigan, Nevada, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin.

Wisconsin has been a particularly sore spot for Democrats for years now, given it's severe rightward shift.

And in states where 2024 was not such a source of concern, such as Colorado, Maine and Minnesota, Democrats were mostly just trying to stave off defeats they feared were all too likely.

Democrats won handily over election denying candidates for Governor in Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin of all places.

And in Michigan, Democrats secured a trifecta with both legeslative chambers flipping blue for the first time in decades. Further Democratic House candidates outperformed Biden in several Michigan districts.

In Minnesota Democrats won a trifecta.

They held both chambers in Colorado, Maine, Nevada and Oregon.

Thet prevented Republican Supermajorities able to override vetos of a Governor in the North Carolina House and the Wisconsin State Assembly. They did this while being wildly underfunded in state races.

More on Wisconsin:

Unlike many states, where partisan Secretaries of State oversee elections, Wisconsin uses a six-member, bipartisan elections commission.

Unfortunately this leads to 3-3 deadlocks at times--- as it did last month over rules regarding poll watchers.

Republicans openly talked about shutting down the commission outright and giving the power to the Secretary of State or the Governor. However they didn't take the Governorship or win Supermajorities in the state legislative chambers so fuck those ideas.

In Arizona the Attorney General race is a nail-bitter. Former Republican Kris Mayes, who switched to the Democratic Party in 2019, is just 0.02% ahead -- a little over 500 votes Vs his Trump-backed opponent-- a position that could have major ramifications in 2024.

Back in July Republicans hungrily eyed taking control of legeslative chambers in Nevada, Maine, Oregon, and Washington, adding to their target list of Colorado and Minnesota's statehouses.

(Fun fact, Republicans haven't won a state-wide race in Minnesota since 2006). The DFL Minnesota ((Democratic–Farmer–Labor Party (DFL) ) remains in control of the State House and the State Senate flipped to Democratic control.

And liberal superpacs SWAMPED the races in ads. (Forward Majority and the States Project in particular, they posted record spending for Dems).

Further, although close, Democrats held off Republican wins for Governor in Kansas and Oregon.

In 2022. With an unpopular democratic president facing his first midterm, battling high inflation and fierce Republican resistance, after passing a host of landlark legislation (with big price tags) not a single state legislative chamber flipped from blue to red. A party in power hasn’t achieved that result in a midterm election year since at least 1934.

Democrats further kept their decades-old majority in the Illinois State Supreme Court, and overall there was no huge upset in the power balance nationwide.

New York was probably Democrats biggest disappointment. Republicans flipped 4-5 seats (two commandingly).

And in Ohio, a state that's seen a severe rightward shift in the last decade -- so much so I don't even consider it a swing-state anymore -- when like every part of the state (save like two) voted more for Democrats than in 2020. J.D. Vance only won by +6. In 2016 Republicans took the Senate seat by an astounding +20.8 points, roughly in line with their 2010 win in a largely Democratic blood-bath.

Overall the results suggest that the next time these Senate seats are up in 2028 -- another midterm year, Ohio and Wisconsin could be extremely close races for Democrats to win.

Suburban voters have also continued their shift blue, a trend starting in 2018, and continued through 2020, and 2022.

Assuming no large shift in the usual cities being huge democratic advantages and rural areas being huge Republican advantages in races, an increasingly diverse (and Millenial) suburban voter is critical to control of national and state-wide races. These increased voting blue under Trump and that has only continued despite overall what should be Republican-friendly environments.

#politics #trump #us politics #midterms #Democrats

[hardynwa]

