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carterstarlight25 · 18 days

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Hi everyone! So I been thinking hard on a rather unique 3way crossover that I been considering about writing. Please feel free to give me your input.

The 3 way crossover consist of DC x DP x Halo Infinite. With the ships being Jason and Danny (Obviously). Master Chief and Bruce as the second ship to be included. And Tim Simping for Katrina. (Cortana 2.0 from Infinite)

I see these possible dynamics being cute as Chief will learn how to be human, and how to love. Him and Team Phantom Finding Family. Also I don't mean the bull Chief pulled in the god awful Halo TV Show!

Bruce will learn that killing isn't an act of God. It isn't you kill once, and become a mindless murderer. That there is a difference, between a Soldier doing his duty to protect humanity and his loved ones. And a mindless killer, enjoying the horror of its victims as the bleed out with please for mercy. Effectively stealing their innocent lives... Oh also learn to not be as emotionally constipated after Katrina effectively out smarts him into a therapy session with Jazz Nightingale. (Last name changed after she saved Danny from the their parents lab…)

Danny will learn what it means to be apart of a family. And how screwed the GIW are.~

Jason, finds out he’s ghost pregnant and a heavy underdeveloped Halfa. All while the Pit becomes a full ghost that he ends up birthing. Which is gonna be a Dinosaur that will be Jason’s “Nightmare.” To his Fright Knight. (I am really wanting to go for Altispinax, or Spinax Vivosaur from Fossil Fighters series. But idk, might just use the Giga from Jurassic World Dominion. Just to change it up from what I seen people have the Pits become.

How Chief comes into the story however, would be introduced via Clockwork leaving a very obviously placed Halo Infinite Xbox Game case with a unmarked disc inside it. In an Alley Danny was taking refuge in. With a sticky note of course. And a few chapters in, when he was alone in Wayne Manor decided to play the game. And by Play. I mean go ghost and jump into the game. But of course. With his Fabulous Phantom Luck (trademark pending.) A new power began to make itself known as the code latched on him on his way out. Bringing Master Chief and Katrina to life in the real world, with all his memories and Katrina with the entire UNSC Database.)

While that’s how I plan to bring in Chief and Co. the main gist of this will be an all out battle, to destroy the GIW. Outlaws, Sirens, Chief and the entire Batfam Team up.

Despite the JL repealing the Anti Ecto Acts. A few Private donors continue to find them to get their hands on Ectoplasm. The League of Assassin’s, Lex Luthor. And of Course Vlad Masters will be the main villains connected to the GIW.

I can see Jason and Chief getting along like wildfire. And when Bruce finds out Jason is one leading the squad his kids, trying to get them to go on a date with Master Chief. It leads to some funny moments I would think. And of course can’t forget Chief reluctantly surprise appearance in Civies at one of Bruce’s Gala’s. (I kinda wanna make him wear Olive Green suit and dress pants. Black Bow Tie with a white under suit. Black belt. And an Olive Green Military Cap to hide his Neural Implant. Maybe having all his Medals from the service pinned to his chest. At least the ones that match ones in this universe. So not all of them obviously.

And Jason would absolutely catch his father freeze up when he sees the handsome Spartan.

For looks regarding Chief’s face since we don’t know what he looks like. I was thinking Caucasian Male, short brown hair that could be the right height to spike it up at least. Not a complete buzz cut. Rather bright blue eyes. That do not glow like Danny’s. But at least around that color. Of course he will have some scars on his left Temple, his lip and across his right eye. Freckles too. His muscle mass would of course be a bit more built then Jason. Which says something. But, you know. Super Soldier and all. (Update: I did in-fact Draw it ^^. If you want to see. Let me know if you wanna see Master Chief in a suit at the Gala ^^)

The Ages I was gonna go for was as follows.

Alfred: Immortal (Thanks Clockwork!)

John (Master Chief): 46yrs (I know it’s not his cannon Age. But it’s what I want for the story.)

Bruce: 45yrs

Barbara: 29yrs

Dick: 26yrs

Jazz: 21yrs

Jason: 21yrs

Cass: 20yrs

Sam: 20yrs

Danny: 19yrs

Duke: 19yrs

Steph: 19yrs

Tucker: 19yrs

Val: 19yrs

Tim: 18yrs

Ellie: 14yrs

Damien: 12yrs

Katrina: 6 months old

And that’s the little Fanfic I been thinking about. Of course it’s just an idea. but I think it would be fun to write.

