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A few months after they waste thousands of dollars on objects they could’ve bought cheaper at home (and with no exchange rate or outrageous gas expense), the nuns hold an annual fundraiser to ... raise thousands of dollars more...
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NOTE: This story published  in mid-December 2015 disappeared shortly after the nuns’ bishop was contacted by a pilgrim concerned about such seemingly unnecessary and superfluous spending. 
At the time of the nuns’ shopping spree, the Canadian dollar was very low (1 CAD = 0.72453 USD, thus 1,000.00 USD = 1,380.21 CAD; 1,000.00 CAD = 724.53 USD) The Loonie lost 17% of its value in 2015, the second-worst year it’s ever had. Also, most of the products purchased were available in stores close to the monastery and/or generally within the Quebec borders. Furthermore, the nuns bought a large amount of canned meat (designed for survivalist situations). However, monastics are forbidden to eat meat by the ecclesiastical canons, at these products are not fit to feed farm animals.
The concerned pilgrim was gaslighted, stonewalled, and then ignored for simply asking the bishop why his nuns had to travel 10 hours out of the country to buy products at a more expensive price (especially with the exchange rate) when they could have bought them in Canada and thus save on both gas money and expenses.
Less than 3 months after this superfluous shopping spree, the Quebec Monastery held their annual fundraiser in an attempt to raise more tens of thousands of dollars (perhaps to replace the wasted finances).
This post contains the Lehman’s Hardware article. Lehman’s has not responded to questions about why they removed the story from all their social media platforms (i.e. Twitter, Facebook, and the store’s website). 
A Visit From The Sisters of Le Troupeau Benit by Galen Lehman (December 15, 2015)
Last week our store was blessed with an interesting visit by a group of sisters from Quebec, Canada. These ladies live in a Greek Orthodox religious community and apparently use many of our products, as they came prepared with a LONG list of items they needed! The Sisters run a cheese factory called Le Troupeau Benit (The Blessed Flock) where they make and sell cheeses made from their very own sheep and goats.
Our staff member Roger helped them load up, and in the conversation discovered they live the Lehman’s lifestyle of gardening, cheesemaking and many other self-sufficient skills. They have electricity, but it frequently goes out on them. This trip was to get items to help when the power leaves them in the dark. Hurray for the Aladdin lamp! They had two vans with seats down and loaded all the goods into them, then had a 10-hour drive back home to Quebec.
We were honored and blessed to serve this very special group of sisters, and we thank them for their visit. We hope the products they purchased will be beneficial in aiding their noble ventures!
For more on these intriguing and enterprising women, visithttps://scottnevinssuicide.wordpress.com/2014/12/29/inauguration-of-new-cheesemaking-facilities-for-le-troupeau-benit-quebec-monastery/
 Monastery of the Virgin Mary the Consolatory
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There has always been a lot of cross border action between the monasteries and not always with ecclesiastical blessings.
For example, since the early 2000s, Geronda Joseph Voutsas, abbot of St Nektarios Monastery in Roscoe, NY, has made multiple trips yearly to Canada, without the Metropolitan’s knowledge ore blessing, to administer sacraments and perform ecclesiastical functions on sick and dying Christians. When he was the only priest, he’d go once or twice a year, usually after the Michigan feast day. But now that he has two priests, he can sneak into Canada as often as he wants. 
Geronda Ephraim blesses his hieromonks to break canons when the need arises. The reasoning is that because the bishops rulings or probable “no blessing” isn’t motivated by any ecclesiastically sound reason, but rather  jealousy and an attempt to obstruct Geronda’s godly work, certain measures have to be taken. The monasteries’ initial formation here were many times equated with the catacomb times of both Rome and Russia because of all the “persecution” stemming from the hierarchs.
So this is why there are many secret tonsures, crossing into jurisdictions without notifying the ruling hierarch or getting his blessing, not reporting spilling Christ’s blood to the bihsop if there’s only one priest at the monastery, etc.
