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#Ancient Thracians
illustratus · 5 months
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Roman period Head of Apollo
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memories-of-ancients · 8 months
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Silver helmet, Thracian, 4th century BC
from The Detroit Institute of Arts
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blueiskewl · 1 year
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Greco-Thracian Gold Bracelet with Beast Heads Ca. 400-300 BC
A stunning rare gold bracelet of penannular form, with a flat-section, carinated body decorated with incised motifs to the shoulders. Each finial ends in a horned head of a beast with incised eyes, a pronounced nose, and a mouth. The horns are adorned with intricately ribbed rings.
L:61.5mm / W:60mm ; 51.16g.
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orisnitsa · 2 years
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Tattoo patterns of Thracian women
Very often, ancient Greek artists who drew on pottery, represented one obviously very important element of the exterior of the Thracian women - their tattoos.
With them they decorated their whole legs, arms and neck. As a whole, the meaning of tattooing refers to cult practices related to superhuman powers. Strips with straight and oblique lines, wavy patterns and zig-zag, dots, rosettes, and silhouettes of animals compose the repertoire as the tattoos usually cover the hands, the neck and the legs of the women’s figures. Parallel lines are often combined with silhouettes of animals – snakes, does and deer.
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ancientorigins · 3 months
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Dionysus was the multifaceted deity who embodied the essence of wine, theater, and ecstatic dance. His captivating history and symbolic significance made him stand out among the gods of antiquity.
Dionysian mysteries, secretive rites filled with dance, music, and wine, symbolizing communion with the god. These mysteries offer a glimpse into the ancient world's spiritual practices and the pursuit of deeper understanding.
Discover how the festivals dedicated to Dionysus gave rise to modern drama theater, with performances that explored the complexities of human existence and echoed the themes inherent in Dionysus's worship.
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yr-hen-ogledd · 19 days
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March has been uniformly grey, cold and miserable so far, so here's some summery-looking Thracians on horsies. One lightly-armoured skirmishing type, one much more heavily-armoured (and heavily tattooed), hard charging noble.
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gemsofgreece · 8 months
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Do you know much about Thracians and their worship of Ares?
I have scarce knowledge about the Thracians so I had to do some research about their religion and.... they did not worship Ares??? The Thracian religion had two deities, a female one (Bendis) and a male one (Zis) and then a demigod (Zalmoxis / Orpheus). These deities encompassed all the qualities traditionally associated with their sex, so Zis was a father god and he had multiple sides to him, he was celestial, chthonic, a hero, a hunter, a royal ancestor of humanity and a warrior. Warrior Zis took a wolf-like appearance and was riding a horse. He was often described in the Thracian language as "bestial".
There is something in ancient literature described as interpretatio graeca, which means that a load of info we have about ancient cultures come from the descriptions of the Greeks and not the other ancient cultures themselves. In this case, Herodotus wrote about the Thracian religion and it is believed his works are a prime example of interpretatio graeca as he was trying to make the foreign religion easily comprehensible to his contemporary Greeks. So, Herodotus would say things like "this is their Ares", "this is their Artemis" and so on. However, the structure of the Thracian mythology appears quite different from the Greek one, especially in its origins.
What could also perplex matters is that Greeks from their side considered the Thracians descendants of Ares, because they were renowned warrior people, but that doesn't mean Thracians worshipped the exact "Ares" Greeks had (and barely even worshipped).
This is an interesting difference. The warrior quality is given to the Thracian father god. Greeks reserve this role for the father god's son who was not all that worshipped either. While Greeks really admired good warriors either among themselves or in other nations, they did not acknowledge themselves as appreciative of the frenzy of war and this is even reflected on how often gods, even Zeus, appeared to dislike and avoid Ares. On the contrary, it is clear that Greeks considered Athena as their primary deity of war, since they viewed themselves as supporters of the defensive war or the war that is inescapable or fully justified or a war that is based on strategy and the evaluation of cost and benefits rather than the wild manly joy or sheer force that was associated with war in some ancient cultures. Furthermore, Ares is portrayed as a young, handsome and strong warrior who however has an unpleasant attitude and does not possess many heroic qualities. So the worship of warrior Zis and the, well, more lukewarm worship of Ares were different.
However, Greeks extensively moved and settled north and a few Thracians did move south (some became mercenaries in Greek armies) and at these points their myths were blending a lot. Usually there are significant differences in the various tellings but there is also a lot of overlap. After the Greco-Thracian interaction, it was often that Thracians would use Greek equivalent names to address the aspects of their gods more easily, so if they wanted to talk about the warrior Zis, they might have said, "Ares". But he was actually a different god.