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saint-hildegard-of-bingen · 4 years

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If you love our country, please read this article, and continue to work to save our democracy. And stay hopeful!

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The despair felt by climate scientists and environmentalists watching helplessly as something precious and irreplaceable is destroyed is sometimes described as “climate grief.” Those who pay close attention to the ecological calamity that civilization is inflicting upon itself frequently describe feelings of rage, anxiety and bottomless loss, all of which are amplified by the right’s willful denial. The young activist Greta Thunberg, Time magazine’s 2019 Person of the Year, has described falling into a deep depressionafter grasping the ramifications of climate change and the utter refusal of people in power to rise to the occasion: “If burning fossil fuels was so bad that it threatened our very existence, how could we just continue like before?”

Lately, I think I’m experiencing democracy grief. For anyone who was, like me, born after the civil rights movement finally made democracy in America real, liberal democracy has always been part of the climate, as easy to take for granted as clean air or the changing of the seasons. When I contemplate the sort of illiberal oligarchy that would await my children should Donald Trump win another term, the scale of the loss feels so vast that I can barely process it.

After Trump’s election, a number of historians and political scientists rushed out with books explaining, as one title put it, “How Democracies Die.” In the years since, it’s breathtaking how much is dead already. Though the president will almost certainly be impeached for extorting Ukraine to aid his re-election, he is equally certain to be acquitted in the Senate, a tacit confirmation that he is, indeed, above the law. His attorney general is a shameless partisan enforcer. Professional civil servants are purged, replaced by apparatchiks. The courts are filling up with young, hard-right ideologues. One recently confirmed judge, 40-year-old Steven Menashi, has written approvingly of ethnonationalism.

In “How Democracies Die,” Professors Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt of Harvard describe how, in failing democracies, “the referees of the democratic game were brought over to the government’s side, providing the incumbent with both a shield against constitutional challenges and a powerful — and ‘legal’ — weapon with which to assault its opponents.” This is happening before our eyes.

The entire Trump presidency has been marked, for many of us who are part of the plurality that despises it, by anxiety and anger. But lately I’ve noticed, and not just in myself, a demoralizing degree of fear, even depression. You can see it online, in the self-protective cynicism of liberals announcing on Twitter that Trump is going to win re-election. In The Washington Post, Michael Gerson, a former speechwriter for George W. Bush and a Never Trump conservative, described his spiritual struggle against feelings of political desperation: “Sustaining this type of distressed uncertainty for long periods, I can attest, is like putting arsenic in your saltshaker.”

I reached out to a number of therapists, who said they’re seeing this politically induced misery in their patients. Three years ago, said Karen Starr, a psychologist who practices in Manhattan and on Long Island, some of her patients were “in a state of alarm,” but that’s changed into “more of a chronic feeling that’s bordering on despair.” Among those most affected, she said, are the Holocaust survivors she sees. “It’s about this general feeling that the institutions that we rely on to protect us from a dangerous individual might fail,” she said.

Kimberly Grocher, a psychotherapist who works in both New York and South Florida, and whose clients are primarily women of color, told me that during her sessions, the political situation “is always in the room. It’s always in the room.” Trump, she said, has made bigotry more open and acceptable, something her patients feel in their daily lives. “When you’re dealing with people of color’s mental health, systemic racism is a big part of that,” she said.

In April 2017, I traveled to suburban Atlanta to cover the special election in the Sixth Congressional District. Meeting women there who had been shocked by Trump’s election into ceaseless political action made me optimistic for the first time that year. These women were ultimately the reason that the district, once represented by Newt Gingrich, is now represented by a Democrat, Lucy McBath. Recently, I got back in touch with a woman I’d met there, an army veteran and mother of three named Katie Landsman. She was in a dark place.

“It’s like watching someone you love die of a wasting disease,” she said, speaking of our country. “Each day, you still have that little hope no matter what happens, you’re always going to have that little hope that everything’s going to turn out O.K., but every day it seems like we get hit by something else.” Some mornings, she said, it’s hard to get out of bed. “It doesn’t feel like depression,” she said. “It really does feel more like grief.”