Also see: https://scottnevinssuicide.wordpress.com/2015/12/17/canadian-nuns-drive-10-hours-to-ohio-to-purchase-armageddon-supplies/
https://scottnevinssuicide.wordpress.com/2015/04/28/the-concept-of-validation-in-geronda-ephraims-monasteries/
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A few months ago, a story from the Lehman’s Country Store Blog about some of Geronda Ephraim’s nuns travelling 10 hours to a small Ohio town to fill two vans with tens of thousands of dollars worth of goods was circulating around the web. At the time of the nuns’ shopping spree, the Canadian dollar was very low (1 CAD = 0.72453 USD, thus 1,000.00 USD = 1,380.21 CAD; 1,000.00 CAD = 724.53 USD) The Loonie lost 17% of its value in 2015, the second-worst year it’s ever had. Also, most of the products purchased were available in stores close to the monastery and/or generally within the Quebec borders. Furthermore, the nuns bought a large amount of canned meat (designed for survivalist situations). However, monastics are forbidden to eat meat by the ecclesiastical canons, at these products are not fit to feed farm animals.
The above photos are screenshots of the email exchange between a “concerned pilgrim” and the Canadian Metropolis about the Quebec nuns’ shopping spree in Ohio. It is an excellent example of the methodology used by Geronda Ephraim’s monasteries to “invalidate” a story; i.e. to render a historical event and reality non-existent, as if it never happened.
December 16, 2015, The day Lehman’s published the story a concerned pilgrim wrote their bishop, Metropolitan Sotirios and asked about this peculiar incident.
December/January, Lehman’s social media sites start deleting the post about the nuns’ shopping spree.
January 10, 2015, a priest from Montreal responded to the pilgrim and essentially said, “You’re wrong, it is not true.” By this time, all the social media platforms belonging to Lehman’s had deleted the story, though their digital footprints still remain on the web.
January 17, 2016, the pilgrim responds to this priest and writes the bishop again concerning the unsatisfactory and offensive answer he received.
January 20, 2016, the Metropolitan responds, claiming “regarding the purchases of the nuns of Panagia the Comforter Monastery from the Lehman’s Hardware and Appliances Inc. I do not know anything about this. I have asked Abbess Thekla for an explanation and then I will write to you.”
January 2016, Lehman’s Hardware does not respond to questions concerning why they deleted this story from all their social media platforms.
February 19, 2016, the concerned pilgrim writes another inquiry due to having heard nothing in a month
February 23, 2016, Basil Roccas answers on behalf of the bishop, stating “Gerondissa Thekla fell sick with pneumonia while on a pilgrimage to Arizona recently, and as of last week was still in Arizona.  She presumably has not had the opportunity to reply to His Eminence’s letter, and this is why His Eminence has not replied to you.”
March 6, 2016, The Quebec Monastery has their annual fundraiser.
May 15, 2016, As of this date there has been no further response from the Metropolis. Ignoring people does not make them go away… lack of transparency does not inspire people to donate money, either.
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After the 4th-5th century, suicide was no longer an acceptable practise to preserve chastity which creates a little confusion. Those before this time period are saints in the ranks of heaven, whereas those who commit suicide after this time period have committed mortal sin and lost their souls.
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This is a condensed article taken from Misunderstanding Cults: Searching for Objectivity in a Controversial Field, pp. 123-155. 
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Studies show substantial differences in the rates of suicide between countries and even between different areas within the same country. By studying suicide statistics across communities, researchers have identified specific factors influencing suicidal activity.
Eduard Ponarin examined some of these factors in his previous study on the relationship between suicide rates and participation in public gatherings, such as football matches, concerts, and religious events. He found, in particular, that members of newer religious movements are more prone to suicidal activity than Orthodox Christians and suggested that Orthodox priests may have learned from experience to use a more cautious and perhaps more practical approach to miracles to avoid causing disillusionment among followers.
Ponarin’s new study looks more broadly at differences in suicidal activity between followers of older religions, not limited to the Orthodox Church, and more recent religious denominations. For his study, he used data from the U.S. where, according to the researchers, more people are more religious compared to Europe and religious diversity is more common, as well as more relevant data being available for analysis.
The researchers used a variety of health and demographic data sources to obtain a comprehensive picture of suicide, covering more than 2,000 counties in 50 states over a period of five years between 2000 and 2006.
Ponarin and Usenko examined suicide rates per 100,000 people, broken down by gender, race, ethnicity, age, and method used, such as hanging, poisoning, use of a firearm, use of a sharp object, jumping from height, etc.
Ponarin presented his findings at the LCSR's Fourth International Conference 'Cultural and Economic Change in a Cross-National Perspective."
