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#persian gulf pro league
wordsinpersian · 2 years
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باشگاه فوتبال ملوان بندر انزلی
Transcription: bāšgāh-e futbāl-e malavān-e bandar-e anzali
Meaning: Malavān Football Club of Bandar Anzali, or simply Malavān, an Iranian association football club based in the city of Bandar Anzali in the province of Gilān (Northern Iran); the club is known for its extremely devoted fans, particularly in Bandar Anzali where people live in tune with the club's activities; Malavān has been a regular contender in Iran's first-tier league, the Persian Gulf Pro League, since the latter's creation in 2001.
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Qual é o desempenho recente do Sanat Naft FC e quais são as probabilidades deles ganharem o próximo jogo?
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Qual é o desempenho recente do Sanat Naft FC e quais são as probabilidades deles ganharem o próximo jogo?
Desempenho recente do Sanat Naft FC
O Sanat Naft FC tem se destacado no cenário do futebol recentemente, demonstrando um desempenho notável em suas últimas partidas. O clube, sediado na cidade de Abadan, no Irã, vem conquistando vitórias importantes e mostrando um jogo consistente em campo.
Uma das principais razões para o sucesso recente do Sanat Naft FC tem sido o trabalho árduo de seus jogadores e comissão técnica. Eles têm se dedicado aos treinamentos e têm demonstrado uma excelente sincronia tática durante as partidas. Além disso, a determinação e o espírito de equipe têm sido fundamentais para superar desafios e garantir resultados positivos.
Outro ponto importante a ser destacado é o desempenho dos principais jogadores do time. Atletas talentosos têm se destacado em campo, contribuindo com gols, assistências e jogadas decisivas. A qualidade técnica aliada à garra e dedicação têm sido características marcantes desses jogadores, que têm sido peças-chave nas vitórias do Sanat Naft FC.
Além disso, a gestão eficiente do clube tem proporcionado condições favoráveis para o desenvolvimento do futebol. Investimentos em infraestrutura, contratações estratégicas e planejamento adequado têm contribuído para fortalecer a equipe e aumentar sua competitividade nos campeonatos em que disputa.
Com um desempenho consistente e resultados positivos, o Sanat Naft FC tem conquistado a admiração dos torcedores e o respeito dos adversários. O futuro parece promissor para o clube, que continua buscando alcançar voos mais altos no cenário do futebol nacional e internacional.
Probabilidades de vitória do Sanat Naft FC
O Sanat Naft FC é um clube de futebol do Irã que tem despertado interesse e expectativas entre os fãs e especialistas. Com uma trajetória marcada por desafios e superações, a equipe se prepara para enfrentar novos adversários e buscar vitórias em suas competições.
As probabilidades de vitória do Sanat Naft FC são influenciadas por diversos fatores, como o desempenho dos jogadores, a estratégia tática adotada pelo técnico e o nível de preparo físico e mental da equipe. Além disso, o histórico de confrontos anteriores e o momento atual do time também são considerados na análise das probabilidades.
É importante destacar que no futebol, assim como em qualquer outro esporte, as probabilidades estão sujeitas a mudanças constantes. Um time pode ser considerado favorito em determinado momento, mas uma série de fatores pode alterar essa perspectiva, como lesões de jogadores-chave, mudanças no elenco ou variações no ambiente de jogo.
Para os torcedores do Sanat Naft FC, acompanhar de perto as notícias e informações sobre o time pode ser fundamental para entender as probabilidades de vitória em cada partida. Além disso, a análise crítica e a confiança no potencial da equipe também são elementos essenciais para manter o otimismo e o apoio durante os desafios.
Em resumo, as probabilidades de vitória do Sanat Naft FC são resultado de uma combinação de fatores e variáveis que podem ser analisados e debatidos pelos torcedores e especialistas. A cada jogo, a equipe tem a oportunidade de mostrar sua força e determinação em busca do tão desejado sucesso nos gramados.
Análise de resultados do Sanat Naft FC
O Sanat Naft FC é um clube de futebol iraniano com uma história intrigante e uma base de fãs dedicada. Vamos analisar os resultados recentes deste clube e o que isso pode significar para o seu futuro.
Na última temporada, o Sanat Naft FC teve um desempenho misto na Persian Gulf Pro League, a principal liga de futebol do Irã. Com uma série de altos e baixos, o clube terminou a temporada em uma posição intermediária na tabela de classificação. Embora não tenham alcançado os primeiros lugares, também evitaram a luta contra o rebaixamento, o que pode ser considerado um resultado razoável.
Um dos destaques da temporada foi a performance de alguns jogadores-chave do Sanat Naft FC. Com habilidades excepcionais e determinação, eles contribuíram significativamente para os sucessos do time. No entanto, também houve momentos de inconsistência, onde a equipe lutou para manter a coesão e a forma.
Olhando para o futuro, o Sanat Naft FC pode aprender com as lições desta temporada e buscar melhorias. Reforçar áreas de fraqueza, como a defesa ou a criação de jogadas, pode ser crucial para alcançar um desempenho mais consistente e competitivo na próxima temporada.
Além disso, o clube pode buscar oportunidades para desenvolver jovens talentos locais, investindo em sua academia de base e programas de desenvolvimento de jovens. Isso não apenas fortalecerá o time a longo prazo, mas também criará uma identidade local mais forte para o clube.