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jeannereames · 7 months
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Hi Dr Reames!
Would you say that Macedon shared the same "political culture" with its Thracian and Illyrian neighbours, like how most Greeks shared the polis structure and the concept of citizenship?
I don't really know anything about Macedonian history before Philip II's time, but you've often brought up how the Macedonians shared some elements of elite culture (e.g. mound burials) with their Thracian neighbours, as well religious beliefs and practices.
I've only ever heard these people generically described as "a collection of tribes (that confederated into a kingdom)", which also seems to be the common description for nearby "Greek" polities like Thessaly and Epiros. So did these societies have a lot in common, structurally speaking, with Macedon? Or were they just completely different types of polities altogether?
First, in the interest of some good bibliography on the Thracians:
Z. H. Archibald, The Odrysian Kingdom of Thrace. Orpheus Unmasked. Oxford UP, 1998. (Too expensive outside libraries, but highly recommended if you can get it by interlibrary loan. Part of the exorbitant cost [almost $400, but used for less] owes to images, as it’s archaeology heavy. Archibald is also an expert on trade and economy in north Greece and the Black Sea region, and has edited several collections on the topic.
Alexander Fol, Valeria Fol. Thracians. Coronet Books, 2005. Also expensive, if not as bad, and meant for the general public. Fol’s 1977 Thrace and the Thracians, with Ivan Marazov, was a classic. Fol and Marazov are fathers of modern Thracian studies.
R. F. Hodinott, The Thracians. Thames and Hudson, 1981. Somewhat dated now but has pictures and can be found used for a decent price if you search around. But, yeah…dated.
For Illyria, John Wilkes’ The Illyrians, Wiley-Blackwell, 1996, is a good place to start, but there’s even less about them in book form (or articles).
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Now, to the question.
BOTH the Thracians and Illyrians were made up of politically independent tribes bound by language and religion who, sometimes, also united behind a strong ruler (the Odrysians in Thrace for several generations, and Bardylis briefly in Illyria). One can probably make parallels to Germanic tribes, but it’s easier for me to point to American indigenous nations. The Odrysians might be compared to the Iroquois federation. The Illyrians to the Great Lakes people, united for a while behind Tecumseh, but not entirely, and disunified again after. These aren’t perfect, but you get the idea. For that matter, the Greeks themselves weren’t a nation, but a group of poleis bonded by language, culture, and religion. They fought as often as they cooperated. The Persian invasion forced cooperation, which then dissolved into the Peloponnesian War.
Beyond linguistic and religious parallels, sometimes we also have GEOGRAPHIC ones. So, let me divide the north into lowlands and highlands. It’s much more visible on the ground than from a map, but Epiros, Upper Macedonia, and Illyria are all more alike, landscape-wise, than Lower Macedonia and the Thracian valleys. South of all that, and different yet again, lay Thessaly, like a bridge between Southern Greece and these northern regions.
If language (and religion) are markers of shared culture, culture can also be shaped by ethnically distinct neighbors. Thracians and Macedonians weren’t ethnically related, yet certainly shared cultural features. Without falling into colonialist geographical/environmental determinism, geography does affect how early cultures develop because of what resources are available, difficulties of travel, weather, lay of the land itself, etc.
For instance, the Pindus Range, while not especially high, is rocky and made a formidable barrier to easy east-west travel. Until recently, sailing was always more efficient in Greece than travel by land (especially over mountain ranges).* Ergo, city-states/towns on the western coast tended to be western-facing for trade, and city-states/towns on the eastern side were, predictably, eastern-facing. This is why both Epiros and Ainai (Elimeia) did more trade with Corinth than Athens, and one reason Alexandros of Epiros went west to Italy while Alexander of Macedon looked east to Persia. It’s also why Corinth, Sparta, etc., in the Peloponnese colonized Sicily and S. Italy, while Athens, Euboia, etc., colonized the Asia Minor and Black Sea coasts. (It’s not an absolute, but one certainly sees trends.)