Being in a Minority Causes Frustration
Ponarin and Usenko examined data on members of 18 religious denominations, of which the smallest was represented in 297 of the 2,000 counties in the USA and the largest in 1,711 of these counties.
The authors’ original hypothesis of a relationship between suicide rates and the age of the subjects' religious denomination was confirmed. Ponarin and Usenko found that Jews, Muslims, Orthodox Christians, and Roman Catholics were the least likely to commit suicide, followed by members of older Protestant churches. In contrast, Dutch Protestants, Adventists, and Baptists were found to be more prone to suicide, while the highest suicide rates were found among members of independent charismatic churches, Mormons, Anglicans, and Quakers.
"Older religions have learned over time to relate to their followers in ways which do not cause discomfort," Ponarin explains. On the other hand, some of the more recent denominations tend to involve followers in practices resulting in psychological discomfort and confrontation with others, i.e. when trying to convert them to one's faith (proselytism).
Another important factor influencing the likelihood of suicide is whether one's religion is shared by many other people in a given territory. According to Ponarin, being in a religious minority makes some people feel like social outcasts. Conversely, living in a community where most people belong to your faith-e.g. being a Mormon in Utah-demonstrably reduces suicide rates.
The study also examined suicide rates among non-believers and found them to be higher than in members of old religions. "Perhaps being religious makes one feel part of a community and thus lowers anxiety," the researchers explain, also referring to the positive effect of Orthodox religious events on women in Dnipropetrovsk reported in Ponarin et al.'s previous study.
Max Weber's Theory Challenged
According to Ponarin, suicide rates also correlate with whether one believes in life after death. "Older religions do not require followers to spread their teachings and thus allow people to keep certain dogmas, not always compatible with common sense, at the back of their minds without giving them much thought," he argues. Belief in life after death is a basic tenet of virtually all religions, but many members of older religions feel comfortable practicing their faith without really believing in life after death. "Thus, they do not suffer cognitive dissonance, as opposed to adepts of newer religious movements," the researchers explain.
This study brings some updates to the classic theory of sociology. "Our findings complement those of Emile Durkheim who only examined Protestants, Catholics, and Jews as whole groups without making distinctions between different Protestant denominations,” Ponarin says. He also suggests that in a way, his study challenges Max Weber's theory of modern society's progressive rationalisation, illustrated by his comparison between Catholics and Protestants—in Weber’s view, the latter were more rational. "In contrast, we argue that older religions which have stood the test of time are more rational than newer ones," Ponarin argues.
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Controversial article.
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The entire article can be read below:
NEW YORK – Alex Prodes, a 53-year-old former Greek Orthodox priest (defrocked by choice), lives on his Social Security disability income, two years ago tried to kill himself. The divorced father of two – he sees his children only twice a year – referring to his failed suicide attempt asked his doctor: “why didn’t I die?”
Prodes didn’t want to live anymore. He says that in 1979, 17 years old and the leader of the altar boys at the Evangelismos Church in Easton, PA, Prodes was sexually abused by Archimandrite Stanley Adamakis, and it was that abuse that led to Prodes’ emotional downfall, culminating in the act of trying to take his own life.
SERIAL PEDOPHILE
Adamakis had a history of homosexuality and pedophilia, about which TNH reported extensively. The Archdiocese was then headed by Archbishop Iakovos and his Chancellor, Rev. George Bakopoulos, was in charge of appointments and transfers. Adamakis was sent from parish to parish, sexually molesting young boys virtually  wherever he went.
Adamakis, who began his life in the church as an altar boy at the Annunciation Cathedral in Boston, MA, later served as Iakovos’ driver when the latter was the Cathedral’s priest.
Soon after Adamakis was ordained a celibate (unmarried) priest, he engaged in pedophilia. First in New England, and then Easton, where he abused Prodes, his brother, and a first cousin of theirs.
Additional incidents followed at parishes in New Mexico and California, and as we reported in 2007, the Archdiocese paid over $1 million to the victims in an out-of-court settlement. One of Adamakis’ victims was related to him.
Adamakis spend seven years in jail in California, but continued the abuse after his release.
He was found dead at age 61 on July 20, 2003, in the parking lot of the Panorama City, CA apartment complex in which he lived, shot to death with an assault rifle by his 24-year-old lover, Tu Luong Hua, who was subsequently convicted of first degree murder.