Em resumo, os resultados do Sanat Naft FC nesta temporada oferecem lições valiosas e oportunidades de crescimento. Com a dedicação certa e uma estratégia bem planejada, o clube pode aspirar a conquistas ainda maiores no futuro.
Estatísticas do Sanat Naft FC
O Sanat Naft FC é um clube de futebol iraniano com uma história interessante e estatísticas impressionantes. Fundado em 1950, o clube tem uma longa trajetória no futebol do Irã e tem conquistado sucesso ao longo dos anos.
Uma das estatísticas notáveis do Sanat Naft FC é o seu desempenho em competições nacionais e internacionais. O clube já conquistou títulos importantes, como a Copa Hazfi, uma das principais competições de copa do país. Além disso, o Sanat Naft FC também se destacou em competições continentais, representando o Irã com orgulho.
Outro aspecto importante das estatísticas do Sanat Naft FC é o seu papel no desenvolvimento do futebol iraniano. O clube tem uma academia de jovens talentos que tem produzido jogadores talentosos ao longo dos anos, contribuindo para o crescimento e a qualidade do esporte no país.
Além disso, o Sanat Naft FC possui uma base de torcedores fervorosos, que apoiam o clube em todos os momentos, seja nos bons ou nos maus momentos. A paixão dos torcedores é uma parte fundamental da identidade do clube e tem sido um impulso para o seu sucesso ao longo dos anos.
Em resumo, as estatísticas do Sanat Naft FC refletem não apenas o seu desempenho em campo, mas também o seu impacto no cenário do futebol iraniano. Com uma história rica em conquistas e um futuro promissor pela frente, o clube continua a ser uma força a ser reconhecida no futebol nacional e internacional.
Tendências de desempenho do Sanat Naft FC
O Sanat Naft FC é um clube de futebol do Irã que tem chamado a atenção pela sua trajetória e desempenho recente. Fundado em 1950, o clube tem conquistado destaque no cenário nacional e internacional, com uma série de tendências que merecem ser destacadas.
Uma das tendências mais marcantes do Sanat Naft FC é o seu crescimento consistente nos últimos anos. O clube tem investido em infraestrutura, recrutamento de talentos e estratégias de jogo, resultando em um desempenho cada vez mais sólido dentro de campo.
Além disso, o Sanat Naft FC tem se destacado pela sua abordagem tática inovadora. O time adota um estilo de jogo ofensivo e envolvente, que valoriza a posse de bola e a troca rápida de passes. Essa abordagem tem rendido resultados positivos, com vitórias expressivas e um futebol envolvente que cativa os torcedores.
Outro ponto a se destacar é a gestão profissional do clube. O Sanat Naft FC tem apostado em uma administração eficiente e transparente, o que tem contribuído para o seu crescimento sustentável e para a conquista de novos patrocinadores e investidores.
Por fim, vale ressaltar o comprometimento dos jogadores e da comissão técnica do Sanat Naft FC. O trabalho árduo, a disciplina tática e o espírito de equipe têm sido fundamentais para os bons resultados alcançados pelo clube.
Diante dessas tendências de desempenho, fica claro que o Sanat Naft FC está no caminho certo para consolidar sua posição como um dos principais clubes do futebol iraniano e conquistar ainda mais sucesso no cenário internacional.
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queenslandlions · 3 days
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Qual é o histórico de desempenho do Pars Jonoubi Jam em jogos de futebol e como isso pode influenciar nas apostas esportivas?
🎰🎲✨ Receba 2.000 reais e 200 rodadas grátis, além de um bônus instantâneo para jogar jogos de cassino com apenas um clique! ✨🎲🎰
Qual é o histórico de desempenho do Pars Jonoubi Jam em jogos de futebol e como isso pode influenciar nas apostas esportivas?
Desempenho do Pars Jonoubi Jam
O Pars Jonoubi Jam é um clube de futebol iraniano que tem despertado interesse pelos seus desempenhos consistentes nas competições locais e internacionais. Fundado em 2006 e sediado na cidade de Shiraz, o clube tem conquistado reconhecimento pela sua habilidade em campo e pelo seu compromisso com o desenvolvimento do futebol no Irã.
Nos últimos anos, o Pars Jonoubi Jam tem demonstrado um desempenho notável nas competições domésticas, como a Persian Gulf Pro League, onde tem se mantido entre os principais competidores. Além disso, o clube também tem marcado presença em torneios continentais, como a Liga dos Campeões da AFC, onde tem representado o futebol iraniano com destaque.
Um dos principais fatores que contribuem para o sucesso do Pars Jonoubi Jam é a sua estratégia de recrutamento e desenvolvimento de talentos. O clube investe em programas de base e na formação de jovens jogadores, proporcionando-lhes oportunidades para crescer e se destacar no cenário do futebol nacional e internacional.
Além disso, a dedicação dos jogadores, comissão técnica e diretoria também tem sido fundamental para o desempenho consistente do Pars Jonoubi Jam. O compromisso com a excelência, aliado a uma mentalidade competitiva, tem permitido ao clube alcançar resultados expressivos e conquistar o respeito de adversários e torcedores.
