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aftaabmagazine · 5 years

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Conversation with Jamil Jan Kochai, author of "99 Nights in Logar"

By Farhad Azad

[caption: The cover of Jamil Jan Kochai debut novel]

Jamil Jan Kochai's multi-layered debut novel 99 Nights in Logar opens inside Afghanistan at a time when Khaled Hosseini first book The Kite Runner was making waves in the US. While Hosseini's story depicts the urban Kabuli perspective, Kochai's narrates the rural Logari experience. The distance between Logar and Kabul maybe a short 45-minute drive, however in many ways, the two places are worlds apart.

In this rural environment, we are guided by the main character, Marwand, a 12-year-old Afghan-American from the capital of California. He is spending his summer vacation in his parent's modest village located near the Logar - Kabul roadway.

Being so young, he is collectively accepted as a local by his large extended family and the people he meets. Marwand, along with his younger male family members, leads several hairy adventures. They organize a disastrous search party to find the fierce family dog, avoid local gunmen, including a couple of young Taliban, and don burqas attempting to join a women's wedding party.

Humorous, tragic, and honest, the novel requires careful reading because the multi-layered stories are intricate and dense. The primary reader is the Afghan-American who will connect more with the native terms and phrases skillfully crafted by the author, along with particular cultural nuances. Through the stories of the different characters— young and old, male and female —Kochai writes an authentic narrative about the people of his native Logar, one of Afghanistan's most picturesque regions— romantically beautiful on the surface and dark and complex on the inside.

I chatted with Jamil Jan Kochai about his novel, here is our conversation.

Farhad Azad: What did your parents think about your desire to be a writer vs. the usual lawyer, doctor, or engineer?

Jamil Jan Kochai: At first, they were definitely resistant to the idea of writing as a career. Up until my third year of undergrad, my father was still trying to convince me to switch to engineering or computer science. For a time, I was able to quell their worries because I'd actually planned to go to law school. But, gradually, as I won a few writing awards at Sac State and eventually became the commencement speaker for my graduating class, both they and I realized that I was much more gifted as a writer than I ever would be as a lawyer. So, after I graduated from Sac State and entered the Masters in Creative Writing Program at UC Davis, my parents began to fully support my creative writing endeavors. They let me interview them for stories, they respected the time I needed to read and write, and they never doubted or scolded me for pursuing such a risky career path. Their faith in my abilities made me work even harder. I read and wrote like a mad man. Alhamdullilah, their support was honestly astonishing. I couldn't have written this novel without them.

Farhad Azad: Were you familiar with Afghan writers and literature growing up?

Jamil Jan Kochai: I was very familiar with Pashtun poetry. My father was an admirer of Rahman Baba, Khushal Khattak, and Ghani Khan. He would often recite their poetry from memory. I was also familiar with some of our local folktales and our more culturally expansive epics. Laila and Majnun, Farhad and Shirin, and those sorts of tales. From an early age, I was taught to appreciate the poetic arts and Afghanistan's literary lineage.

Farhad Azad: Post 9/11, how did you deal with the backlash growing up?

Jamil Jan Kochai: In many ways, I think the backlash, the alienation, and the condemnation I felt in the years after 9/11 only made me prouder to be a Muslim and an Afghan. Even as a young kid, I was very defensive of my cultural heritage and my religious beliefs. I became rebellious. I would argue with my teachers about Afghan and American history. I questioned what I was taught in high school, and by the time I got to college, I had this immense curiosity about all these differing but interconnecting lineages of imperialism and warfare. By studying the American War in Afghanistan, I learned about the civil wars, the Soviet Invasion, and the Anglo-Afghan Wars, which led me to study the broader histories of colonization and imperialism throughout the world. This all had a profound impact on my writing.

Farhad Azad: There are many stories told by the various characters in 99 Nights in Logar, how did you decide to include them in the work?

Jamil Jan Kochai: I realized that my stories themselves can encapsulate all these other stories. There was this moment when I was writing the novel itself when I hit this barrier in the road, and I didn't know what would happen next. Once I realized that we had this rich tradition of oral storytelling and all these stories within my own family, I sort of allowed the characters in the novel to tell their own stories. That's when the project really hit its stride.

Farhad Azad: Afghans have a habit of not finishing their stories which you included in your work.

Jamil Jan Kochai: It is sort of magical in that way. When I first started this project, I would interview my father. It was really important to me that I recorded some of his stories from his life, but I would try to do this chronologically, starting with his childhood. But it was difficult trying to get stories out of him. He would say, "Oh, I had a regular childhood."

I couldn't get the details I wanted. Later on, we'd be sitting somewhere. We would be drinking tea, and he would see something on TV. It would remind him of this beautiful, incredible story from his life that he didn't mention to me in my interview. And he would tell the story and stop at some place, often times a place where it would be emotionally difficult for him to continue the story. It would be about a significant loss, and he would have to stop. It took me a while to be patient with his stories, to learn that certain stories didn’t always have pleasant resolutions, that some stories you had to piece together, a memory at a time, like a puzzle.

Farhad Azad: Telling stories is a quality that Afghans possess, including the ability to describe anything in very fine detail.

Jamil Jan Kochai: It's incredible. I remember on a trip with my aunt to Yosemite, and out of nowhere, just because of the mountains and the forest, she started to tell us the story of when she escaped out of Logar during the war, going through the mountains between Afghanistan and Pakistan to escape to Peshawar. She told this incredibly detailed story of carrying her little sister through the mountains and then getting lost. Then my father is eventually finding them on horseback. Then she remembers calling my father's name and the echoes coming back to her through the mountain. It was so visual, and it was so essential at the same time. It really made me appreciate it. At a storytelling level, how talented my family members are at telling stories.

Farhad Azad: For the past two decades you have traveled to Logar, but your trips to the region have shortened in length.

Jamil Jan Kochai: When I first went to Logar, I was 6 years old, I had all these really precious magical, memories of swimming in these streams, with my cousin, these were some of my greatest memories. When I came back from Logar, I was telling everyone how really beautiful Afghanistan was. And everyone was so surprised that my reaction to the time because the Taliban were in control. So everyone had this very grim vision of Afghanistan. I was telling everyone how much I loved it and how beautiful and incredible experience. And then I went back when I was 12, and it was again an incredible experience with some of the most precious memories that I still have is from that summer that I spent in Afghanistan those three months especially in Logar.

Then I had the opportunity to go back in 2012, but it just seemed like progressively Logar was becoming more and more dangerous. And so when I went back in 2012, the security situation hadn't completely deteriorated, but it was a very murky situation. During the day, government forces were in control and then at night, the Taliban had control over the village. And I had to be very careful about speaking because of my accent, I had to be careful about telling people who I was and where I was from. Nonetheless, I still got to spend a decent amount of time. I was 19. I spent a great deal of time in my grandfather's orchard. I spend a great deal of time with my cousins. It was another beautiful experience.

But when I went back in 2017, by then the security situation in my village had gotten so bad that even villagers who had lived their whole lives there were afraid to go back because of the gunfights and the executions and the bombings and these things had become almost a daily occurrence.