So, looking at their land, we can see why Macedonians and Thracians were both horse people with their wide valleys. They also practiced agriculture, had rich forests for logging, and significant metal (and mineral) deposits—including silver and gold—that made mining a source of wealth. They shared some burial customs but maintained acute differences. Both had lower status for women compared to Illyria/Epiros/Paionia. Yet that’s true only of some Thracian tribes, such as the Odrysians. Others had stronger roles for women. Thracians and Macedonians shared a few deities (The Rider/Zis, Dionysos/Zagreus, Bendis/Artemis/Earth Mother), although Macedonian religion maintained a Greek cast. We also shouldn’t underestimate the impact of Greek colonies along the Black Sea coast on inland Thrace, especially the Odrysians. Many an Athenian or Milesian (et al.) explorer/merchant/colonist married into the local Thracian elite.
Let’s look at burial customs, how they’re alike and different, for a concrete example of this shared regional culture.
First, while both Thracians and Macedonians had shrines, neither had temples on the Greek model until late, and then largely in Macedonia. Their money went into the ground with burials.
Temples represent a shit-ton of city/community money plowed into a building for public use/display. In southern Greece, they rise (pun intended) at the end of the Archaic Age as city-state sumptuary laws sought to eliminate personal display at funerals, weddings, etc. That never happened in Macedonia/much of the northern areas. So, temples were slow to creep up there until the Hellenistic period. Even then, gargantuan funerals and the Macedonian Tomb remained de rigueur for Macedonian elite. (The date of the arrival of the true Macedonian Tomb is debated, but I side with those who count it as a post-Alexander development.)
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A “Macedonian Tomb” (above: Tomb of Judgement, photo mine) is a faux-shrine embedded in the ground. Elite families committed wealth to it in a huge potlatch to honor the dead. Earlier cyst tombs show the same proclivities, but without the accompanying shrine-like architecture. As early as 650 BCE at Archontiko (= ancient Pella), we find absurd amounts of wealth in burials (below: Archontiko burial goods, Pella Museum, photos mine). Same thing at Sindos, and Aigai, in roughly the same period. Also in a few places in Upper Macedonia, in the Archaic Age: Aiani, Achlada, Trebenište, etc.. This is just the tip of the iceberg. If Greece had more money for digs, I think we’d find additional sites.
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Vivi Saripanidi has some great articles (conveniently in English) about these finds: “Constructing Necropoleis in the Archaic Period,” “Vases, Funerary Practices, and Political Power in the Macedonian Kingdom During the Classical Period Before the Rise of Philip II,” and “Constructing Continuities with a Heroic Past.” They’re long, but thorough. I recommend them.
What we observe here are “Princely Burials” across lingo-ethnic boundaries that reflect a larger, shared regional culture. But one big difference between elite tombs in Macedonia and Thrace is the presence of a BODY, and whether the tomb was new or repurposed.
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In Thrace, at least royal tombs are repurposed shrines (above: diagram and model of repurposed shrine-tombs). Macedonian Tombs were new construction meant to look like a shrine (faux-fronts, etc.). Also, Thracian kings’ bodies weren’t buried in their "tombs." Following the Dionysic/ Orphaic cult, the bodies were cut up into seven pieces and buried in unmarked spots. Ergo, their tombs are cenotaphs (below: Kosmatka Tomb/Tomb of Seuthes III, photos mine).
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What they shared was putting absurd amounts of wealth into the ground in the way of grave goods, including some common/shared items such as armor, golden crowns, jewelry for women, etc. All this in place of community-reflective temples, as seen in the South. (Below: grave goods from Seuthes’ Tomb; grave goods from Royal Tomb II at Vergina, for comparison).
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So, if some things are shared, others (connected to beliefs about the afterlife) are distinct, such as the repurposed shrine vs. new construction built like a shine, and the presence or absence of a body (below: tomb ceiling décor depicting Thracian deity Zalmoxis).
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Aside from graves, we also find differences between highlands and lowlands in the roles of at least elite women. The highlands were tough areas to live, where herding (and raiding) dominated, and what agriculture there was required “all hands on deck” for survival. While that isn’t necessary for women to enjoy higher status (just look at Minoan Crete, Etruria, and even Egypt), it may have contributed to it in these circumstances.
Illyrian women fought. And not just with bows on horseback as Scythian women did. If we can believe Polyaenus, Philip’s daughter Kyanne (daughter of his Illyrian wife Audata) opposed an Illyrian queen on foot with spears—and won. Philip’s mother Eurydike involved herself in politics to keep her sons alive, but perhaps also as a result of cultural assumption: her mother was royal Lynkestian but her father was (perhaps) Illyrian. Epirote Olympias came to Pella expecting a certain amount of political influence that she, apparently, wasn’t given until Philip died. Alexander later observed that his mother had wisely traded places with Kleopatra, his sister, to rule in Epiros, because the Macedonians would never accept rule by a woman (implying the Epirotes would).