ABUSE, AND DEATH THREATS
In a four-hour interview with TNH, Prodes detailed the abuse he suffered at Adamakis’ hands. He brought along several supporting documents, including a handwritten note by his victim cousin, John Bednar, then-13, detailing his own abuse.
Prodes also provided a copy of an extensive letter dated December 29, 1979, written by his mother, Aspasia, to then-Bishop Maximos of Pittsburgh, which describes Adamakis’ acts toward her two sons and Bednar.
Prodes began studying to be a priest at the Hellenic College and Holy Cross Greek Orthodox School of Theology (HCHC), and then went to St. Tikhon’s Seminary in Waymart, PA to complete his studies.
“I felt God’s calling” from age 11, when he served as an altar boy, Prodes told TNH. Then Adamakis arrived to the parish, with his “money, custom black Trans-Am, and hair fixed nice,” and modeled himself after Iakovos, whom Adamakis called his spiritual father, Prodes said.
“My dad was the parish president and Adamakis became very close to our family. He came to the house often; he invited us to his house. He started giving us gifts and money. He let me use his car. He took us to dinner; he was trying to endear himself to us, especially me, as the head of the altar boys. I was 17, my brother was 14, and our  cousin was 13,” he continued.
“I had a lot of respect for him, but then he started to shock me,” Prodes said, relaying how Adamakis, during confession, asked Prodes whether he had sex with girls, and encouraging him to describe the sexual acts in specific detail.
Then, Prodes says, Adamakis became more aggressive, probing Prodes both in and out of confession as to whether he thought about other men sexually, and whether he sexually pleasured himself, and/or watched pornography.
“I come from a good family, I was naive,” Prodes says. “I didn’t have any experience with homosexuals let along with a homosexual priest. I was confused; I didn’t know what to make out of that. I thought maybe this is normal. Maybe this is what the confessor asks because I had not been to confession before.”
Then, Adamakis “started to get closer and closer, He started to give me hugs, kisses on the cheek. He brought us over to his house, where he had a lot of homosexual pornographic movies and magazines. One day, I told him I would to tell my mom and dad. We were in all in his house: me, my brother, and my cousin. He took out a gun and threatened to kill us and my parents if I said anything. I was scared I didn’t say anything. He grabbed me he put the gun to my head.
“One day after Liturgy, he and I were in the altar and I was putting some things on the Holy Table. He came up behind me and…I was shocked, I didn’t know what to do. I was afraid.”
Prodes and Bednar went to Adamakis’ house one day to interview him about a project Prodes had for school about theological differences between Orthodox and Catholics. After the interview, Prodes went downstairs, leaving Adamakis and Bednar alone upstairs. Adamakis came on to Bednar, but the latter pushed him away and then, a few hours later, wrote the letter – now in TNH’s possession – about what transpired.
Aspasia Prodes found the letter, asked Prodes what was going on, at which point “I started crying and told her everything.”  That’s when she wrote the letter to Maximos.
THE COVER-UP
“Maximos called me into his office,” Prodes relays. He asked me about it, and I told him everything. He didn’t say much. The only thing he said was: ‘don’t worry, Alex, we are going to take care of it. I am going to remove him.’ He said ‘please don’t go to the police, let the Church, let me, let the Archdiocese take care of the issue.’
Other clergy told him the same thing. “My parents are so spiritual and so obedient. They are church people. They were convinced that the Archdiocese would resolve the issue. But they didn’t do anything; they simply transferred Adamakis to another parish.”
RECOURSE
Both the Pittsburgh Diocese and the Archdiocese told the Prodes family not to go to the police, promising instead to resolve the issue themselves. At that point, they transferred Adamakis to New Mexico.
The Prodes brothers and Bednar have now asked for $2.4 million in damages, but the Archdiocese refused because the statute of limitations has expired and there is no one at the Archdiocese now who can substantiate the allegations. Now-retired Metropolitan Maximos is unable to testify due to illness.
Instead, the Archdiocese has offered to pay up to $10,000 per person for a year of counseling.
The Prodes brothers and the Archdiocese’s Executive Director of Administration, Jerry Demetriou, have all given sworn depositions.