My uncles and cousins, who had seen war and gone through warfare, they were completely afraid to enter Logar. They wouldn't allow me to spend a night in Logar. My father, brother, and cousins, and I ended up taking a very short trip through my home village. The whole village had been emptied out because one of the militias had shot a rabid dog with a machine gun. Everyone thought it was a gunfight. We entered my father's village, and it was a ghost town. We drove in, and there was this incredibly heart-wrenching experience. My father's cousin, who had grown up in Logar and my father looked afraid. But we were determined to visit the grave of my father's brother, and other family members' graves. We said our prayers, and we came out as quickly as we came.

I just remembered being incredibly saddened by the way that the security situation in Logar had developed. My father's village has been so precious to me. The security situation has deteriorated to the point where I'm not able to visit anymore and spend time anymore. Logar has fallen into tragic circumstances. It has made me want to tell the stories of Logar even more. It has made my storytelling even more urgent.

Farhad Azad: Today on social media, we see thousands of beautiful photos from all over Afghanistan, but these places, more or less, are intangible to experience.

Jamil Jan Kochai: Thinking back on these memories, these precious times I had in Logar, it really feels like that beauty I had experienced had been lost to war in this very concrete way. Looking back at these memories, I have access to this time in this land that is almost lost to me now.

Farhad Azad: Your novel you have incorporated the stories of almost every character.

Jamil Jan Kochai: That was really important to me when starting the project was that I tried to get as many differing and diverse voices as possible into the novel and into my stories because I didn't want it to just be this kid from America coming into Afghanistan and just telling everything from his point of view. I was trying to find a way how I could resist that and how I could tell as many different stories, I can capture as many different voices as possible. Once I realized that the main tool I had was of the storytelling and allowing the other characters to tell their stories. And Marwand [the main character] listens to and absorbs the world and not always talking. And so I did I went into the novel with this with a very specific goal.

Particularly Afghan women voices, which can often time in our culture can be overwhelmed by men's voices and particularly telling these voices of the story of people but particularly women living in these rural spaces. I'm trying to try to understand these stores and trying to understand their lives and try and understand the particular ways that they live, grow, and suffer.

The novel was expansive in its abilities to tell different stories and perceptions and point of views. I was really concerned that I was able to capture these different perceptions and point of views. And one thing that I did when I finished writing, I showed it to different Afghan women, who identified as Pashtun or Tajik or whatever else, because I didn't want it to be to just be a book about an Afghan American boy seeing the world. I wanted it to be about different versions of Afghanistan culminated to this one narrative, which I think is one of the biggest problems of how Afghanistan is always understood-- about one narrative about terrorism, about one narrative about oppression or one narrative about violence. It seems to me there is beauty, and beauty of the complexity of just a small village. Often times it isn't crafted.

Farhad Azad: You clearly describe the nuances of the people, down to the standards of beauty.

Jamil Jan Kochai: With so many aspects of Afghan culture, so many aspects of our society and country, we are constantly being put into these boxes.

"This is the conservative mullah who beats his wife." "This is the wine drinking musician and who is doing drugs." "This is the oppressed women who never spoke up for herself."

It was very important to me to unpackage those boxes that our people are being put into and understand the complexity of it at the same time, maintaining a sense of realism.

Women in villages and in Logar are often times oppressed by men. And they go through severe abuse. They go through these incredibly traumatic events in their lives. It was important for me to demonstrate that. But I also wanted to show the ways that these men at the same time because of poverty, because of war, because of whatever else are living painful, traumatic lives themselves. Often times the trauma you see in villages, there are larger, more complex reasons for these things that are occurring. And it was very important for me to demonstrate and show that these are very real in Afghanistan.

Insurgents can oftentimes also be incredibly young men. Just boys on the brink of becoming men.

I was heartbroken by that, and I feel that is a side of Afghanistan, that isn't often demonstrated. There is an incredible amount of nuance to all these figures, stereotypes, and cliches that we have put on Afghanistan. That there are reasons-- historically, politically, socially -- people end up becoming the way they are. I don't know how successful I was in the novel, but that is something I was trying to do.

Farhad Azad: Please talk about the shape shifter character Jawad who seems to match many of the political and militant personalities in Afghan history.

Jamil Jan Kochai: That character specifically came out of a story that I heard one day when I was at my uncle's house. This is in 2012. I visited my uncle in Logar, and over dinner, one of my uncle's brother-in-law's brought up this guy named Jawid who was on the run from the Taliban because he was impersonating a Taliban and had been working for the government forces. He was a spy. He was also running away from the government forces because he was spying on them too. He was putting these two groups against each other. He became kind of a folk legend in the villages because no one could capture him. I found this character so incredibly fascinating. He became this figure of fluidity, like you said, a shape shifter, one day he is Talib and the next day he is a government soldier, the next day he is a civilian and the next day he is donning a burqa pretending to be a woman. He was a figure who disrupted the usual categorizations placed on Afghans, this "black and white" of government vs. rebels, revolution vs. order, however, you want to categorize it. By showing figures that are constantly moving back and forth, I wanted to demonstrate how it is not always so simple to be able to relegate people into one group or another. There is an incredible amount of fluidity and shapeshifting, these gray areas in war. I was trying to get Jawid to sort of embody that.

Farhad Azad: The maze is a central piece to the novel. For me, it symbolized the complex history of Afghanistan.

Jamil Jan Kochai: Definitely, the history of Afghanistan was an important part of it. When I was thinking about the maze, I was specifically thinking about the geography of my village, which has these mazes, alleyways and compounds build close to each other. I was also thinking about the stories my father told about these tunnels built underneath the compounds during bombings. The Russians had figured out what the Afghans were doing to avoid their bombs and so they began to use gas. There were tunnels in Logar filled with dead bodies. During the Soviet war, Logar was sort of turned into a ghost town. And now new buildings are being built upon these sites of these massacres.

So when I was thinking of the land itself, it seemed to me that there were so many layers of trauma, massacres, and history. And these stories that were buried right underneath the earth, locked inside of the ground. So much of these stories have been lost. The maze sort of embodies the bits and pieces of the history of Logar, but also of Afghanistan at large, that have been sort of lost to time but are still buried in the earth. Somewhere ready to be found.

Farhad Azad: In modern Afghan history, there have been two versions of Afghanistan: Kabul and everywhere else. Your novel touches on the dichotomy between rural vs. urban.

Jamil Jan Kochai: I wish I had given more time to Kabul. In my last two visits, I've spent most of my time in Kabul and I have come to appreciate Kabul as a city. But coming from the rural area of Logar, my family came to despise Kabul in a way. We felt that the urban people of Kabul were living in their own world, their own universe. Although our village in Logar was maybe a 40-minute drive from Kabul, it was still its own world. The people in rural Afghanistan lives are just built around the compound, the crops and local forms of government, that all the goings-on and incredible events happening in Kabul wasn't touching them in a very real way. My father told me that it wasn’t until the Communists took over and repressive measures were being laid out in the countryside, in Logar, that people felt the shift in the country.

It was fascinating to me that the perception and the stories and viewpoints that were coming out of Kabul were the ones that ended up getting the most light shown on them. We talked earlier about "The Kite Runner." I remember reading it, and it was an important novel to me, I'm not sure if I would have pursued writing without having read The Kite Runner first. But it didn't feel like my own vision of Afghanistan, my experience of Afghanistan wasn't really captured in that novel because it was centered upon Kabul and not the countryside.