I’ve noted before that the political structure in northern Greece was more of a continuum: Thessaly had an oligarchic tetrarchy of four main clans, expunged by Jason in favor of tyranny, then restored by Philip. Epiros was ruled by a council who chose the “king” from the Aiakid clan until Alexandros I, Olympias’s brother, established a real monarchy. Last, we have Macedon, a true monarchy (apparently) from the beginning, but also centered on a clan (Argeads), with agreement/support from the elite Hetairoi class of kingmakers. Upper Macedonian cantons (formerly kingdoms) had similar clan rule, especially Lynkestis, Elimeia, and Orestis. Alas, we don’t know enough to say how absolute their monarchies were before Philip II absorbed them as new Macedonian districts, demoting their basileis (kings/princes) to mere governors.
I think continued highland resistance to that absorption is too often overlooked/minimized in modern histories of Philip’s reign, excepting a few like Ed Anson’s. In Dancing with the Lion: Rise, I touch on the possibility of highland rebellion bubbling up late in Philip’s reign but can’t say more without spoilers for the novel.
In antiquity, Thessaly was always considered Greek, as was (mostly) Epiros. But Macedonia’s Greek bona-fides were not universally accepted, resulting in the tale of Alexandros I’s entry into the Olympics—almost surely a fiction with no historical basis, fed to Herodotos after the Persian Wars. The tale’s goal, however, was to establish the Greekness of the ruling family, not of the Macedonian people, who were still considered barbaroi into the late Classical period. Recent linguistic studies suggest they did, indeed, speak a form of northern Greek, but the fact they were regarded as barbaroi in the ancient world is, I think instructive, even if not necessarily accurate.
It tells us they were different enough to be counted “not Greek” by some southern Greek poleis and politicians such as Demosthenes. Much of that was certainly opportunistic. But not all. The bias suggests Macedonian culture had enough overflow from their northern neighbors to appear sufficiently alien. Few Greek writers suggested the Thessalians or Epirotes weren’t Greek, but nobody argued the Thracians, Paiones, or Illyrians were. Macedonia occupied a liminal status.
We need to stop seeing these areas with hard borders and, instead, recognize permeable boundaries with the expected cultural overflow: out and in. Contra a lot of messaging in the late 1800s and early/mid-1900s, lifted from ancient narratives (and still visible today in ultra-national Greek narratives), the ancient Greeks did not go out to “civilize” their Eastern “Oriental” (and northern barbaroi) neighbors, exporting True Culture and Philosophy. (For more on these views, see my earlier post on “Alexander suffering from Conqueror’s Disease.”)
In fact, Greeks of the Late Iron Age (LIA)/Archaic Age absorbed a great deal of culture and ideas from those very “Oriental barbarians,” such as Lydia and Assyria. In art history, the LIA/Early Archaic Era is referred to as the “Orientalizing Period,” but it’s not just art. Take Greek medicine. It’s essentially Mesopotamian medicine with their religion buffed off. Greek philosophy developed on the islands along the Asia Minor coast, where Greeks regularly interacted with Lydians, Phoenicians, and eventually Persians; and also in Sicily and Southern Italy, where they were talking to Carthaginians and native Italic peoples, including Etruscans. Egypt also had an influence.
Philosophy and other cultural advances didn’t develop in the Greek heartland. The Greek COLONIES were the happenin’ places in the LIA/Archaic Era. Here we find the all-important ebb and flow of ideas with non-Greek peoples.
Artistic styles, foodstuffs, technology, even ideas and myths…all were shared (intentionally or not) via TRADE—especially at important emporia. Among the most significant of these LIA emporia was Methone, a Greek foundation on the Macedonian coast off the Thermaic Gulf (see map below). It provided contact between Phoenician/Euboian-Greek traders and the inland peoples, including what would have been the early Macedonian kingdom. Perhaps it was those very trade contacts that helped the Argeads expand their rule in the lowlands at the expense of Bottiaians, Almopes, Paionians, et al., who they ran out in order to subsume their lands.