Prodes told TNH of other sexual assaults against him, by HCHC officials, when he studied there. At press time, TNH had not verified those allegations.
AN OPEN BOOK
After graduating from St. Tikhon’s, Prodes was ordained a priest. He divorced 11 years ago, stating that the abuse he suffered caused him to turn to gambling as an outlet. “I was destroyed physically and mentally. Two years ago, I attempted suicide by swallowing 60 sleeping pills. I wanted to put an end to my misery.” Subsequently, Prodes went for psychiatric treatment.
But why did Prodes take so long to come forward? “A lot of factors. The community, my family, my name, my parents, my children, my wife – it was just an embarrassment. It was not easy. I have been wrestling with it ever since it happened.
“Even though it has taken this long, 37 I finally said I don’t care what the consequences are for me. What else can I suffer? I have lost everything. I want my story to be known. I want to have healing, closure. They destroyed my life. I want to see justice done. They all protect each other. That close-knit community of homosexuals who cover for one another.”
Prodes maintains that he is by no means a homosexual. “I hate it, I have nothing to do with homosexuality and have never had a homosexual activity [outside of the abuse he endured], ever.”
Prodes says if he had to do it all over again, he never would have become a priest. At HCHC, “I saw all the corruption, homosexuality, alcohol, drugs, sex, and rapes (he mentioned specific females’ names and male students who are now priests).
His defrocking from the priesthood was at his own request.
There were implications at one time that he was involved with a 16-year-old girl from his parish, but Prodes insists that there was nothing inappropriate about it. He was having problems with his wife at the time, he says, but his interaction with the girl – via Internet chats – was innocent.
“Are you telling the truth,” we asked? “Yes,” Prodes replied. “I’m an open book.”
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A new report by WHO, Health for the World's Adolescents: A Second Chance in the Second Decade, shows that in every region except Africa, suicide was among the top three causes of death. The report links to interactive graphicson adolescent mortality by age, sex, and region.
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Fr. George Passias has been a spiritual child of Geronda Ephraim for decades.
One of the videos sent to The Post features Bouzalas sitting on a banana bread load wrapped in cellophane until it's flattened while donning black stiletto heels and lingerie. In another one of the videos Bouzalas rubs her feet all over the priests face while they both lie under a mirrored ceiling. A third video shows the priest performing oral sex on Bouzalas while she is wearing sheer pantyhose.
The misconduct was brought before a 'Spiritual Court of the First Degree' last week and leaders of Greek Orthodoxy in the United States will review the findings. All punishment, including possible defrocking, will be decided in Turkey.
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As is typical with former monks who speak about their experiences with Geronda Ephraim, an underlying fear factor always intimidates them into complimenting the elder as a holy man in an attempt to verify or legitimize him. This is partly due to the fact that all novices and monastics in Geronda Ephraim's monasteries are exposed to stories of "divine retribution" meted out to those who criticize, oppose or try to hinder Geronda Ephraim in any way, shape, or form. As the years go by, this continual inundation of cautionary tales takes root in the individual's psyche and creates a "holy terror" and phobia about judging or speaking against Geronda Ephraim.
If one looks at Mark's statement, the first few lines are the typical "empathy" or "sympathy" a monastic is trained to exhibit, especially if they're dealing with pilgrims. The fake it until you make it scheme is quite common in monastic acting. For some individual monastics it does take root and become genuine, for others, it is just a practiced affectation that becomes second nature over time, however, it is not genuine.
The majority of Mark's comment is an attempt to "validate" Geronda Ephraim, justifying him and the monastery, and trying to divert any notions of wrong-doing. It's as though this event triggered him (most monastics experience suicidal thoughts and are instructed by their elders that this is a normal course in spiritual warfare) and brought him right back to the monastery. It is as though he is defending and justifying his former elder as though he were still under his direction as a monk. Despite the fact that Mark was one of the African-American monks who was made fun of behind his back with the derogatory term "arapi", he still feels a comradery with these people.