And that kind of became inspiring to me in an odd way, my experience of Afghanistan, my family's experience in Afghanistan, and rural Afghanistan it hasn't had its own light and its own time to share its stories. That was one of my goals in the novel was to demonstrate life in Afghanistan and to show this very complex relationship between the urban and the rural and the how the political and economic roles of Logar and Kabul were deeply intertwined and yet encapsulated in their own worlds.

Farhad Azad: You also show the various levels of how Islam is embraced within a family.

Jamil Jan Kochai: Practicing Islam, praying, and reading and studying the Quran was such an important part of who I am, and it was such an important part of how I understood the world. I wanted to show how people practice and struggled with faith. And ultimately my goal was to show the struggle, even the struggling with Islam is in its own way very beautiful.

Farhad Azad: One chapter is written entirely in Pashto.

Jamil Jan Kochai: That was a story my father told verbatim to a scribe in Pashto. My father gave it to me. I gave it to my editor and told them that I want it to be part of the novel. I wanted to stay in Pashto, true to my father's voice.

Farhad Azad: Thank you for the time in speaking with me.

Jamil Jan Kochai: It was an absolute pleasure.

More From Jamil Jan Kochai

Author’s Website

Purchase Book on Amazon

NPR Interview

Time Review

New Yorker Review

The Guardian Review

Kirkus Review

Washington Post Review

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harpianews · 2 years

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Skier Arif Khan, India's lone athlete at Beijing Games, faces uphill battle with worldly outlook

Skier Arif Khan, India’s lone athlete at Beijing Games, faces uphill battle with worldly outlook

Best friend of India’s only Winter Games Olympian to compete in Beijing, Farhat Naik, remembers his former classmate, who once woke up in class to correct the pronunciation of ‘asthma’ – as did his elders English teacher Abdul Ghani had said. “Arif had just returned from training in USA. He stood up confidently and told Ghani Sir, that it is ‘Astha-Maa’ not ‘As-Mu’. Imagine this happening in a…

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#Aarif Khan #arif khan india #arif khan skier #Beijing Olympics 2022 #current #harpianews #Indian Express #latest #news #skiing news #sports #sports news #winter Olympics #Winter Olympics 2022

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erhiem · 3 years

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The Taliban say there is an “apology” throughout Afghanistan, the first comment on how they might rule the country this time. Hundreds of people gather near a US Air Force C-17 transport plane in a perimeter at Kabul airport on Monday.

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KABUL, Afghanistan – The Taliban announced an “apology” across Afghanistan and urged women to join their government on Tuesday, trying to convince a wary population that they have changed a day after deadly mobs captured the main airport as desperate mobs tried to flee his rule.

After a spate of attacks across Afghanistan in which many cities fell to rebels without a fight, the Taliban sought to portray themselves as more moderate than the one that imposed a brutal regime in the late 1990s. But many Afghans are skeptical.

Older generations remember the ultra-Orthodox Islamic views of the Taliban, which included stoning, amputations and public executions, along with severe sanctions on women, before being pulled out of the US-led invasion following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks.

While there were no major reports of abuse or fighting in the capital of Kabul as the Taliban now patrol its streets, many residents have remained at home and prisons have been evacuated after rebels took over and looted arsenals. went. Many women have expressed fears that two decades of Western experimentation to expand their rights and rebuild Afghanistan will not escape the resurgent Taliban.

Meanwhile, Germany halted development aid to Afghanistan over the Taliban’s takeover. Such aid is a significant source of funding for the country – and the Taliban’s efforts to introduce a lighter version of itself may be aimed at ensuring that the money continues to flow.

The announcement marks the first comment on how this regime might run Afghanistan.

The promise of an apology to Enamullah Samangani, a member of the Taliban’s Cultural Commission, was the first comment on how the Taliban could rule nationally. His remarks, however, remained unclear, as the Taliban are still in talks with political leaders of the country’s fallen government and no formal handover deal has been announced.

He said, “The Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan has with all dignity and sincerity announced a full apology to the whole of Afghanistan, especially to those who were with the opposition or supported the occupiers for years and more recently. ,” They said.

Other Taliban leaders have said they will not take revenge on those who have worked with the Afghan government or abroad. But some in Kabul allege that Taliban fighters have a list of people who cooperated with the government and are looking for them.

Samangani described the women as “the main victims of more than 40 years of crisis in Afghanistan”.

“The Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan does not want women to be victims of this anymore,” he said. “The Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan is prepared to provide an environment for women to work and study, and the presence of women in various (government) structures in accordance with Islamic law and in accordance with our cultural values.”

Pakistani paramilitary personnel stand guard as they enter Pakistan from a border crossing in Chaman on Tuesday.

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Pakistani paramilitary personnel stand guard as they enter Pakistan from a border crossing in Chaman on Tuesday.

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Women were violently repressed the last time the Taliban came to power

This would be a marked departure from the last time the Taliban came to power, when women were largely confined to their homes. Samangani did not specify exactly what he meant by Islamic law, implying that people already knew the rules. He said that “all parties should be involved” in a government.

In another sign of the Taliban’s efforts to paint a new image, a female television anchor on private broadcaster Tolo interviewed a Taliban official on camera in a studio on Tuesday – a conversation that would have once been unimaginable. Meanwhile, women in hijabs briefly demonstrated in Kabul, calling on the Taliban to “not eliminate women” from public life.

Rupert Colville, a spokesman for the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, noted both the Taliban’s pledges and their fears now under their rule.

“Such promises will need to be respected, and for the time being – again understandably, given past history – these announcements have been greeted with some skepticism,” he said in a statement. “The past two decades have seen many difficult victories in human rights. The rights of all Afghans must be protected.”

Different countries weigh whether to cut or increase their humanitarian aid

Germany suspended development aid to Afghanistan for 2021, which was estimated at 250 million euros ($294 million). The German news agency DPA described Afghanistan as the nation receiving the most development aid from Berlin. Other funding goes to security services and humanitarian aid.

Meanwhile, Swedish Development Aid Minister Per Olsson Friedh said his government would slow aid to the country in an interview with Degens Neuter newspaper. But Britain remains committed to growth.

British Foreign Secretary Dominic Raab said humanitarian aid could increase to 10%. He said the aid budget would be reconfigured for development and humanitarian purposes and the Taliban would not receive any money previously earmarked for security – but added that the aid would not be conditional on how the Taliban governs.

Monday was a day of turmoil at Kabul airport as many Afghans tried to flee

Meanwhile, Kabul’s international airport, the only way out for many, reopened for military evacuation flights under the watch of American troops.

All flights were suspended on Monday, when thousands of people desperate to leave the country arrived at the airport. In shocking scenes captured on video, some of the planes clung to it as it took off and then died. US officials said at least seven people died in the chaos at the airport.

NATO’s senior civilian representative in Afghanistan, Stefano Pontecorvo, posted a video online on Tuesday that showed US troops emptying the runway. What appeared to be a military cargo transport aircraft could be seen from afar.

“I watch airplanes take off and land,” he wrote on Twitter.

Overnight, flight-tracking data showed a US military plane flying to Qatar, which is home to the advance headquarters of US Military Central Command. A British military cargo plane headed for Kabul took off from Dubai.

Nevertheless, there were signs that the situation was still weak. The US embassy in Kabul, which now operates from the airport, urged Americans to register online for evacuees, but did not arrive at the airport before being contacted.