Obviously, this is hardly the first time that America has failed to live up to its ideals. But the ideals themselves used to be a nearly universal lodestar. The civil rights movement, and freedom movements that came after it, succeeded because the country could be shamed by the distance between its democratic promises and its reality. That is no longer true.

Democrats and anti-Trump Republicans are often incredulous seeing the party of Ronald Reagan allied with Vladimir Putin’s Russia, but the truth is, there’s no reason they should be in conflict. The enmity between America and Russia was ideological. First it was liberal democracy versus communism. Then it was liberal democracy versus authoritarian kleptocracy.

But Trump’s political movement is pro-authoritarian and pro-oligarch. It has no interest in preserving pluralism, free and fair elections or any version of the rule of law that applies to the powerful as well as the powerless. It’s contemptuous of the notion of America as a lofty idea rather than a blood-and-soil nation. Russia, which has long wanted to prove that liberal democracy is a hypocritical sham, is the natural friend of the Trumpist Republican Party, just as it’s an ally and benefactor of the far right Rassemblement National in France and the Lega Nord in Italy.

The nemeses of the Trumpist movement are liberals — in both the classical and American sense of the world — not America’s traditional geopolitical foes. This is something new in our lifetime. Despite right-wing persecution fantasies about Barack Obama, we’ve never before had a president who treats half the country like enemies, subjecting them to an unending barrage of dehumanization and hostile propaganda. Opponents in a liberal political system share at least some overlapping language. They have some shared values to orient debates. With those things gone, words lose their meaning and political exchange becomes impossible and irrelevant.

Thus we have a total breakdown in epistemological solidarity. In the impeachment committee hearings, Republicans insist with straight faces that Trump was deeply concerned about corruption in Ukraine. Republican senators like Ted Cruz of Texas, who is smart enough to know better, repeat Russian propaganda accusing Ukraine of interfering in the 2016 election. The Department of Justice’s inspector general’s report refutes years of Republican deep state conspiracy theories about an F.B.I. plot to subvert Trump’s campaign, and it makes no difference whatsoever to the promoters of those theories, who pronounce themselves totally vindicated.

To those who recognize the Trump administration’s official lies as such, the scale of dishonesty can be destabilizing. It’s a psychic tax on the population, who must parse an avalanche of untruths to understand current events. “What’s going on in the government is so extreme, that people who have no history of overwhelming psychological trauma still feel crazed by this,” said Stephanie Engel, a psychiatrist in Cambridge, Mass., who said Trump comes up “very frequently” in her sessions.

Like several therapists I spoke to, Engel said she’s had to rethink how she practices, because she has no clinical distance from the things that are terrifying her patients. “If we continue to present a facade — that we know how to manage this ourselves, and we’re not worried about our grandchildren, or we’re not worried about how we’re going to live our lives if he wins the next election — we’re not doing our patients a service,” she said.

This kind of political suffering is uncomfortable to write about, because liberal misery is the raison d’être of the MAGA movement. When Trumpists mock their enemies for being “triggered,” it’s just a quasi-adult version of the playground bully’s jeer: “What are you going to do, cry?” Anyone who has ever been bullied knows how important it is, at that moment, to choke back tears. In truth, there are few bigger snowflakes than the stars of MAGA world. The Trumpist pundit Dan Bongino is currently suing The Daily Beast for $15 million, saying it inflicted “emotional distress and trauma, insult, anguish,” for writing that NRATV, the National Rifle Association’s now defunct online media arm, had “dropped” him when the show he hosted ended. Still, a movement fueled by sadism will delight in admissions that it has caused pain.

But despair is worth discussing, because it’s something that organizers and Democratic candidates should be addressing head on. Left to fester, it can lead to apathy and withdrawal. Channeled properly, it can fuel an uprising. I was relieved to hear that despite her sometimes overwhelming sense of civic sadness, Landsman’s activism hasn’t let up. She’s been spending a bit less than 20 hours a week on political organizing, and expects to go back to 40 or more after the holidays. “The only other option is to quit and accept it, and I’m not ready to go there yet,” she said. Democracy grief isn’t like regular grief. Acceptance isn’t how you move on from it. Acceptance is itself a kind of death.