Kaduna guber: 7 candidates reject results declared by INEC, petition DSS, others

Aggrieved political parties candidates in Kaduna State under the aegis of Kaduna State Rescue and Rebuild Gubernatorial Candidates Forum have rejected the result declared by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) at the just concluded Governorship and House of Assembly elections in the state, which produced Uba Sani of the All Progressives Congress (APC) as Governor elect. This was contained in a statement signed by Amb. Sanin Yaya,Kaduna State Chairman Rescue and Rebuild Gubernatorial Candidate Forum on the 21st march and made available to journalists in Kaduna on Wednesday. The forum called on INEC to do the needful on the purported result announced which declared the APC Candidate as winner in the just concluded election, maintaining that the purported result was unacceptable to them and their supporters. According to the statement, “Members of the Press …we wish to address you all and other loyal voters in the state on the purported election result declared by INEC which is unacceptable to us and many as well. “On this, I wish to refer you to the Electoral Act 2022 which states that; “Where the margin of lead between the two leading candidates is less than the total number of PVCS collected in the polling unit(s); “… where election was held or was cancelled in line with Sections 24 (2 & 3), 47 (3) and 51(2) of the Electoral Act 2022 the Returning Officer shall decline to make a return until polls have taken place in the affected Polling Unit(s) and the results incorporated into new form EC8D and subsequently recorded into form EC8E for declaration and return.” “AGAIN! We wish to state clearly that in many Polling Units in all the Local Governments Form EC40G were filled by Returning Officers and the number of registered voters who collected their Permanent Voters Card in these polling units are more than the margin of lead/win in the Governorship Elections in Kaduna State. “In a case like these, what we expect is that INEC should postpone announcement of results of governorships election in the state until a supplementary election is conducted in the affected polling units where elections where cancelled. “As well, in every massive cancellation of election result conducted in many polling units during the governorship election in almost all the Local Governments in the state; “…especially in Kudan Local Government where the election result in two (2) Wards were not entered in the collated governorship election result for the Kudan Local Government despite the fact that election was conducted in the polling units of the two wards and the result posted on INECresult viewing portal (IRev Portal).” “Therefore, our position is that INEC has been compromised by the ruling party despite the fact that they are an umpire that is entrusted to hold a free, fair and credible election.” “We the under-listed political parties are calling on INEC to adhere to the rule of Law, to with immediate effect cancel the Governorship result declared earlier.Political Parties are;Young Progressives Party (YPP),Allied Peoples Movement (APM),Action Peoples Party (APP),National Rescue Movement (NRM),Action Alliance (AA);All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA) ,Action Democratic Party (ADP).” “Accept the assurances of our effort to save Democracy while we await INEC’s immediate action.” The message which was signed by Amb. Sanin Yaya of the Kaduna State Chairman Rescue and Rebuild Gubernatorial Candidate Forum, was copied to the Commissioner of Police,Kaduna State Command,the GOC 1 Mechanized Division, Kaduna, the Director,State Security Service, Kaduna State Command.,the Commandant, Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corp (NSCDC),kaduna State Command, the State Commissioner,Ìndependent Corrupt Practices and other Related Offences Commission,Kaduna Office. Read the full article

[shaktiknowledgeblog]

gujarat elections 2022 | gujarat elections | Congress party list candidates | elections | exit polls | exit polls 2022

gujarat elections 2022 | gujarat elections | Congress party list candidates | elections | exit polls | exit polls 2022

Congress party announced the first list of 43 candidates for the Gujarat Assembly elections. gujaratelections2022 This time the election of Gujarat is not going to be easy for the Bharatiya Janata Party because this time there is very little hope for BJP because there the public has got to see a lot of different types and all the three major parties are doing their best. There is campaigning…

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[njenjemedia]