The German Foreign Ministry said the first German military transport plane landed in Kabul, but due to the continuing chaos, it could only carry seven people before departing again.

US troops stand guard along a perimeter at Kabul airport on Monday.

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US troops stand guard along a perimeter at Kabul airport on Monday.

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Biden sticks to US withdrawal from Afghanistan

Across Afghanistan, the International Committee of the Red Cross said thousands of people have been injured in Taliban attacks across the country in recent days. However, in many places, security forces and politicians surrendered their provinces and bases without a fight, possibly out of fear of what would happen when the last American troops withdrew as planned at the end of the month.

A resolute US President Joe Biden said on Monday he stood “completely behind” his decision to withdraw US forces and acknowledged the “gut-wrenching” images that surfaced in Kabul. Biden said he was faced with a choice between honoring a previously negotiated withdrawal agreement or sending back thousands more troops to start a third decade of war.

Biden said in his televised address from the White House, “20 years later, I’ve learned the hard way that there was never a good time to call back the US military.”

Talks continued on Tuesday between the Taliban and several Afghan government officials, including former presidents Hamid Karzai and Abdullah Abdullah, who once headed the country’s negotiating council. Officials with knowledge of the talks said discussions were held on how the Taliban-dominated government would function given the changes in Afghanistan over the past 20 years, rather than just dividing who controls which ministries. That is, officials familiar with the talks said. He spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss confidential details of the conversation.

President Ashraf Ghani had earlier fled the country amid Taliban advances and his whereabouts are unknown.

The post The Taliban Say There Is An ‘Amnesty’ Across Afghanistan : NPR appeared first on Spicy Celebrity News.

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ali-zulfiqar · 3 years

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KABUL, Afghanistan (AP) — Afghanistan’s beset president left the nation Sunday, joining a great many his kinsmen and outsiders in a charge escaping the propelling Taliban and flagging the finish of a 20-year Western trial pointed toward changing the country.Taliban Enters Kabul

The Taliban spread out across the capital, and an authority with the assailant bunch said it would before long report the formation of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan from the official castle in Kabul. That was the name of the country under Taliban Enters Kabul rule before the assailants were removed by U.S.- drove powers after the 9/11 assaults. The authority talked on state of namelessness since he was not approved to brief the media.

The Al-Jazeera news network later circulated film showing a gathering of Taliban warriors inside the official castle.

The city was held by alarm, with helicopters dashing overhead for the duration of the day to clear staff from the U.S. Consulate. Smoke rose close to the compound as staff obliterated significant archives, and the American banner was brought down. A few other Western missions likewise ready to haul their kin out.

Afghans expecting that the Taliban could reimpose the sort of fierce guideline that everything except killed ladies’ privileges hurried to leave the nation, arranging at cash machines to pull out their life investment funds. The frantically poor — who had left homes in the field for the assumed wellbeing of the capital — stayed in parks and open spaces all through the city.Taliban Enters Kabul

However the Taliban had guaranteed a quiet progress, the U.S. Consulate suspended tasks and cautioned Americans late in the day to shield set up and make an effort not to get to the air terminal.

Business flights were suspended get-togethers gunfire emitted at the air terminal, as indicated by two senior U.S. military authorities who talked on state of secrecy to examine progressing tasks. Departures progressed forward military flights, however the stop to business traffic stopped one of the last courses accessible for Afghans escaping the country.

In any case, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken dismissed correlations with the U.S. pullout from Vietnam, as many watched in dismay at seeing helicopters arriving in the government office compound to take representatives to another station at Kabul International Airport.

“This is plainly not Saigon,” he said on ABC’s “This Week.”

The American minister was among those cleared, said authorities who talked state of secrecy since they were not approved to examine progressing military activities. He was requesting to get back to the international safe haven, however it was not satisfactory if he could be permitted to.

As the radicals shut in Sunday, President Ashraf Ghani flew out of the country.

“The previous leader of Afghanistan left Afghanistan, leaving the country in this tough spot,” said Abdullah, the top of the Afghan National Reconciliation Council. “God should consider him responsible.”

Ghani later posted on Facebook that he had decided to pass on the nation to turn away carnage in the capital, without saying where he had gone.

As night fell, Taliban warriors sent across Kabul, taking over deserted police presents and swearing on keep law and control during the progress. Occupants announced plundering in pieces of the city, remembering for the upscale strategic area, and messages coursing via web-based media encouraged individuals to remain inside and lock their doors.

In a shocking defeat, the Taliban seized practically all of Afghanistan in a little more than seven days, in spite of the billions of dollars spent by the U.S. also, NATO over almost twenty years to develop Afghan security powers. Only days sooner, an American military appraisal assessed it would be a month prior to the capital would go under extremist pressing factor.

The fall of Kabul denotes the last section of America’s longest conflict, which started after the Sept. 11, 2001, dread assaults planned by al-Qaida’s Osama receptacle Laden, then, at that point held onto by the Taliban government. A U.S.- drove intrusion ousted the Taliban and beat them back, however America lost spotlight on the contention in the disarray of the Iraq War.

For quite a long time, the U.S. has been searching for an exit for the conflict. Washington under then-President Donald Trump marked an arrangement with the Taliban in February 2020 that restricted direct military activity against the radicals. That permitted the contenders to assemble strength and move rapidly to hold onto key regions when President Joe Biden reported his arrangements to pull out all American powers before the current month’s over.

After the agitators entered Kabul, Taliban arbitrators examined an exchange of force, said an Afghan authority. The authority, who talked on state of secrecy to examine subtleties of the shut entryway exchanges, depicted them as “tense.”

It stayed hazy when that move would occur and who among the Taliban was arranging. The moderators on the public authority side included previous President Hamid Karzai, head of Hizb-e-Islami political and paramilitary gathering Gulbudin Hekmatyar, and Abdullah, who has been a vocal pundit of Ghani.

Karzai himself showed up in a video posted on the web, his three youthful girls around him, saying he stayed in Kabul.

“We are attempting to settle the issue of Afghanistan with the Taliban administration calmly,” he said.

Afghanistan’s acting safeguard serve, Bismillah Khan Mohammadi, didn’t keep down his analysis of the escaping president.

“They bound our hands from behind and sold the country,” he composed on Twitter. “Revile Ghani and his pack.”

The Taliban prior demanded their warriors wouldn’t enter individuals’ homes or meddle with organizations and said they’d offer an “pardon” to the individuals who worked with the Afghan government or unfamiliar powers.

In any case, there have been reports of retribution killings and other fierce strategies in spaces of the country the Taliban have seized lately — and the reports of gunfire at the air terminal raised the phantom of more savagery. One female writer, sobbing, sent voice messages to associates after equipped men entered her high rise and beat on her entryway.

“How would it be advisable for me to respond? Should I call the police or Taliban?” Getee Azami cried. It wasn’t clear what befell her get-togethers.

One Afghan college understudy portrayed inclination double-crossed as she watched the clearing of the U.S. Government office.

“You bombed the more youthful age of Afghanistan,” said Aisha Khurram, 22, who is currently uncertain of whether she will actually want to graduate in two months’ time. “An age … brought up in the cutting edge Afghanistan were wanting to assemble the country with their own hands. They put blood, endeavors and sweat into whatever we had at the present time.”