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My main point is that the northern Greek mainland/southern Balkans were neither isolated nor culturally stunted. Not when you look at all that gold and other fine craftwork coming out of the ground in Archaic burials in the region. We’ve simply got to rethink prior notions of “primitive” peoples and cultures up there—notions based on southern Greek narratives that were both political and culturally hidebound, but that have, for too long, been taken as gospel truth.
Ancient Macedon did not “rise” with Philip II and Alexander the Great. If anything, the 40 years between the murder of Archelaos (399) and the start of Philip’s reign (359/8) represents a 2-3 generation eclipse. Alexandros I, Perdikkas II, and Archelaos were extremely capable kings. Philip represented a return to that savvy rule.
(If you can read German, let me highly recommend Sabine Müller’s, Perdikkas II and Die Argeaden; she also has one on Alexander, but those two talk about earlier periods, and especially her take on Perdikkas shows how clever he was. For those who can’t read German, the Lexicon of Argead Macedonia’s entry on Perdikkas is a boiled-down summary, by Sabine, of the main points in her book.)
Anyway…I got away a bit from Thracian-Macedonian cultural parallels, but I needed to mount my soapbox about the cultural vitality of pre-Philip Macedonia, some of which came from Greek cultural imports, but also from Thrace, Illyria, etc.
Ancient Macedonia was a crossroads. It would continue to be so into Roman imperial, Byzantine, and later periods with the arrival of subsequent populations (Gauls, Romans, Slavs, etc.) into the region.
That fruit salad with Cool Whip, or Jello and marshmallows, or chopped up veggies and mayo, that populate many a family reunion or church potluck spread? One name for it is a “Macedonian Salad”—but not because it’s from Macedonia. It’s called that because it’s made up of many [very different] things. Also, because French macedoine means cut-up vegetables, but the reference to Macedonia as a cultural mishmash is embedded in that.
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* I’ve seen this personally between my first trip to Greece in 1997, and the new modern highway. Instead of winding around mountains, the A2 just blasts through them with tunnels. The A1 (from Thessaloniki to Athens) was there in ’97, and parts of the A2 east, but the new highway west through the Pindus makes a huge difference. It takes less than half the time now to drive from the area around Thessaloniki/Pella out to Ioannina (near ancient Dodona) in Epiros. Having seen the landscape, I can imagine the difficulties of such a trip in antiquity with unpaved roads (albeit perhaps at least graded). Taking carts over those hills would be daunting. See images below.
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paganimagevault · 1 year
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Scythian gold statuette 4th C. BCE. From Kul Oba Kurgan.
"The Agathyrsi live more delicately than all other men, and are greatly given to wearing gold. Their intercourse with women is promiscuous, that so they may be brothers and kinsfolk to each other and thus neither envy nor hate their fellows. In the rest of their customs they are like to the Thracians."
-Herodotus, The Histories, Book 4.104
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kultofathena · 1 year
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Scorpion – Rhomphaia Sword of Sitalkes II
This battle ready sword by Scorpion is extremely durable with a robust blade of tempered 1095 high carbon steel. The sword is has a strong full-tang construction crafted by riveting polished halves of blackened walnut directly to the thick blade tang. Included is a sheath of thick buffalo culatta leather with riveted construction and an integrated belt loop. The last photo shows an example of this type of sheath.
The Rhomphaia was a close combat bladed weapon used by the Thracians as early as 400 B.C.  As a weapon, the Rhomphaia was feared  because of the cutting power.  The Romans added extra reinforcing bars to their helmets to protect against the powerful blows of this weapon.  Sitalkes was a prince of the Odrysian royal house.  He was leader of a body of Thracian light-armed troops, which accompanied Alexander the Great as auxiliaries on his expedition to Asia.  The Thracians were renowned for their horses and cavalry. The Thracian tribe of the Dii were responsible for some of the worst atrocities of the Peloponnesian War killing every living thing. 
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bbanimalstories · 11 months
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Gold Thracian helmet from Cotofenesti, Romania from "An Introduction to Celtic Mythology" by David Bellingham
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illustratus · 28 days
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The Death of Spartacus by Hermann Vogel
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ker4unos · 2 years
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ANATOLIA & LEVANT RESOURCES
The Anthropological Masterlist is HERE.
Anatolia, or Asia Minor, is a historical West Asian peninsula that constitutes the major part of modern-day Turkey. 