Em resumo, o desempenho do Pars Jonoubi Jam tem sido notável, tanto em nível nacional quanto internacional. Com uma abordagem focada no desenvolvimento de talentos e uma cultura de excelência, o clube continua a escrever sua história de sucesso no futebol iraniano e a inspirar uma nova geração de jogadores e torcedores.
Estatísticas de jogos de futebol
As estatísticas de jogos de futebol são uma parte essencial do mundo do esporte, oferecendo insights valiosos sobre o desempenho das equipes e dos jogadores. Desde o número de gols marcados até a posse de bola e as faltas cometidas, esses dados fornecem uma visão abrangente de cada partida.
Uma das estatísticas mais básicas é o resultado final do jogo, indicando qual equipe saiu vitoriosa, se houve empate ou se houve um vencedor claro. Além disso, o número de gols marcados por cada time é fundamental para avaliar o desempenho ofensivo e defensivo de uma equipe.
A posse de bola também é uma métrica importante, pois pode indicar o controle do jogo por parte de uma equipe e sua capacidade de ditar o ritmo da partida. Times com maior posse de bola geralmente têm mais oportunidades de marcar gols.
Além disso, as estatísticas individuais dos jogadores, como passes completos, dribles bem-sucedidos e interceptações, fornecem insights sobre o desempenho de cada atleta durante o jogo. Esses dados são especialmente úteis para treinadores e recrutadores na avaliação do talento e da eficácia de um jogador em campo.
As estatísticas de jogos de futebol também são utilizadas por analistas e entusiastas do esporte para prever resultados futuros, identificar tendências e padrões de jogo, e até mesmo para apostas esportivas. No entanto, é importante lembrar que as estatísticas são apenas uma parte do jogo e nem sempre refletem o resultado final, já que o futebol é um esporte imprevisível e cheio de surpresas.
Análise de resultados esportivos
Claro, aqui está o artigo solicitado:
Análise de Resultados Esportivos: Uma Ferramenta Essencial para o Sucesso dos Atletas
Para atletas de alto desempenho e equipes esportivas, a análise de resultados é uma ferramenta fundamental para entender e melhorar o desempenho. Essa prática consiste em examinar detalhadamente os resultados de competições anteriores, identificando padrões, pontos fortes e áreas de melhoria.
Uma das principais razões pelas quais a análise de resultados é tão importante é porque ela fornece insights valiosos que podem ser usados para ajustar estratégias e táticas. Ao revisar os resultados passados, os atletas podem identificar padrões de desempenho e entender o que funcionou bem e o que precisa ser aprimorado. Isso permite que eles ajustem seus treinamentos e abordagens para maximizar suas chances de sucesso no futuro.
Além disso, a análise de resultados esportivos também é essencial para avaliar o progresso ao longo do tempo. Ao acompanhar de perto os resultados de cada competição, os atletas podem ver se estão melhorando, regredindo ou estagnados em seu desempenho. Isso é crucial para manter a motivação e a direção, ajudando os atletas a ajustar seus objetivos e estratégias conforme necessário.
Outro benefício importante da análise de resultados é sua capacidade de fornecer informações sobre os concorrentes. Ao estudar os resultados de outras equipes ou atletas, os competidores podem identificar pontos fracos e fortes, bem como estratégias eficazes. Isso pode informar suas próprias abordagens competitivas e ajudá-los a se preparar melhor para enfrentar adversários no futuro.
Em suma, a análise de resultados esportivos é uma ferramenta essencial para o sucesso dos atletas. Ao fornecer insights valiosos, avaliar o progresso e informar as estratégias competitivas, essa prática pode ajudar os atletas a alcançar seu máximo potencial e alcançar o sucesso nas competições.
Apostas esportivas no futebol
As apostas esportivas no futebol têm se tornado uma prática cada vez mais popular entre os fãs do esporte mais amado pelos brasileiros. Com a facilidade de acesso às plataformas online e a crescente cobertura midiática dos eventos esportivos, muitos entusiastas têm buscado essa forma de entretenimento e, em alguns casos, até mesmo uma fonte de renda extra.
No entanto, é importante compreender que as apostas esportivas devem ser encaradas com responsabilidade e de forma consciente. Antes de apostar, é essencial entender o funcionamento do mercado, conhecer as probabilidades e analisar as estatísticas das equipes e dos jogadores envolvidos. Além disso, é fundamental definir um orçamento específico para as apostas e não ultrapassá-lo, evitando assim possíveis prejuízos financeiros.
No contexto do futebol, existem diversos tipos de apostas que podem ser realizadas, desde o resultado final da partida até mesmo aspectos mais específicos, como o número de gols marcados ou o desempenho de determinado jogador. A variedade de opções torna o processo ainda mais interessante e dinâmico para os apostadores.
É importante ressaltar também a importância de escolher plataformas de apostas confiáveis e licenciadas, garantindo assim a segurança das transações financeiras e a integridade das apostas realizadas.
Em suma, as apostas esportivas no futebol podem ser uma forma divertida e emocionante de acompanhar os jogos, desde que sejam realizadas de maneira responsável e consciente. Com o devido conhecimento e cautela, é possível desfrutar dessa prática de forma saudável e até mesmo lucrativa.
Impacto do histórico de desempenho nas apostas
O histórico de desempenho é um dos fatores mais importantes a serem considerados ao fazer apostas esportivas. Ele pode fornecer insights valiosos sobre o desempenho passado de uma equipe ou jogador, ajudando os apostadores a tomar decisões mais informadas.