Sunday started with the Taliban holding onto the close by city of Jalalabad — which had been the last significant city other than the capital not in their grasp. Afghan authorities said the aggressors additionally took the capitals of Maidan Wardak, Khost, Kapisa and Parwan areas, just as the country’s last government-held boundary post.Taliban Enters Kabul

Afterward, Afghan powers at Bagram Air Base, home to a jail lodging 5,000 prisoners, given up to the Taliban, as indicated by Bagram area boss Darwaish Raufi. The jail at the previous U.S. base held both Taliban and Islamic State bunch warriors.Taliban Enters Kabul

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newsmatters · 3 years

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Why Malda is Important for All Parties in West Bengal as BJP Puts Special Focus On Barkatda's Kotwali

Why Malda is Important for All Parties in West Bengal as BJP Puts Special Focus On Barkatda’s Kotwali

There is a saying that Malda prefers to live in its past and this is the reason why dynast of Congress leader (late) Abu Barkat Ataur Ghani Khan Choudhury, fondly remembered as ‘Barkatda’, still dominates this bordering district of Bengal which was once governed by Buddhist king, the Hindu rulers and the Muslim Nawabs, nearly 1,400 years ago. From 1957 (when Barkatda was first elected as an MLA…

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indianfilmhistorystuff · 4 years

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Some Songs Remain Alive Forever For Their Music And Some For Their Dance Moves, Saroj Khan Gave Us The Entire Library Of The Latter

‘Choli Ke Piche Kya Hai’… Gets our body moving with the lyrics as it plays anytime anywhere. Yes? The song would have probably been melodious and a hit track if would be only an audio, but as Madhuri Dixit danced on it, it gave the song a forever kind of a life. Truly, some songs remain alive forever for their music and some for their dance moves. All our favourite superstar actresses dancing on the screen may get us fall in love with them, but the steps they perform, come after a back-aching and blood wrenching tiring rehearsals which are observed by Bollywood’s ace choreographers. Much we praise the dance moves of the stars, less we acknowledge the excellence of the choreographers. We lost one of such an excellent choreographers, Saroj Khan today, let us have a look at these pictures back from the time.

Her career spanned four decades and she worked with majorly all the superstars and gave them dance lessons. Including Madhuri Dixit, SriDevi and Some songs remain alive forever for their music and some for their dance moves, Saroj Khan gave us the entire library of the latterto Kareena Kapoor Khan she worked with almost everyone. She was widely known as the Mother of choreography in Bollywood. Three time National Award winner, the choreographer gave us songs that are still imprinted in our heads and our hearts. Grace, magic and facial expressions- are three assets she used in dancing which we never will forget.

Madhuri Dixit’s ‘ek do teen’ , Sridevi’s ‘Hawa Hawai’ and Aishwarya Rai’s ‘Nimbooda’ are our personal favourite of her work she left us with. Apart from this, Kareena Kapoor Khan’s ‘Ye Ishq Hai’, Kangana Ranaut’s ‘Ghani Bawri Ho Gayi’, Alia Bhatt’s ‘ Ghar More Pardesiya’, Kajol and Shah Rukh’s ‘ruk ja o dil deewane‘, Shilpa Shetty’s ‘chura ke dil mera’, Urmila Mantodkar’s ‘tanha tanha yaha pe jeena’ and Manisha Koirala’s ‘badi mushkil baba badi mushkil‘ , Karisma Kapoor’s ‘Pucho Zara Pucho‘ are some of the bests we remember with all the superstars of our industry.

As Kareena Kapoor Khan rightly points down her learnings from Saroj Khan, “Pair nahi chala sakte, toh kam se kam Face chalao” . That’s so exactly like her! That’s what she explained almost everyone, to dance through face, to smile through eyes and to hypnotise with expressions!

#saroj khan #bollywood news #bollywood gossip #movies review #movies ratig #indian film history

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pashto-literature · 2 years

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دا زما بې خودي واړه يو نظر ستا دَ قرار دې

The unconcious madness of my entire being is but a mere sight of your steady calm,

دا زما در��اب ده حُسن ستا يو څاڅکې دَ خُمار دې

The entire river of my beauty is but a mere droplet of your wine.

#pashto #lit #pashto-literature #pashto lines #pashto poetry #pashto shayari #pashto literature #ghani khan #poetry #pashto ghazal #ghani baba #remembering ghani khan

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malghalari · 4 years

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Remembering Ghani Khan

نه منم، نه منم ياره! مرګ انجام د هستۍ نه دې! خلاصيدل شراب په جام کښې، اختتام د مستۍ نه دې!

na manam, naman yara! marg anjam da hastai na de khlasidal sharab pa jaam ki, ikhtetam da mastai na de

No, I don't believe; death isn't the end of existence.

Finishing up the wine glass isn't the end of joy!

—ghani khan baba

#ghanikhan #pashto poetry #pashto literature #pashto shayari #ghani baba

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salmankhanholics · 4 years

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★ This Week That Year: How Salman Khan made a ‘commitment’ for a lifetime with Boney Kapoor's Wanted!

Sep 18, 2020

Salman (Khan) was keen to work with Prabhudheva and we were developing a script with him in a triple role of a dude father, his son who’s an introvert and Salman Khan, the star, who arrives where the duo is living for a film shoot,” reminisces Boney Kapoor, admitting that while on paper the comedy seemed like a great idea, it wasn’t turning out the way they had envisioned. Meanwhile, Prabhudheva had started filming Pokkiri, the Tamil version of Mahesh Babu’s 2006 Telugu blockbuster, Pokiri. Two actors from the Hindi film industry had seen the original and passed it over, but Prabhudheva believed it was the perfect film to bring Salman back into the action genre and urged Boney to see it before his Pokkiri released and someone else evinced interest in a Hindi remake. “So, one day, around midnight, Sri (his late actress-wife Sridevi), and I sat down to watch it together. We loved it, and with the then recently released Casino Royale showing James Bond engaged in hand-tohand combats, we believed it wouldn’t be long before the masala movies of yore, with lots of maar-dhaad, would return to the mainstream. Hoping to be one step ahead of the competition,