Sam's comment is like the pot calling the kettle black, considering the mental (and physical) state he was in during his life as a monk and when he left the monastery. Interestingly, Sam does not accuse himself of having an intellectual approach to the church. Those who were there in the late 90's remember Sam walking from his cell to the gatehouse for his diakonima, with a mountain stack of books everyday. With these books and his studies, he approached the church intellectually even as a monastic. He went to St. Nektarios Monastery when it first opened and the Abbot sent him back for not doing obedience and always trying to stay in his cell instead of doing his diakonima. He had the same issues when he returned to Arizona. After Sam went home, homilies were given in some of the monasteries about his plight: it is said that Geronda Ephraim prayed to the Panagia to enlighten Sam to leave the monastery since his presence and actions scandalized most of the brotherhood. Geronda Ephraim is said to have done this because he didn't want the burden of responsibility by kicking Sam out.
Sam's first statement agreeing with Mark is essentially covering himself, lest he seem to be critical of Geronda Ephraim. The rest of the comment seems to try to put a humanity on the experience before Scott left (i.e. he was allowed human contact with the outside world, he was in a good mindset, etc. Though why Scott would be given a blessing to talk to a monk who left after 10+ years seems odd considering Fr. Seraphim didn't leave in good standing and he was essentially criticized in all the monasteries as being a bad example of monasticism and constantly saddening big Geronda through his disobediences. Not to mention in other monasteries and convents under Geronda Ephraim, former monastics are asked politely not to return because it creates stumbling blocks for monastics to see their former brothers/sisters as laymen).
Again, it is not uncommon for former monastics under Geronda Ephraim to continue to promote him as a saint and holy man and "validate" his monasteries and brand of monasticism. One example can be found with the youtube pages of Greg P.:
Gregor Isiopili  https://www.youtube.com/channel/UChozbOPP6uOJ2UkiTZy-sgQ
GregoryDecapolite  https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCEmEaTVBP4Aek4VvNv6ktPA
Greg P., son of an OCA priest, was a novice at St. Nektarios Monastery in the late 90's - early 2000s. He eventually returned to the world. Despite all the scandals he witnessed, and in some cases was a part of, as well as all the things he vocally spoke out against while at the monastery (daily eating of desserts, the worldly atmosphere of the monastery, the lack of asceticism, indifference to the principles of fasting, etc.) he still promotes Geronda Ephraim in every forum he comments on. Despite leaving St. Nektarios Monastery on not so good terms (though he did visit a few times afterwards until the abbot suggested it'd be better if he didn't return) he still stands by Geronda Joseph, "validating" him as a saintly elder in the comments hew rites.
This is a common theme with almost all the former monastics under Geronda Ephraim: fear to speak the truth about what really goes on behind closed doors, or, justifying the most horrible things with circular reasoning, thus rendering them okay.
This is also a common pattern with ex-members of destructive cults, especially those led by "charismatic" and "charming" sociopaths.
http://stnektariosmonastery.tumblr.com/post/95264684321/douvelis-the-fear-biting-shepherd-the-mauling-of
http://stnektariosmonastery.tumblr.com/post/118272462710/the-mauling-of-a-young-girl-at-st-nektarios
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ABSTRACT: In my thesis, I show the ways in which Russian Eastern Orthodoxy relates to and impacts Fyodor Dostoevsky’s Existentialism. I begin by identifying and explaining the Orthodox theme of transformative suffering, as it appears in the ecclesial tradition of Kievan Rus, after which I demonstrate the presence of this theme and tradition in Dostoevsky’s upbringing in Nicholaevan Russia. I close by relating this transformative suffering to the moral dialectic Dostoevsky establishes in his novels, specifically Notes From Underground and Crime and Punishment. In doing so, I show the similarities and conversation between Russian Eastern Orthodoxy and Dostoevsky’s existentialism. 
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The Monument of Zalongo is a 1961 monumental sculpture by George Zongolopoulos, commemorating the Dance of Zalongo, a mass suicide of 1803. It is located at 700 meters altitude on Mount Zalongo, near Preveza, Greece, from which it is visible. The closest village is Kamarina. One can access the monument from Saint Dimitrios Monastery (590 meters altitude), which leads to the top via a cobbled lane of 410 steps.
Description and Location of the Monument
The Monument of Zalongo consists of six abstract female figures placed on a compact stone base. It is 18 meters in length, 13 meters high and is made of concrete supported by 4.300 whitish limestone blocks (40x30x25 cm each). The construction took six years, from 1954 to 1960, and was financed by two Pan-Hellenic student fundraising drives
History
June 10, 1950: At a teachers meeting of the district of Preveza, the principal of Kamarina's Primary School, George Sakkas, suggested the construction of a monument to honor the heroic women of Souli.