Ao analisar o histórico de desempenho de uma equipe, os apostadores podem observar padrões e tendências que podem influenciar o resultado de um jogo. Isso inclui estatísticas como vitórias anteriores, derrotas, empates, gols marcados e sofridos, entre outros indicadores. Com base nessas informações, os apostadores podem fazer previsões mais precisas sobre o resultado de um próximo jogo.
Além disso, o histórico de desempenho também pode revelar informações sobre o desempenho de um jogador individualmente. Isso inclui sua forma atual, lesões anteriores, desempenho contra equipes específicas e muito mais. Esses insights podem ser extremamente úteis ao decidir em quem apostar em eventos esportivos individuais.
No entanto, é importante notar que o histórico de desempenho não é o único fator a ser considerado ao fazer apostas. Outros fatores, como condições climáticas, mudanças na equipe, lesões recentes e estratégias táticas, também podem influenciar o resultado de um jogo.
Em resumo, o histórico de desempenho desempenha um papel crucial nas apostas esportivas, fornecendo aos apostadores informações valiosas que podem ajudá-los a fazer previsões mais precisas. No entanto, é essencial considerar uma variedade de fatores ao tomar decisões de apostas para aumentar as chances de sucesso.
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wikiuntamed · 2 months
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On this day in Wikipedia: Tuesday, 20th February
Welcome, ongi etorri, आपका स्वागत है (āpakā svāgata hai), ยินดีต้อนรับ (yin dee dtôn rab) 🤗 What does @Wikipedia say about 20th February through the years 🏛️📜🗓️?
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20th February 2014 🗓️ : Event - Euromaidan Dozens of Euromaidan anti-government protesters died in Ukraine's capital Kyiv, many reportedly killed by snipers. "Euromaidan ( YOOR-ə-my-DAHN, YOOR-oh-; Ukrainian: Євромайдан, romanized: Yevromaidan, IPA: [ˌjɛu̯romɐjˈdɑn], lit. 'Euro Square'), or the Maidan Uprising, was a wave of demonstrations and civil unrest in Ukraine, which began on 21 November 2013 with large protests in Maidan Nezalezhnosti..."
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apwmagazine · 1 year
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Iran Football Player Arrested? What Did Ashkan Dejagah Do?
Iran Football Player Arrested? What Did Ashkan Dejagah Do?
Is an Iran football player arrested? Footballer Ashkan Dejagah is said to be in custody amid the ongoing tension in the country. Seyed Ashkan Dejagah, better known as Ashkan Dejagah, plays as a midfielder for the Persian Gulf Pro League club Foolad FC (#24). Dejagah, who has played for the Iranian national team (#21), did not make it to the FIFA World Cup 2022 squad. He had previously helped Iran…
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opedguy · 1 year
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Iranian Soccer Players Sentenced to Death
LOS ANGELES (OnlineColumnist.com ), Dec. 14, 2022.--Iranian professional soccer player Amir Nassr-Azadani, 26, was arrested in November and now sentenced to death for blasphemy related to the Sept. 16 death of 22-year-old Kurdish woman Mahsa Amini by the Basij militia for violating Iran’s strict dress code.  Nassr-Azadani was accused of “waging war against God and will be hanged in public.  “We stand in solidarity with Amir and call for the immediate removal of his punishment,” aid FIFPRO, the international soccer players union.  “Shocked and sickened, FIBPRO condemned the crackdown on Iranian soccer players for participating in nationwide protests over Amin’s death.  Iran’s mullah government, led by 83-year-old Supreme Learder Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, has been arrested protesters in droves, only recently hanging one for “waging war against God,” an egregious attempt by the mullah government to suppress unrest
Ayatollah Khamenei, and his 63-year-old President Ebrahim Raisi, responded forcefully to the nationwide street protests, amounting to the biggest threat to the mullah regime since in 1979 Islamic Revolution.  Iran’s bloody crackdown on street protesters has arrested hundreds and killed at least 50 since protest broke out after Amini’s beating death Sept. 16 by the Basij militia or “morality police.”  Iran’s youthful population has never known reedoms enjoyed by ordinary citizens under the rule of Shan Reza Mohammed Pahlavi, the Shah of Iran before he was ousted by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomenei, the leader of the Islamic Revolution.  Forty-three years of mullah rule has soured the nation, no longer willing to live in fear of arbitrary arrests and vaporizations by the cleric government.  Nassr-Azadani played for the Persian Gulf Pro League since Tractor but has not played since November 2017.
More public executions, like the last one on a construction crane Dec. 12, intimidates the public into stopping the nationwide protests, now in their third month.  Most Iranians know that if they run afoul with the government, there’s no justice, only arrest, prison and vaporizations.  Nassr-Azadan is one out of 28 Iranians charged and arrested with violating “God’s law,” a crime against the mullah government.  No one knows how far the mullah government is willing to go to crack down on street protesters currently unwilling to stop activism.  Iran hung Mohsen Shekani on and industrial crane for his role in street protests.  Shkani was accused of blocking s street an injuring a member of Iran’s Basij militia.  Iran published a video confession of Shekan admitting he wounded a member of the “morality police,” letting protesters know that if they get caught, they’ll wind up the same way.