I coaxed Salman to see Pokiri,” the producer recounts. To their delight, the actor was equally impressed and Boney immediately air-dashed to Hyderabad to buy the rights from the Telugu film’s producer-director Puri Jagannadh. And Wanted happened! He is, however, quick to add that they had toyed with a number of titles before fixing onWanted, then, realised it was already registered with Firoz Nadiadwala. “So, we started looking for options, but ended up coming back toWanted. At one point, I had decided to call it Wanted: Dead or Alive. Fortunately, Firoz gave me what I wanted,” Boney chuckles. To play Salman’s leading lady several actresses, including two A-listers, were approached, but things didn’t work out. Ayesha Takia had impressed in Socha Na Tha and Boney had her in mind for a film he was planning with Salman and Saif Ali Khan on the lines of Alfred Hitchcock’s 1940 psychological thriller, Rebecca, with Nikkhil Advani. “Nikkhil got busy with Salaam-E-Ishq and that film didn’t happen, but I then signed Ayesha for Wanted,” he narrates. The film also introduced a new villain to Bollywood, Prakash Raj, who was already a big name in Tamil and Telugu cinema. He had done only a couple of Hindi films, including Boney’s Shakti: The Power, before this. So, Wanted was his big break. “I had approached some of the conventional villains, but they had issues with a particular scene where watching Salman decimate his entire army, Ghani Bhai wets his pants. We conveyed the ‘accident’ through sound, but they still objected to the scene. I pointed out that we used terms like ‘you will s**t in your pants’ or ‘p** in your pants’ in everyday conversation, but they were unconvinced. That scene got the maximum taalis in the theatres after the film’s release,” Boney beams, adding that they filmed Prakash Raj’s introduction and a few other scenes in Thailand. The song “Dil Leke” was shot in Greece. On the second day, Prabhudheva got the news that his son, who it was believed had recovered from cancer, had gone into remission and had to rush back to Chennai. His brother Raju Sundaram finished the song with Prabhudheva’s signature step. He also choreographed “Jalwa” while Vaibhavi Merchant did “Le Le Mazaa Le”. The film was shot over 208 days with Salman himself filming for around 165 days, in Hyderabad, Mumbai, Surve Farms near Pune and Binny Mills in Chennai. It released on September 18, 2009, and was applauded not just by the aam janta but also the critics. I remember, during an interview with Boney, both his phones were ringing non-stop, with distributors from across the country sharing box-office figures. Single screen theatres that had been on the verge of shutting shop got a new lease of life, with many exhibitors having to get new ‘Houseful’ boards to proudly display outside their cinemas. “I just wish we had got a ‘U/A’ instead of an ‘A’ certificate. Then, the business would have been double. I know many families went to see Wanted, then, on learning they couldn’t see it with their kids, bought tickets for Dil Bole Hadippa!, which opened on the same Friday,” Boney shares. Eleven years have passed, but Salman’s “Ek baar jo maine commitment kar di, toh main apne aap ki bhi nahin sunta” still resonates. “The script of No EntryMein Entry and the idea for a Wanted sequel are locked. Aur mera yeh commitment hai that I will make both films soon,” promises Boney.

#salman khan #11 years of wanted #wanted #boney kapoor #Prabhudheva

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hadeesorg-blog · 7 years

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5000 Muslim freedom fighters in British Records, India Office Library, London

MORE THEN 5000 INDIAN MUSLIM FREDOM FIGHTER NAMES.. Can any one please let me know the details of the Freedom Fighters of India who took part in Independence of INDIA, because mostly we Muslims dont know about there work and names so we think that only non-muslim leaders took part in this movement and got independence. If possible give there names with there short biography so it will be easy for ourself to remember them and also we can say that no Our brothers also took par... Continue Reading MORE THEN 5000 INDIAN MUSLIM FREDOM FIGHTER NAMES.. Can any one please let me know the details of the Freedom Fighters of India who took part in Independence of INDIA, because mostly we Muslims dont know about there work and names so we think that only non-muslim leaders took part in this movement and got independence. If possible give there names with there short biography so it will be easy for ourself to remember them and also we can say that no Our brothers also took part in Independence. British snatched Indian govt from Muslims & Islamic clerics issued fatwas of jihad againstBritish Empire FORCED on India. So, large number of Muslim ulemas(clerics)were killed from Delhi to Khyber. Some of 5,00,000 names of of Muslim freedom fighters are: Hyder Ali, Shaheed Fateh Ali(Tipu Sultan), Sh. Sirajuddaulah, Sh Mir Qasim, Sh Yusuf Khan, Sh. Waali Khan, Sh Teetu Miyan, Maulana Shah Waliullah Mohaddis Dehlvi, Shah Abdul Aziz Mohaddis Dehlvi, Syed Ahmed Shaheed, Maulana Vilayat Ali Sadikpuri,Abu Zafar Sirajuddin Bahadur Shah Zafar, Fazle Haq Khairabadi (originator of 'Inqilaab Zindabad'), Sh Muhammed Husain,Sh Ahmed Yaar Khan,ShNizam Ali Khan, Sh Gulam Ghaus, Sh Khuda Bakhsh, Ejaz Ali Khan, Pir Ali Khan, Haidar Ali Khan Gaya, Subedar Ali Bakhsh of Hamirpur U P, Waris Ali, Sh Burhanuddin, Mujahid Gul Muhammed, Sh Shekhu Khan Pahalwan, Sh Pir Ali, Sh Syed Hasan Askari, Sh Begum Shah Zamani, Azimullah Khan, ShAbdullah, Sh Sher Ali NWFP, Sh Rahmat Ali, Sh Rasoolullah, Sh Imtiyaz, Ahmedullah Azeemabadi, Sh Ali Ahmed Siddiqui, Sh Gulzar Ali Khan, Sh Israel Allah Rakkha Of Malegaon, Sh Abdul Ghafoor Khan, Dr. ZakirHusain, Miyan Hamid Khan, Syed Fida Husain, Syed Geenu Babu, Sh Tajammul Husain of Sonpur Bihar, Sh Mir Abdullah & Sh Abdushshakoor Samastipur, Sh ShaikhulHaq of Dhamdaaha, Sh Hatim Tai of Shahabad, Sh Jumrati of Bhagalpur, Sh Akram Ali, Sh Mohd Abdul Qadir, Sh Abdurrashid Peshawar, Abid Husain, Sh Altaf Husain, Sh Allah Daad, Sh Ayub Khan, Sh Ikhtiyar Ali, Sh Abdul Khaliq, Sh Basheer Muhammed, Sh Badruddin, Sh A B Mirza, Sh Babu Khan, Sh Chiragh Khan, Sh Dilawar Khan, Sh Fateh Khan of INA, Sh Feroz Khan,Sh Fazal Karim, Sh Fazal Mohd, Sh Farzand Ali, Sh Gulab Noor, Sh Ghulam Khan, Sh Ghulam Mohammed, Sh Gore Khan, Sh Ghulam Isa Khan, Sh Ghulam Nabi, Sh Gulzar Khan, Sh Hatim Ali, Sh Husain Ali, Sh Hidayatullah & Inayatullah, Sh Ibrahim, Sh Ismail Khan, Sh Imamuddin, Sh Arshad, Sh Jalali Khan, Sh Jalaluddin, Sh Khushi Muhammed, Sh Khan Baig, Sh Khan Muhammed, Sh Khan Baas, Sh Laal Khan, Sh Mohammed Banaras, Sh Muhammed Din, ShMuhammed Akbar, Sh Mohd Yusuf, Sh Yusuf Bhatti, Sh Mohd Ghulam, Sh Mohd Aslam, Sh Maal Khan, Sh Mohd Ilahi, Sh Mumtaz Ali, Sh Mubarak Ali, Sh Majnun Husain, Sh Mahboob Shafi, Sh Muhammed Yaamil, Sh Muhammed Akbar, Sh Mohd Bakhsh, Sh Mohd Yaqoob, Sh Mir Gul, Sh Noor Mohd, Sh Nasir Ahmed, Sh Nannhe Khan, Shaheed Muhammeduddin, Sh Nek Mohd, Sh Nabi Bakhsh, Sh Nizamuddin, Sh Noor Muhammed, Sh Noor Husain, Sh Rahim, Sh Shubrati Khan, Shaheed Syed Alvi, Shaheed Syed Rahman, Shaheed Shadullah Khan, Sh Sharbat Khan, Sh Syed Ghafoor, Sh Shah Zameer, Sh Sher Mohammed, Sh Sargand Ali, Sh Saeedullah Khan, Sh Sayyad, Sh Zaman, Sh. Sadiq Muhammed, Sh Sultan, Sh Momin Khan, Sh Taj Muhammed, Sh Umar Muhammed, Sh Vilayat Shah, Sh Waris Khan, Sh Zaheer Ahmed, Mirza Jassu Baig, M S Khan, Maulana Abdul Aziz Banglauri, Qudratullah Khan, Maulana Sant Singh, Ghaus Mohammed Khan, Chacha Jaan Muhammed, Khwaja Abdul Majeed, Mohd Husain Zaidi, Shah Mohd Ishaaq, Haji Fazal Wahid, Muhammed Yasin Ansari, Chaudhari Islamuddin, Chaudhari Hakim Khaziq, Maqsood Ali, Pir Mohd Monis Ansari, Nijat Husain Ansari, Jannat Husain Ansari, Amanat Ali Ansari, Haji Abdullah Sardar, Shaikh Bhikari, Hafiz Deen Muhammed Ansari, Batakh Miyan Ansari, Sharfuddin Ahmed Qadri Ansari, Hafiz Tabarak Husain, Husain Mian Ansari, Abdul Ghani Ansari, Alaqat Mian, Wali Muhammed Quddus Mian Ansari, Dr Mukhtar Ansari, Prince Feroz Shah, Maulvi Mohd Baqar, Begum Hazrat Mahal, Maulana Ahmed Ali, Maulana Ahmedullah Shah, Nawab Khan Bahadur Khan, Azizan Bai, Maulvi Liaqat Ali Ilahabadi, Haji Imdadullah Mahajir Makki, Maulana Qasim Nanutvi, Maulana Rahmatullah Keranvi, Shaikhul Hind Maulana Mahmood Hasan, Maulana Ubaidullah Sindhi, Maulana Rashid Ganguhi, Maulana Anwar Shah Kashmiri, Maulana Barkatullah Bhopali, Maulana Kifayatullah, Subhanul Hind Maulana Ahmed Saeed Dehlvi, Maulana Husain Ahmed Madni, Sayyadul Ahraar Maulana Muhammed Ali Jauhar, Maulana Shaukat Ali