September 1, 1950: The governor of Preveza, Spiros Kafetzis, invited all the mayors to raise money in order to construct the monument of Zalongo. In November, Giorgos Chronis, the district inspector of primary schools, decided to conduct fundraising through the schools. October 29, 1950: A symbolic laying of the foundation for the monument of Zalongo was held. The political, military and religious leaders of the region attended the ceremony along with many citizens.
May, 1953: With 500.000 drachmas raised for the monument, the Ministry of Education announced a National contest for sculptors and architects. The examination board consisted of the General Commander of Ipiros, K. Tsitsaras; the governor of Preveza, Sp. Kafetsis; the Director of the Ministry of Education, G. Pantzaris as well as the sculptors M. Tompros and V. Falireas. The board awarded the proposal of sculptor George Zongolopoulos and architect Patroklos Karantinos.
July 1954: Construction of the monument began under the direction of George Zongolopoulos and Patroklos Karantinos, who offered their supervision without pay. The technical part of the monument was assigned to the marble craftsman Eleftherio Giftopoulo. Every spring-summer and until the completion of the project, George Zongolopoulos and his wife, Eleni Paschalidou-Zongolopoulou, traveling by the military vehicles, spent 3-4 months working on the construction. All the materials (sand, gravel, concrete, water, wood, etc.) were transferred by hand until an improvised mechanism was created to lift the materials.
During the monument’s construction, Kamarina’s citizens as well as military forces provided extremely helpful assistance. June 10, 1961: The monument was completed and the unveiling ceremony took place with political leaders and citizens attending. On the east side of the base of monument there is a marble inscription with the names of the people who contributed to the work: “Sculptor: George Zongolopoulos, Architect: Patroklos Karantinos, Technician: Eleftherios Giftopoulos”.
Between 2008-2013 the municipality of Preveza in co-operation with the George Zongolopoulos Foundation undertook the restoration and maintenance of the Monument of Zalongo. Every year, 30.000 people visit the monument of Zalongo. Every summer the municipality of Preveza organizes the “Zalongeia”, a feast and celebration in the central square of Kamarina.
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The Dance of Zalongo (Greek: Χορός του Ζαλόγγου, Horos tou Zalongou) was a mass suicide of women from Souli and their children during the Souliote War of 1803, near the village of Zalongo in Epirus, in the then-Ottoman Empire. The name also refers to a popular dance-song commemorating the event. There is also a similar Albanian dance-song called Vaji i Zallogut ("Dance of Zalongo").
History
During the Souliote War in December 1803, the Souliotes began evacuating Souli after their defeat by the forces of the local Ottoman-Albanian ruler, Ali Pasha During the evacuation, a small group of Souliot women and their children were trapped by Ali's troops in the mountains of Zalongo in Epirus. In order to avoid capture and enslavement, the women threw their children first and then themselves off a steep cliff, committing suicide. According to the legend, they jumped down the precipice one after the other while singing and dancing. The incident soon became known across Europe. At the Paris Salon of 1827, the French artist Ary Scheffer exhibited two Romantic paintings, one of which was entitled Les Femme souliotes ("The Souliot Women"). Today, the Zalongo Monument on Mount Zalongo in Kassope commemorates their sacrifice.[
Songs
There is a popular Greek dance-song about the event, which is known and danced throughout Greece today. The Greek folk song "Dance of Zalongo" has the following lyrics:
  English
Greek
Farewell poor world, Farewell sweet life, and you, my poor country, Farewell forever Farewell springs, Valleys, mountains and hills Farewell springs And you, women of Souli The fish cannot live on the land Nor the flower on the sand And the women of Souli Cannot live without freedom Farewell springs, ... The women of Souli Have not only learnt how to survive They also know how to die Not to tolerate slavery Farewell springs, ...
Έχε γεια καημένε κόσμε, έχε γεια γλυκιά ζωή Και ’συ δύστυχη πατρίδα έχε γεια παντοτινή. Έχετε γεια βρυσούλες λόγγοι, βουνά, ραχούλες Έχετε γεια βρυσούλες και σεις Σουλιωτοπούλες Στη στεριά δε ζει το ψάρι ούτ’ ανθός στην αμμουδιά Κι οι Σουλιώτισσες δεν ζούνε δίχως την ελευθεριά. Έχετε γεια βρυσούλες ... Οι Σουλιώτισσες δε μάθαν για να ζούνε μοναχά Ξέρουνε και να πεθαίνουν να μη στέργουν στη σκλαβιά. Έχετε γεια βρυσούλες ...