#rumors and misinformation #dump trump #keep america great

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saraseo · 4 years

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nofomoartworld · 7 years

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Hyperallergic: Measuring the Social Impact of Internet Images

Perpetual Revolution: The Image and Social Change, a complicated, dense, and ambitious exhibition at the International Center of Photography (ICP), endeavors to tackle the relationship between new media and the currents of contemporary social change. This theme is vast, encompassing information, misinformation, propaganda, self-expression, social justice movements, news, and autobiography — all expressed through online images. A central question emerges from such a grand scope: is there wisdom to be gained by taking pieces of the internet and showing them in a white cube?

Perpetual Revolution is, wisely, separated into six thematic sections: “Climate Changes,” “The Flood: Refugees and Representation,” “The Fluidity of Gender,” “Black Lives (Have Always) Mattered,” “Propaganda and the Islamic State,” and “The Right-Wing Fringe and the 2016 Election.” This breakdown enables easier digestion of the show’s smorgasbord. The viewer must trust that each section’s curators have chosen content that’s particularly representative or revealing of its stated theme, as the act of paring down the vast trove of images on the internet is nearly incomprehensible. Our heightened awareness of the curators’ subjectivity requires us to take a larger-than-average leap of faith in regards to their wisdom.

Installation view, Perpetual Revolution: The Image and Social Change at the International Center of Photography (photo by Saul Metnick for ICP)

We often see an art exhibition space as purposely blank for both aesthetic and political reasons. This expectation becomes an interesting problem when the space is being used to show sinister propaganda, photojournalism created to document the plight of others, and art side by side: how can visuals with such disparate aims be displayed together in a space with conflation? The IS and US right wing sections of Perpetual Revolution ask viewers to examine evidence of violent ideology. The former, curated by Carol Squiers with assistance from Akshay Bhoan, shows videos meant to lure recruits and present a favorable view of life in the Islamic State, including music videos and IS members distributing school supplies to children; it also contains snippets of more brutal propaganda, including Jihadi John threatening hostages. Similarly, the US right-wing fringe gallery, curated by Susan Carlson and Claartje van Dijk, contains disturbing white nationalist images, including many posted on social media by our current President. One of the most extreme visuals, from 2016, displays Pepe the Frog dressed as a Nazi and gassing an anti-Semitic caricature.

ISIS distributes school supplies to girls in Mosul, Iraq (2015), video still

Pepe with swastikas in his eyes (c. 2016), screenshot

I question how much much intellectual validity there is to the examination of these images in an exhibition space, and within the context of a show that includes art. The wall text for the IS section notes: “This gallery has been conceived as a study center rather than a traditional exhibition … In the case of overt propaganda, knowledge is necessary to successfully withstand and combat its appeal.” But the danger of so much propaganda is that it subsumes knowledge to aesthetics in the service of violent political ideals. Of course, showing such material in a museum setting is hardly radical; the plethora of exhibitions about Soviet films, posters, and design comes to mind. In the case of those, however, their visual interest and general lack of violence support their display in an aesthetic context. When it comes to Islamic State and neo-Nazi propaganda, can the violence of the imagery and the real-time violence we know these groups are justifying and enacting be truly offset by an intellectual inquiry? I’m not sure of the answers, but I think these questions deserve a fuller examination, one that Perpetual Revolution does not undertake. Perhaps the IS section would have been more successful with more didactics, the exclusion of the Jihadi John video, and a very careful focus on the ways in which IS uses aesthetic tools to recruit.

In “The Flood,” Tomas van Houtryve’s “Traces of Exile” (2016) plots the places that refugees today leave, pass through, and settle in using a large video map. Instagram posts by refugees appear on the map in their corresponding geographic locations, alternately showing the difficulties and normalcy of refugee life, and also creating a compelling visual of the vast distances they’ve traveled. “Traces of Exile” is far removed from photoreportage. But other works in this section are pure photojournalism, taken, for example, for the New York Times. When placed next to work that possesses a strong conceptual grounding or the firsthand accounts of refugees themselves, the photojournalism risks aestheticizing suffering. I commend ICP curator Joanna Lehan for exploring these boundaries; such questions of context, and by extension perhaps some of the failures of Perpetual Revolution, leave welcome room for complex thought about the lines between new media and art.