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xtruss · 3 years

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'You have the watches, we have the time': Why the Taliban was never defeated

— By Stan Grant | August 9, 2021 | abc.net,au

Nothing should be surprising in the rapid return of the Taliban. Not even the speed with which the group has taken power. (Reuters)

The Taliban has a saying: "You have the watches, we have the time. We were born here. We will die here. We aren't going anywhere."

This is how it outlasted the might of American and allied forces for 20 years.

This is why it is resurgent. This is why it has reclaimed vast swathes of Afghanistan. This is why it is on the verge of retaking the entire country.

The West has been fighting an enemy that will not die. A foe that has nowhere else to go.

We should have learned these lessons. Toppling the Taliban was never going to be enough. Anything short of complete and total victory would always be claimed as a win by the Taliban.

Remember what Henry Kissinger said after the Vietnam War, another conflict with an intractable, dug in, resilient, brutal, opponent fighting on its turf: "The guerrilla wins if he does not lose. The conventional army loses if it does not win."

Joe Biden is the fourth American president to wage this endless war and as he withdraws his troops, he says he will not hand this conflict to a fifth.

'Good Taliban' and 'Bad Taliban'

For America, what has been waged on the battlefield must be settled at the negotiating table. As far as Biden is concerned, this is now an Afghan problem to be solved by Afghans.

It is an exit strategy built on the idea of separating the "good Taliban" from the "bad Taliban".

Yes, that's right, as odd as it may sound — "good Taliban" and "bad Taliban".

I first heard this phrase some years ago when I interviewed Pakistan's Foreign Minister, Shah Mahmood Qureshi, in Islamabad.

Back then, I did a double take. But he explained the "good Taliban" were in Afghanistan committed to power sharing and a return to responsible government.

The Taliban took the city of Mazar-i-Sharif over the weekend. This is what it was like inside the city as the militants closed in.

Apparently, there was a political Taliban who could be brought into the fold and warrior Taliban who must be defeated.

The US believes the "good Taliban" can be convinced to enter a power sharing agreement with the Afghan government.

Yet, those brokered peace talks have stalled. The Taliban does not accept the legitimacy of Afghan President Ashraf Ghani. It never has.

It is committed to reinstalling its caliphate under its version of sharia. And as the Taliban now says, why negotiate when you are winning.

'Politics with bloodshed'

Pakistani Major General Ehsan Mahmood Khan some years ago defined what he called "Taliban warfare". It was never about negotiation.

As he said: "Taliban warfare is politics with bloodshed".

The general said the Taliban is waging a war of ideas, "ideology versus ideology — the Islamic ideology versus Western line of thought".

That is about overturning the concept of the "nation state". It has nothing to do with democracy or power sharing.

As General Khan said, the Taliban has a "grand strategic outlook aimed at seizing legitimacy, credibility and politico-moral ascendancy both by violent and non-violent means".

The violence we are seeing right now. The non-violent is building alliances among tribal groups, infiltrating local populations.

Exploiting a Power Vacuum

The Taliban exploits weak, corrupt, inept, civilian government that fails its people.

Indeed, when the Taliban first took control in the 1990s, it seized on the withdrawal of a foreign army — the Soviet Red Army — exploited a power vacuum amidst a bloody civil war in Afghanistan and was hailed by some as heroes or saviours.

Of course, it quickly became a brutal, ruthless, ruling force murdering opponents, ordering women inside, banning music and carrying out public punishment.

How familiar this now sounds.

It gave haven to militant Islamist groups like Osama bin Laden's Al Qaeda who then plotted the September 11 terror attacks on the United States.

Even after it was toppled by US forces after the invasion in 2001, it maintained a strong presence, even a form of "shadow government", and played the long game of protracted war.

There is an element of ethno-nationalism among the Taliban. It emerged out of the dominant Pashtun ethnic majority.

As General Khan wrote, that ethnic identity and religious belief formed the core of its identity. The Pashtun social code, he said, combined with jihad formed a "formidable war ideology".

When the Taliban took power, it executed hundreds of other ethnic minorities. The same must be feared now.

Taliban's Rapid Return Isn't Surprising

It isn't a transnational terror organisation like Al Qaeda or Islamic State. The Taliban seeks to rule Afghanistan.

Yet it stops short of a nationalist movement, it breaks from other secular Pashtun nationalists. It remains Islamic and allies with other global Islamist groups seeking to establish the Umma — a global collective of Muslim people bound by faith not, flags.

It is feared a return of Taliban power will again give cover to other groups including Al Qaeda and the Islamic State.

Nothing should be surprising in the rapid return of the Taliban. Not even its speed.

The departure of foreign troops was always going to be an open door. The Afghan government and military — despite high-tech training and tens of billions of dollars funding — has predictably proved little obstacle.

The Taliban has maintained its structure, it has rebuilt, it has survived the deaths of senior leadership figures. It has maintained a base in Pakistan and support from within Pakistan's military and intelligence — despite Pakistani denials.

A Quick Fall Into Disaster

Pakistan has always had a tiger by the tail, trying to use the "good Taliban" as a form of strategic depth in its longer battle with neighbouring foe India.

But where is that line between "good Taliban" and "bad Taliban" now? Where is Joe Biden's "good Taliban" to bring back to the negotiating table?