An Albanian dance-song called Vaji i Zallogut ("Dance of Zalongo") was developed with lyrics that refer to the same aforementioned mass suicide:[
English
Albanian
Mosko1 afoot, has left her baby in the ground, Hits this woman, this brave woman, Her gun and cannon everything scares. "Look here girls, how close they are!" Even walls became ash, but Dhespo1 as always stands up, To her girls speaks, with voice and calamity. "Girls, slaves of the Turkish can we be? Follow me, girls, our place is down there!"
Moskua në këmbë, foshnjën përdhe ka lënë, Qëllon a s’qëllon kjo grua, deli grua, Pushka top gjithçka zhurit. "Vështrojuni një çikë more, si jeni bërë meit!" Edhe muret u bënë hi, po Dhespua përherë në këmbë, Nuseve ç’u thërret, me zë e me gjëmë. "Skllave të turkut bija, a mund të bëhemi ne? Pas meje, mori nuse, vendin e kemi atje!"
1 Dhespo is the wife of Giorgos Botsaris and Mosko was the wife of Lambros Tzavelas.
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A Greek dance that was danced in Pafra in order to commemorate the 30-40 young girls from the village of Hazar who preferred to fall into the 150 meter precipice – is variously known as the:
'Thanati Laggeman' (Θανατί Λάγγεμαν); or
'Kizlar Choplamasi' (Κιζλάρ Χοπλαμασί) – which in Turkish means "The Girls' Jump"; or
'Kizlar Kaïtesi' (Κιζλάρ Καϊτεσί) - "the musical purpose of the girls";
The dance portrays the movements of the girls as they jumped into the void to meet death on the steep and sharp rocks. The musical instruments that were used were the flute (ζουρνάς) with the Davul (νταούλι), and the Lyre (λύρα) to a lesser extent.
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Throughout the First World War, St. Euthymios of Zela the Ethno-Hieromartyr (d. May 29, 1921), urged all of the schools and the people of Pontus to remain united in remembrance of an annual ethnic ceremony which commemorated the female mass suicide of 30-40 young girls from the village of Hazar in 1680, who preferred to fall from a fortress (known as the 'fortress of Ali') into a 150 meter precipice, rather than to fall into the hands of the Turks. This ceremony was observed on the anniversary of March 25th each year in remembrance of the self-sacrifice of the young girls.
Due to a campaign by the forces of Hassan Ali Bey to capture young girls in order to send them to the slave markets of Anatolia, in 1680 a large number of women and young girls entered into the fortress of Ali (later called "Kızkalesi" - "Maiden's castle"), in order to escape being taken and enslaved. After being besieged for 48 days, some of them lost their senses, others died of hunger and thirst, and others escaped secretly and surrendered to the forces of the derebey, since they could no longer withstand the hardships. However one group of 30-40 young girls, unwilling to be captured, climbed to the highest summit of the fortress, from where they fell and committed suicide. After these events took place in the region of Pafra, an uprising of a number of courageous Greeks took place who climbed the surrounding mountains and armed themselves, making reprisals on the forces of the derebey, undertaking an unequal but virtuous struggle against the Turkish oppressors. A Greek dance that was danced in Pafra in order to commemorate the 30-40 young girls from the village of Hazar who preferred to fall into the 150 meter precipice – is variously known as the:
'Thanati Laggeman' (Θανατί Λάγγεμαν); or
'Kizlar Choplamasi' (Κιζλάρ Χοπλαμασί) – which in Turkish means "The Girls' Jump"; or
'Kizlar Kaïtesi' (Κιζλάρ Καϊτεσί) - "the musical purpose of the girls";
The dance portrays the movements of the girls as they jumped into the void to meet death on the steep and sharp rocks. The musical instruments that were used were the flute (ζουρνάς) with the Davul (νταούλι), and the Lyre (λύρα) to a lesser extent. A similar mass female suicide took place in Eprius in 1803, known as the Dance of Zalongo.
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