Oslo –based Iran Human Rights Group said that Shekani was tortured into a false confession before hung in public.  European Union [EU] announced sanctions on senior Iranian clerics for its ongoing crackdown on street protests, and, more recently, supplying Russia with Kamikaze drones and ballistic missiles in Ukraine.  Joining forces with Russia in Ukraine, Iran knows that the U.S. and EU consider itself a rogue regime, a state sponsor of terror.  Former President Donald Trump cancelled former President Barack Obama’s 2015 Iranian Nuke Deal May 8, 2018 because Iran sponsored war against U.S. ally Saudi Arabia.  President Joe Biden, 80, hoped to reestablish the Iranian Nuke Deal with EU partners, only to realize how the mullah regime attacks its neighbors and own citizens.  EU foreign ministers demanded that Iran stop the extra-judicial arrests and public executions around Iran.
Iran finds itself in a military alliance with Russia, much the way Axis powers in WW II joined Hitlers’s Nazi war machine.  Iran 83-year-old Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei knows he’s in an existential battle for his survival.  Joining the Russian war effort in Ukraine assures that if, push came to shove, Russia would rescue Khamenei the way he did in 2015 with 57-year-old Syrian President Bashar al-Assad.  Obama and his Vice President Joe Biden, spent eight years pouring billions into rebel groups seeking to topple al-Assad’s Damascus regime.  Al-Assad survived with Russian military help, foiling Obama and Biden’s plans to topple the Damascus government.  Biden thinks he can pour unlimited cash and weapons in Ukraine with the hope to toppling the Russian Federation.  So far, Biden’s proxy war against the Kremlin has resulted in the destruction of Ukraine.
EU officials are taking action against Ayatollah Ali Khemenei’s mullah regime for supplying drones and ballistic missiles to Russia in Ukraine.  Whether the EU’s sanctions of Iran’s Revolutionary Guards make any difference or not isn’t known.  What’s known for sure is that the EU excluded itself in any effort to resuscitate the Iranian Nuke Deal now that Iran finds itself under siege from the U.S. and EU.  When it comes to Iran joining forces with Russia, how does that differ from China and India ignoring U.S. and EU sanctions and buying Russian oil and natural gas?  “Weapons provided by Iran are being used indiscriminately by Russia against Ukrainian civilian population and infrastructure causing horrendous destruction and human suffereing,” said the EU.  If The EU wants the 10-month old bloody Ukraine War to end, the EU should get behind French President Emmanuel Macron’s peacemaking.
About the Author      
John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in national and global news. He’s editor of OnlineColumnist.com and author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.  
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ptvsport · 1 year
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Who are Rouzbeh Cheshmi, Ramin Rezaeian- Iran heroes in FIFA World Cup win against Wales
Who are Rouzbeh Cheshmi, Ramin Rezaeian- Iran heroes in FIFA World Cup win against Wales
Iran’s Rouzbeh Cheshmi and Ramin Rezaeian scored late in the match against Wales to complete an incredible 2-0 win in the Group B match on Thursday. Cheshmi plays for plays as a defensive midfielder or a centre-back for Esteghla in the Persian Gulf Pro League. Rezaeian plays as a defender for Persian Gulf Pro League club Sepahan. More to follow….  Source link
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omghotmemes · 3 years
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Women Are Not Allowed To Attend Soccer Matches In Iran. 5 Girls Sneak In Azadi Stadium In Disguise To Celebrate Persepolis Championship In Iran's Persian Gulf Pro League
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chewedcorn · 3 years
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Women Are Not Allowed To Attend Soccer Matches In Iran. 5 Girls Sneak In Azadi Stadium In Disguise To Celebrate Persepolis Championship In Iran's Persian Gulf Pro League
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factsweird · 3 years
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Women Are Not Allowed To Attend Soccer Matches In Iran. 5 Girls Sneak In Azadi Stadium In Disguise To Celebrate Persepolis Championship In Iran's Persian Gulf Pro League
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onefinequeenbee · 3 years
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Women Are Not Allowed To Attend Soccer Matches In Iran. 5 Girls Sneak In Azadi Stadium In Disguise To Celebrate Persepolis Championship In Iran's Persian Gulf Pro League
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neopetporn · 3 years
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Women Are Not Allowed To Attend Soccer Matches In Iran. 5 Girls Sneak In Azadi Stadium In Disguise To Celebrate Persepolis Championship In Iran's Persian Gulf Pro League
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unbfacts · 5 years
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Women are not allowed to attend soccer matches in Iran. Last year, five girls snuck into Azadi Stadium in disguise to celebrate Persepolis championship in Iran's Persian Gulf Pro League.
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A Primer on Northern Syria
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Originally posted on the Organise Aotearoa Blog on 14/10/19
Northern Syria, also known as the NES (Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria) or by its Kurdish name, Rojava (the west), is often in the news for all the wrong reasons. This week, Turkish troops and their local Islamist allies crossed the border in the name of protecting Turkey from Kurdish-led militants it denounces as terrorists. The US, ostensibly an ally of the Kurds, has granted Turkey a free hand to bomb the region at its leisure, and has assisted Turkey by closing off the border crossings with Iraq, and along the Euphrates. To understand the conflict holistically means we need to go far back into history, before capitalism, and before the ethno-nationalism it fostered could tear the region apart.