What we have is just the Taliban and it is moving fast on the Afghan capital Kabul. It has triggered a humanitarian disaster with approaching half a million people uprooted from their homes.

Afghans are heading for the borders. Most of the country is now under Taliban rule or in areas contested by the Taliban.

Even the north — traditionally an area of anti-Taliban resistance — has quickly fallen.

Twenty years of war to return to Taliban rule. As they say, "you have watches, we have the time".

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gauravpanditsblog · 5 years

Link

Diva Patang From Afghanistan,

This name is exploding, getting famous and spreading positivity in this World Cup on Social Media Platform like Twitter, ICC Website, Facebook and of course on Instagram. Diva is the Official Digital Insider of International Cricket Council. This Afghan girl having a great talent that is multitasking for which she is noticed globally.

Diva is the official sports presenter of Afghanistan National Radio and Television Channel - RTA She just took the Afghan President Mr. Ashraf Ghani's Interview, the link is below of that important Interview. https://pbs.twimg.com/media/D9mGkxTXUAUzr8l.jpg She is graduated from the University of Westminster and PG from Brunei University, Presently Enrolled in Ph.D. from the University of Buckingham.

We got the Chance to take an E - Interview of Diva, to know more about her and share some small little things with her Fans; MGQ1: Why World Cup Anchoring? Diva: It’s the biggest stage to represent my country. MGQ2: 1st Reaction of the Family once you decided to join Media world. Diva: They thought I was joking but when I started, it was very unusual for them but later they have supported me fully. MGQ3: Future / ambition of Diva. Diva: Want to continue representing my country, my people, my culture and show to the world that Afghanistan has a beautiful culture, people and talent. MGQ4: First Crush. Diva: With my flag

MGQ5: Which is your Fvt Hollywood movie. Diva: Titanic and Catch me if you can MGQ6: Fvt Hollywood Actor? Diva: Leonardo DiCaprio & Tom Cruise MGQ7: Any Bollywood Star you know. Diva: I love watching Bollywood movie and Shah Rukh Khan is my favorite actor and Kajol is my favorite actress. MGQ8: Sports Journalism or Intelligence & Securities. Diva: I do both at different times. I love sports journalism as I can present it to my people on the world stage. Intelligence and Security is something i specialize in and studied. I love politics. MGQ9: Favorite Cricket Ground in London? Diva: Of course Lords MGQ10: Which city you like most? Diva: London and Kabul MGQ11: Which city you wanna be there ASAP. Diva: Khust in Afghanistan MGQ12: Definition / Meaning of Love by you. Diva: Smile, beautiful words, kindness, giving time, appreciation and remembering Allah MGQ13: if you will get One day to live a life of someone, who would be? Diva: I love my own life MGQ14: Favorite Cricketer. Diva: Rashid Khan and Virat Kohli

MGQ15: Favorite Timepass? Diva: My family MGQ16: Favorite Food (Except Afghani) Diva: Indian MGQ 17: What is the first thing you noticed in a Man. Diva: Diva: Respect MGQ18: Biggest Rumour heard about you. I hear a lot of people talking about me lately. Anything good or bad I hear, I’m always thankful to them for remembering me. It makes me stronger and gives me more confidence to move forward. MGQ19: Worst Pickup line you have ever heard and later Blush. Diva: Nothing really MGQ 20: Most Memorable moment? Diva: Interviewing my own President Ashraf Ghani and to walk as a first Afghan female with my own Afghan traditional outfit on England famous cricket grounds plus to hear my national anthem. That's, Diva Patang Guyz.. if you want to get more updates about her please follow her on Twitter - @DivaPatang

#News Updates #Diva Patang (Afghanistan) - ICC Digital Insider

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smnews · 5 years

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Voting for parliamentary elections in Afghanistan's second city has been postponed after a key security official was assassinated and the country braced for widespread insurgent violence on polling day. Taliban commanders on Friday tried to further disrupt the election by issuing a nationwide demand for people to remain at home rather than head to the polls. The vote is seen as a test of president Ashraf Ghani's grip on the country after a grim year of soaring casualties among his forces and civilians and further encroachment by a buoyant Taliban. Dr Ghani's weary international backers, particularly Donald Trump, are desperate for signs of stability and progress after 17-years of pouring troops and money into the country. Yet preparations were dealt a severe blow on Thursday when Kandahar's powerful police chief, Gen Abdul Raziq, was shot dead in an insider attack claimed by the Taliban. Election workers prepare for the country's third parliamentary poll since the Taliban were ousted Credit: Reuters Gen Raziq had been a bastion against Taliban encroachment in the region with a ruthless campaign against the insurgents which had largely stabilised Kandahar and made him the most powerful government figure in southern Afghanistan. The attack at a meeting with US commander, Gen Scott Miller, killed the local intelligence chief and critically wounded the provincial governor, wiping out the local leadership at a stroke. Kandahar, once considered the stronghold of the Taliban movement, was on edge the day after the attack, as funerals were held and officials decided to postpone voting for a week. The Taliban have vowed to disrupt an election they declare a sham and its military council issued a statement warning voters that “participation in this process is aiding the invaders”. It ordered Afghans to “remain indoors and desist from bringing out any means of transport”. A bloody or badly flawed election is predicted to strengthen the Taliban's hand in fledgling talks to find a political settlement to the conflict. More than nine million Afghans are registered to vote in what is only the third parliamentary poll since the Taliban were ousted after the 9/11 attacks. Around 2,500 candidates are standing for 249 seats in a parliament which has in the past decade gained a reputation for graft and greed. This year's polls have already been delayed since 2015 because of rifts within Dr Ghani's government and rows how to clean up the voting system. The vote sees a new generation of election hopefuls, many younger and better educated than previous candidates, take on an old guard frequently tainted with accusations of corruption or involvement in the bloodshed of the 1990s civil war. But the new generation also contains a raft of candidates whose fathers were formerly some of the country's most prominent Mujahideen warlords of the 1990s, and who have been towering figures of Afghan life for decades. This year's voting lists include children of notorious leaders including Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, the Uzbek strongman Gen Abdul Rashid Dostum, and the Herat powerbroker Ismail Khan. Jamaluddin Hekmatyar, whose father is remembered for indiscriminately bombarding Kabul as he squabbled with his former comrades in the 1990s, is standing as a member of his father's Hezb-e Islami party. The 42-year-old told the Telegraph he had not gained his candidacy through nepotism and wanted to “represent the people and fight for their rights”. “I have learned from my father to fight for our values, each nation has the right to be independent and we must fight for a good future, no matter how long that fight would be but we should resist.” He said it was not for him to answer for the deeds of the Mujahideen commanders. “I think it’s not a good analysis if we say only Mujahideen leaders committed mistakes here, we should note foreigners role in Afghanistan too.” The possible rise of children whose fathers presided over the destruction of the 1990s is eyed warily by many Afghans. “There will be no deference between the Mujahideen leaders and their children,” said one Herat resident who lost two uncles during the barbarity of the 1990s, “they are just a shadow of their dads”. “Mujahideen leaders want to rule their policies through their children. They are all educated in the West by the money that their dads received by selling the blood of innocent Afghans.”

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beautytipsfor · 5 years

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Afghanistan elections delayed in Kandahar as nation braces for polling day violence

from Yahoo News - Latest News & Headlines https://ift.tt/2AiV3eW via Beauty Tips

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