Sergey Ponomarev, Refugees arrive by a Turkish boat near the village of Skala, on the Greek Island of Lesbos (November 16, 2015), digital image, 9 monitors (original photograph © Sergey Ponomarev for the New York Times; photo by Saul Metnick for ICP)

The sections on climate change and Black Lives Matter operate in thematically similar ways: they show activist movements harnessing the power of new media platforms. I’m comfortable drawing a distinction between activism and propaganda — the former operates in the service of social justice and peace, the latter in service of destruction, repression, and violence. Works in these sections, curated by Cynthia Young and Kalia Brooks, respectively, demonstrate how artistic images and visual stories might elicit an emotional response from the viewer that, in turn, raises awareness of a specific political issue. One of the most beautiful works in the exhibition is James Balog’s video clip of the calving of the Illulissat Galcier in western Greenland in 2008, from the documentary Chasing Ice (2012). The video shows the majestic, forceful, and terrifying power of a huge piece of ice breaking away from a glacier; in the context of climate change, the fierce beauty of this occurrence is also a reminder of the scale of destruction that humans have unleashed. Sheila Pree Bright’s “#1960Now” (2017) employs intergenerational imagery of black leaders and activists to suggest that the struggle for equality and civil rights is cyclical and long. Nearby, an incredible wall of photography from ICP’s collection echoes this sentiment by presenting a range of ways in which images have captured black activism and life from the 19th century onward.

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“The Fluidity of Gender,” curated by Squiers and Quito Ziegler, is the most successful section of Perpetual Revolution. Many of the images here were made to be aesthetically interesting and a means of self-expression — the work is, in a basic sense, creative. While certainly not all of it is joyous (nor should it be, given the oppression trans people continue to face), two contributions are memorably euphoric: one by AB Soto that’s titled “Cha Cha Bitch” and features the singer mixing stereotypically masculine and feminine dress, dance moves, and facial expressions; and a video series by French choreographer Yanis Mitchell that shows male dancers performing in heels to songs by Beyoncé, the Spice Girls, and Lady Gaga, among others. (The old saying is that Ginger Rogers did everything Fred Astaire did, except backwards and in high heels.) Watching Mitchell, I realized that men dancing in heels are sexy, and that so much of what’s deemed “feminine” is so performative, it can be almost instantly uncoupled from biological sex.

The content in the gender section shows that the internet is not only a space for authentic and/or performative self-expression, but that the joy that emerges from this freedom is deeply affecting, both personally and politically. This is social media at its potential best. Viewing this work near the Islamic State and right-wing fringe sections, it’s hard not to see the rise of nationalist and religious extremism as a direct reaction to a world that’s increasingly open to the liberation that exists outside of the binary.

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The title of the show, Perpetual Revolution, suggests the Marxist theme of “permanent revolution,” which is neither a simple theory nor an easy thematic jump to new media. Broadly, Karl Marx used the phrase to suggest an ongoing attitude and political position that the proletariat should adopt to ensure that revolution was not halted prematurely, as conditions improved for the working class and the petite bourgeois achieved some gains. Trotsky used the phrase to suggest that not all countries would be able to, or should, pass through a phase of bourgeois, democratic revolution before enacting a socialist one. Therefore, he argued, the working class should lead the socialist revolution without waiting; this insurrection would be aided and sustained if it occurred in multiple countries.

One might draw the conclusion that the observable “perpetual revolution” online is both a genuine expression of social movements and a separate phenomenon that suggests more freedom than exists offline. The problem with the internet is that it can obscure the failings of neoliberal economic systems and the continued oppression of marginalized groups. In contrast to the Marxist idea of a continuous march of progress, the exhibition reminds us that the internet can function as a tool for evil and as a bit of a mirage — expression, activism, and propaganda online may not correspond in magnitude to what’s happening in the “real” world, particularly in the arenas of positive change, including the expansion of civil rights. Online activism and expression do not necessarily mean that laws have become more just, police practices less brutal, and rights for transgender people more protected. We’d be wise to remember that perpetual revolution is easier online than off.

Installation view, Perpetual Revolution: The Image and Social Change at the International Center of Photography (photo by Saul Metnick for ICP)

Perpetual Revolution: The Image and Social Change continues at the ICP Museum (250 Bowery, Lower East Side, Manhattan) through May 7.

The post Measuring the Social Impact of Internet Images appeared first on Hyperallergic.

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