Pre-Capitalist History
Prior to the spread of Islam in the 600s, the region known as The Levant, or Lebanon, Palestine and Syria, was home to a number of competing religions. Greek Orthodox Christianity, Syriac Christianity, and Zoroastrianism (an ancient precursor to modern monotheistic religions) were all practiced across the region, along with smaller religions that can be traced back to the earliest human cities in Mesopotamia, such as the Yazidi religion. Most of these religions are still practiced by minorities in the region today, with the exception of Zoroastrianism which has been reduced to tiny enclaves much farther east.
In pre-capitalist times, humans have understood cultural differences quite differently to how we do today. It’s hard for many to understand now, but race and ethnicity were concepts that would only come into play later. Religious and cultural practice was a much more important and tangible aspect of identity. When Islam spread across the region, many Levantine peoples welcomed it because of its similarities to local forms of Christian iconoclasm (meaning religious opposition to figurative representation of the divine).
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Map showing the spread of Islam under successive Caliphs.
Islam brought with it a renaissance period where Levantine peoples led the world in the arts and sciences. The conservative institutions of the Byzantine orthodox church, and Sassanid Zoroastrian fundamentalists were swept aside by a new wave of Islamic scholars and thinkers, whose rationalist approach now seems extremely modern compared to other cultures of the time. Islam was led by Caliphs, ideally philosopher-king descendents of the prophet, far removed from the more sinister modern use of the term.
By the late Middle Ages, the Caliphs were no longer direct descendents of the prophet, but rather powerful sultans who took on the title themselves. By the 1400s the Caliphs were a Turkish dynasty from central Anatolia, the Osmanolgu family, better known as the Ottomans. The Ottomans ushered in a second Islamic renaissance, and despite their brutal methods of warfare, were relatively fair administrators who allowed a great deal of autonomy for minorities. Christians, Jews and Muslims cohabited peacefully, to the point that whole cities were granted to minorities, such as the Jewish-led city of Salonica (Thessaloniki) in Greece.
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Map showing the spread of the Ottoman caliphate.
However, this second period of peace wouldn’t always last. As the centuries passed, the Ottomans found themselves in direct competition with European powers, whose absolute monarchies and mercantilism proved to be a much stronger economic and political base. By the time of the Industrial revolution, the Ottomans were referred to as “The Sick Man of Europe.” A vast, but ultimately weak power, that could be easily divided up between the emerging European colonial powers.
The Ottomans adapted to this by adopting European-style cultural, political and economic practices. They experimented with colonial practices, beginning Turkish colonies across their provinces, and attempted to impose aspects of modern state power, like standing armies and police forces. These reforms were not enough, and the Ottomans found themselves being eaten alive by European powers. Napoleonic France took Egypt, Russia took Crimea, and Britain took Cyprus.
Capitalism reaches the Levant
This crisis led to growing anxiety amongst the emerging Turkish bourgeoisie. They feared that the Empire wouldn’t modernise fast enough to avoid disintegration, and that the Sultan needed to abolish the system of regional autonomy (the millet system), and replace it with a modern capitalist state under an absolute monarchy. Ottoman nationalism emerged as a means to consolidate the many regional identities, and a policy of “Turkification” was pursued throughout the empire. Capitalism requires a relatively homogenous populace in order to effectively create a working class to fuel industrial modernisation, and so the myriad ethnic identities of the empire presented a problem.
Several events in the first decades of the 20th century created the conditions for the form of Turkish ethnonationalism we see today. In 1908, Turkish army officers and the Ottoman bourgeoisie rose up in the Young Turk Revolution, demanding a liberal parliamentary system with representation for ethnic minorities. A counter-revolution in 1909 by reactionaries and proto-Islamists reversed some of the changes, and brought violence against ethnic minorities who were seen to be in support of the earlier revolution. The empire was now divided between liberal-bourgeois Ottomanism and reactionary Turkish ethnonationalism. A narrative of betrayal stemming from the loss of the Balkans in 1912 and an inability to mobilise the Anatolian Armenian population against Russia in 1914 added fuel to the flames. From 1915 to 1923, up to 1.5 million Armenians and other Christian minorities were systematically killed, the first modern genocide on an industrial scale, and a crime denied by Turkey to this day. Lesser known are the Greek and Assyrian massacres, which themselves account for up to a million additional deaths. Muslim populations historically allied to the Ottomans, such as Kurds and Circassians, participated in the killings.
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Map showing sites of documented Armenian and Assyrian genocide.
Ultimately neither clamping down on dissenting minorities, mobilising Turkish enthnonationalist sentiment, nor an alliance with the Central Powers of Germany and Austria-Hungary could save the empire. During the First World War, the “Sick Man of Europe” was finally carved up between the European colonial powers, after they successfully took advantage of a large scale Arab revolt by making false promises of statehood. The League of Nations, established in the aftermath of the war and the precursor to the modern UN, tasked various ‘responsible’ European powers with administering the conquered territories in the Levant and Mesopotamia.
The agreements signed during this period, in which the Arab revolt was thoroughly betrayed, would have profound implications, and are the source of many modern borders. Israel can trace its legacy back to this period; in the Balfour Declaration of 1917, Zionist immigration to Mandate Palestine was encouraged as a form of demographic engineering. The Sykes-Picot agreement led to the creation of Palestine, Transjordan (Jordan), Kuwait, and Iraq under British influence, and Lebanon and Syria under the French. Saudi Arabia, then known as the Emirate of Nejd, also participated in the partitioning by annexing the Ottoman Persian Gulf territories, and the lands captured in the Arab revolt by the rival Hashemites. In all of these territories, the Europeans encouraged regional nationalism and solidified the new borders, cutting several communities and tribes off from one another and effectively fracturing the entire region.