[ad_1] September 27, 2022, is a day many members of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Ogun State would not forget in a hurry because of the indelible court judgement delivered that day. Earlier on the said day, members of the different PDP factions had thronged the Federal High Court in Abeokuta in anticipation of a favourable judgement, Njenje Media News reports. Some aggrieved leaders of the party had gone to court to challenge the primary elections that produced Ladi Adebutu and others as the candidates of the PDP in Ogun State. Delivering judgement, the Abeokuta Federal High Court, in Suit No: FHC/AB/CS/83/2022, between Prince Adesegun Seriki and Ors v INEC and Ors, as well as Suit No: FHC/AB/CS/87/2022, between Taiwo Olabode Idris and Ors v PDP and Ors, nullified all PDP primary elections in Ogun, ordering the State executive to conduct a rerun in 14 days. The judgement immediately rendered the PDP ‘candidateless’ as the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) released its final list without the names of those nominated by the PDP in Ogun, citing court order. The judgement was a soothing balm to Adebutu’s opponents within the party and members of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). But for those who are in the PDP for real contest, Justice O. Oguntoyinbo’s pronouncement was a clog in their wheel of progress. It was not news that supporters of the APC had said in their calculations that the Ogun PDP would continue to battle court cases till the 2023 general elections. The reason for this is not unconnected with the fact that the PDP alone is battling a plethora of court cases in different courts across the nation. With this, other political parties continued to woo Adebutu’s supporters, telling them that the PDP would not be on the ballot for the 2023 polls. Our sources report that loyalists of former Governor Ibikunle Amosun, who are now with Biyi Otegbeye in the African Democratic Congress (ADC), saw the September 27 court decision as an opportunity to lure back their people, who decamped with Adekunle Akinlade to the PDP. Little did they know that a similar treatment was awaiting them in the same court, until November 25 when Otegbeye and all the 26 ADC Assembly candidates were sacked. For two months, political activities of the PDP in Ogun State were in a halt. The party could not flag off its campaign, even as followers were living in fear of not having candidates for the election. Our correspondent recalls that the actions of Jimi Lawal, Segun Showunmi, Segun Seriki and others pointed to the insinuation that Adebutu might not survive the legal battles confronting him from different angles. It could be recalled that after the PDP National Working Committee had appealed Oguntoyinbo’s judgement, Jimi Lawal had quickly gathered a few members of the State Working Committee to conduct an illegal primary, in which he declared himself winner and governorship candidate of the party. Despite being expelled from the party, Lawal had approached the court asking that he be declared the candidate of the PDP based on the said rerun primary. But, Justice Akintayo Aluko described the primary as illegal, unconstitutional and void. Justice Aluko declared that the rerun primary election purportedly conducted by Lawal on October 17, was not in compliance with the orders made by the Federal High Court, Abeokuta on September 27. Solace after two months of tension Reprieve came the way of Adebutu and his followers on November 28, when the Appeal Court sitting in Ibadan set aside the ‘excruciating’ September 27 judgement sacking all PDP candidates.  Delivering judgement, Justice Nimpar Yargata said the trial court fell into error by nullifying the Ogun PDP primaries, having been conducted by the NWC of the party. Yargata said those who instituted the case at the lower court were not aspirants of the party and consequently had no locus standi to challenge the outcome of the primaries. The judgeme

nt of the appellate court removed the stumbling block before the PDP and cleared the way for its contestants. However, Lawal, as at the day of the Appeal Court ruling, still had a case pending before the Abuja Federal High Court, which was also challenging Adebutu’s candidacy. In his ruling on December 1, Justice Inyang Ekwo dismissed the suit for being incompetent and lacking in merit. Justice Ekwo held that Lawal failed to prove that the PDP breached its laws in selecting its flagbearer, calling him a spoiler. Though Jimi Lawal has threatened to appeal the two judgments, the PDP is at the moment working on how to settle all grievances and go into the elections as one indivisible entity. APC gets jittery, claims PDP Meanwhile, the PDP in Ogun State has described the judgments as “victory over the individual shenanigans and reckless arrogation of powers by some fifth columnists” within the PDP in the State. The party’s spokesman in Ogun, Akinloye Bankole told DAILY POST that the judgments were a testament to the legitimacy of the party’s resolve that the people of Ogun “will never be subjected to another years of hardship, maladministration and mindless looting of state resources to pay personal debts, expand businesses and settle family members, friends and concubines.” According to Bankole, members of the APC, who have been rejoicing during the setback period have come to terms with the reality of their looming defeat. “While we understand the overwhelming jittery that must have enveloped them currently, we want to assure them of a much worse feeling during the governorship election,” he said. To all members of the PDP, Bankole urged them to “come together under the big accommodating umbrella as we prepare to liberate the people of Ogun state.” DAILY POST reports that the 2023 election in Ogun State is currently between the ruling APC and the leading opposition party, the PDP. Otegbeye, who is also a leading candidate in the election has also assured that he would challenge the judgement of the lower court at the Court of Appeal. If he succeeds, the Ogun 2023 governorship race would be keenly contested by Dapo Abiodun, Adebutu and Amosun’s Otegbeye. [ad_2]