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Map showing European zones of influence following WWI. Europeans also effectively controlled Egypt, Cyprus, and zones within Turkey, which is not shown. 
The Mandate territories revolted against the Europeans several times. Turkey, occupied by the Europeans since 1918, successfully overthrew them in 1923, led by Mustafa Kemal Pasha (Atatürk), who attempted to combine the liberal-secular parliamentarism and Turkish ethnonationalism of the 1908 and 1909 revolutions into an ideology known as Kemalism. Palestine also attempted to overthrow the British in 1936 but was brutally crushed. Iraq attempted to do the same in 1941, even allying itself with Nazi Germany to do so, but was similarly put down.
After the end of the Second World War, the European powers were no longer able to exert direct control over the entire Levant, instead holding on to key areas like the Suez canal. The British also granted large parts of Mandate Palestine to the emerging Zionist movement as they believed an Israeli state would be more amenable to the West than the unruly Arabs. Pan-Arabism emerged in this period as a rejection of the atomisation, arbitrary borders, and demographic engineering that marked the European mandate territories. Wars against Israel and horror at its genocide of Palestinians would be a rallying cry for this movement, which resulted in a degree of consolidation in Levantine identity.
The Postcolonial Levant
Pan-Arabism would take on a social-democratic character as the various postcolonial states founded welfare systems, and allied themselves with the Soviet Union. However, the ideology was still strongly anti-communist on the domestic front. Indeed, anticommunism was the chief motive behind the zenith of Pan-Arabism: the attempt at a united Arab state in 1958. The United Arab Republic (UAR) was a union between Egypt and Syria, both led by social-democratic nationalist governments who feared that the alternative would be a Syrian communist revolution. Iraqi military officers soon overthrew their pro-Western monarchy and very nearly joined the UAR themselves.
Ultimately however, this sentiment would be short lived. As the threat of communism died down and the realities of post-colonial statehood set in, Pan-Arabism was replaced with a number of competing ideas. Marxists remained a strong faction, but would never again find themselves in a position to take power. Ba’athism, a legacy of the Pan-Arabist period, would later become the dominant ideology in Syria and Iraq, where its contradictory character would lead to both social-democratic reforms and the uneven repression of minorities and communists. Islamism, encouraged as a state ideology in Saudi Arabia, also became a powerful force, buoyed by its successes and US-funding in Afghanistan. Ethnonationalist separatism also emerged out of the decline of Pan-Arabism, which sharpened the contradictions facing minorities like the Kurds, Assyrians, and Armenians.
Modern Northern Syria
Northern Syria bears the marks of all of these competing ideologies from the postcolonial/Cold-War period, as well as the ethnic and religious divides from the preceding centuries. There are Marxist factions, generally split along ethnic lines between Kurds and Arab/Alawites; as well as Ba’athists; Islamists, most infamously ISIS; and ethno-nationalists of all stripes. Amongst them are the somewhat apolitical ethnic and religious minorities, like the Yazidis, who are motivated primarily by survival in the face of repeated threats of genocide. Newer factions include Kurdish Apoists, and the mercenary factions funded by various global powers.
Northern Syria is also the site of three major global battlegrounds. There is an expansionist and ethnonationalist Turkey seeking to quash Kurdish aspirations to nationhood; a regional battle between Saudi wahhabism (extreme Sunni fundamentalism) and Iranian principlism (revolutionary Shia Islam); and the US and EU making the most of the situation to access oil and guarantee long-term superiority over Russia. There are also smaller conflicts exploited by all parties, as well as the opportunism and warlordism that a collapse of civilian government and constant arms shipments engenders.
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Map of the Syrian war as of October 13, 2019. Government (Ba’athist) areas are shown in red. Green areas are a mix of Western-backed militias (in Al-Tanf), Free Syrian Army remnants (in Idlib) and Turkish-backed militias (in the far north). Yellow is areas controlled by the SDF and Kurds. Black shows hardline Islamist remnants. Blue shows Israeli occupation.
Discussion of Northern Syria inevitably centers around the PYD (the Kurdish Democratic Union Party), arguably the most mythologised and interesting of all the Syrian factions. Depending on who you talk to on the internet, the PYD can be anything from anarchist insurrectionists, to Marxist revolutionaries, to eco-feminist warriors, to Kurdish terrorists, to Western imperialist Contras paid to undermine peace in the region. It’s our goal to demystify the group somewhat.
The PYD is the Syrian sister party of the PKK, the Kurdistan Workers’ Party, led by the imprisoned Abdullah Öcalan. Initially a Marxist group formed out of Kurdish students in Turkey, the PKK was forced underground by Turkish repression, becoming a guerilla army armed and supported by the Ba’athist governments of Iraq and Syria, who tolerated the PKK’s Marxist rhetoric so long as it was aimed at Turkey. The PKK of today is quite different, having dropped Marxism-Leninism and alliances with Ba’athism from its doctrine. The PKK and PYD, along with the other member parties of the KCK (Kurdistan Communities Union) umbrella organisation, have shifted towards enacting a democratic confederalist or “Apoist” (after a diminutive form of Öcalan’s name) programme in the predominantly Kurdish areas of northern Iraq and Syria, southeastern Turkey, and northwestern Iran. This gained a lot of attention in the west due to its communalist, feminist, and anti-capitalist aspirations. However, the system of autonomous cantons remains an admirable small-scale experiment, and tends to be overstated by the western left. The territory has also had difficulty living up to its ecological aspirations due to reliance on diesel generators, unregulated oil refineries, and wartime economic constraints.
The PYD and its armed wing, the YPG/YPJ, also gained infamy for its conditional alliance with the US and EU, whereby the Kurds and their allies gained air support, weapons and other assistance in return for allowing 10 US military bases on their territory. The US also assisted with arming the SDF (Syrian Democratic Forces), a broad military coalition that included the YPG/YPJ along with those whom it had previously opposed, such as Kurdish nationalists, religious Sunni Kurds, mercenaries, and conscripted soldiers of dubious willingness. As the result of US negotiations this new armed force came to control all lands north of the Euphrates, well beyond the initial territorial aspirations of the PYD, which had initially only included the majority-Kurdish regions in a strip along the northern border. This put the Kurdish-led military force in control of most of Syria’s oil fields, and a large population of Arabs and minorities critical of the SDF, the only Syrian faction to use forced conscription. Allegations of ethnic chauvinism, and the discovery of “blacksites” (interrogation and torture facilities) within SDF areas added to the criticism.
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Map showing initial Kurdish territorial aspirations. De-facto Kurdish territories are now much larger.
Turkey is the main adversary of the Kurdish-led force. Since 2014 Turkey has been ruled by the fascist-adjacent and increasingly autocratic Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, whose Justice and Development Party is a direct descendent of the reactionary strain of Islamo-Turkish nationalism introduced in the counter-revolution of 1909. Turkish chauvinism towards Kurds stretches back decades, officially denying their existence and calling them “Mountain Turks” despite their historical loyalty in the Ottoman period.
Turkey is also in NATO, the US imperialist military alliance, however it often violates agreements with the US and makes overtures towards Russia, attempting to play both sides off against one another for military aid. Turkey has used this shaky alliance to lobby the US for more territorial control in Syria. The Afrin region was taken from Kurdish forces in 2016, and this week, vast swathes of northern Syria were declared up for grabs by Turkish expansionism.
Northern Syria invaded
Whatever our overall analysis of Syrian factions may be (and it is so easy to make mistakes in such a heavily propagandised environment) the question of the hour is Turkish expansionism, as this is the specific form that ethnonationalism has taken in the region. Turkey plans to demographically engineer a huge swathe of northern Syria by resettling 2 million refugees in NES, a move tantamount to a threat of genocide against displaced minorities. The US, for its part, has done far more harm than good as an ally, and is now patrolling the Euphrates, effectively enforcing the isolation of NES.
It would be a great mistake for people in the west to conclude that the people of Northern Syria somehow deserve a Turkish invasion as just desserts for their alliance with the US, especially since many Kurds and other minorities joined the fight in a struggle for survival against ISIS and Turkish-funded militias, only later finding their movement subverted by US geopolitical goals. Moreover, Turkey is the only faction in the Syrian conflict with a history of genocidal policies towards all of the minorities of Northern Syria at one point or another, and thus a defense of NES is a defense of all ethnic minorities in the region regardless of their political orientation.
All Syrian peoples deserve self-determination without the intervention of foreign powers. It may be easy to dismiss such a conflict as too complicated, the product of ‘tribal’ conflicts among a backwards people, but this ignores the entire history of imperialism in the Middle East. Thousands of ethnicities lived in relative peace prior to the imposition of nationalist ideology, demographic engineering and arbitrary borders, all products of capitalism. The Syrian people deserve an end to the constant war imposed upon them.
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apwmagazine · 1 year
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Iranian Footballer Sentenced To Death For Supporting Woman Rights
Iranian Footballer Sentenced To Death For Supporting Woman Rights
Know about Amir Nasr Azadani Net Worth via this article; the news about the player has been trending since yesterday after his arrest. Nasr Azadani is an Iranian footballer playing with the Persian Gulf Pro League club since 2015.  He just started his career as a player, so he has yet to be involved in many matches. He has played three games with the club as a defender. People started noticing…
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your-mail · 2 years
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John Toshack: Former Real Madrid, Swansea and Wales manager out of Covid-19 intensive care
Former Wales manager John Toshack is no longer in intensive care after being admitted to hospital in Spain having contracted Covid-19.
The 72-year-old was hospitalised last month, reportedly suffering from pneumonia brought on by coronavirus.
Toshack, who managed Real Madrid twice, Real Sociedad and Swansea City, is now breathing without the aid of a ventilator.
He has also been able to speak to members of his family.
A former Liverpool striker, he also played for both Cardiff City and Swansea.
Toshack scored 13 times in 40 games for Wales before twice becoming the national team manager, in 1994 and from 2004 to 2010.
In all he has taken charge of more than a dozen clubs around the world and famously took Swansea from the old Division Four to the First Division.
His most recent job was as manager of Persian Gulf Pro League side Tractor, which he left in September 2018 after just three months in charge.
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