HITTITE ─ “The Hittites, or the Empire of Hattusa, were an Anatolian people that lived during the Bronze Age, from 1650 B.C.E. to 1190 B.C.E. At their height, the empire encompassed the majority of modern-day Turkey, Lebanon, and Syria.” ─ Hittite Cuneiform Script ─ Hittite Grammar ─ The Chicago Hittite Dictionary Project
HURRIAN ─ “The Hurrians, or Khurrites, were a Near East people that lived from 3000 B.C.E. to 1300 B.C.E. They lived in Anatolia and Mesopotamia.” ─ The Mitanni Empire ─ Hurrian Culture ─ Hurrian Mythology
LUWIAN ─ “The Luwians are a group of Anatolian people that lived from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age. They lived in modern-day Turkey.” ─ Luwian Studies ─ Luwian Dictionary
PHRYGIA ─ “The Phrygian people were an Anatolian people that lived from 1200 B.C.E. to 700 B.C.E. They lived in central Anatolia.” ─ Phrygian Language ─ Phrygian Inscriptions
THRACIA ─ “The Thracians were an Indo-European people that lived from the 8th century B.C.E. to 1st century C.E. They lived in the Balkans and Anatolia.” ─ Thracian Information ─ Thracian Culture ─ Thracian Language
UGARIT ─ “Ugarit was an Anatolian civilization that lived from 6000 B.C.E. to 1185 B.C.E. They lived in modern-day northern Syria.” ─ Ugaritic Information ─ Ugarit in the Bible ─ El in Ugaritic Texts
The Levant is a historical West Asian region in the Eastern Mediterranean region of Asia. It spans from the western part of the Arabian Peninsula to northeast Africa.
CARTHAGE ─ “Ancient Carthage, or the Carthaginian Empire, was a Mediterranean civilization that lived from 814 B.C.E. to 146 B.C.E. They lived in modern-day Tunisia.” ─ Carthage Information ─ Carthaginian Religion ─ Carthaginian Archaeology
EGYPT ─ “The Ancient Egyptians were a northeastern African people. They lived in the Nile Valley in Egypt.” ─ Egyptian Information ─ Ancient Egyptian Art ─ Women in Ancient Egypt
PHOENICIA ─ “The Phoenician people were a Mediterranean people that lived from 2500 B.C.E. to 64 B.C.E. They lived in modern-day Lebanon.” ─ Phoenician History ─ Phoenician Alphabet ─ Phoenician and Punic Languages
SYRIA ─ “The Syrians are an Eastern Mediterranean people that share the Syrian culture. They are native to Syria.” ─ Syria Information ─ Syria from 1700 C.E to 1920 C.E. ─ Syrian Cultural Zones
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blueheartbookclub · 3 months
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Unraveling Destiny in "Rhesus: The Athenian Drama"
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Euripides, through his timeless masterpiece "Rhesus," offers a captivating exploration of fate, war, and the intricate threads that weave through the human experience. In this poignant Athenian drama, translated with masterful clarity by Gilbert Murray, the audience is drawn into the depths of the Trojan War's aftermath, where the shadows of destiny loom large.
The play unfolds against the backdrop of the Trojan camp after the departure of Hector and the Trojans for the night. Rhesus, the Thracian king and ally of the Trojans, is introduced, bringing an element of prophecy and foreboding to the narrative. Murray's translation impeccably captures the nuances of Euripides' language, allowing readers to delve into the psychological intricacies of the characters.
The central theme revolves around the inevitability of destiny and the futility of attempting to alter predetermined outcomes. As Rhesus grapples with his own foretold demise, the audience is compelled to ponder the broader implications of predetermination in the grand tapestry of life. Murray's translation preserves the tension and suspense as the characters confront their destinies, creating a narrative rhythm that resonates with both intellectual depth and emotional intensity.
Euripides, known for his nuanced characterization, breathes life into the players of this ancient drama. Through Murray's translation, the motivations, fears, and aspirations of the characters become palpable, forging a connection between the audience and the timeless struggles of humanity.
"Rhesus" is not merely a recounting of events but an exploration of the human condition. The play challenges conventional notions of heroism, inviting the audience to question the very essence of fate and the impact of one's choices on the unfolding of destiny. Murray's translation enhances the accessibility of these profound philosophical inquiries, making them as relevant today as they were in ancient Athens.
In conclusion, "Rhesus: The Athenian Drama" stands as a testament to Euripides' narrative genius and Gilbert Murray's linguistic prowess. This translation not only preserves the integrity of the original text but also presents it in a manner that resonates with contemporary readers. The exploration of destiny, war, and the human psyche makes "Rhesus" a compelling read, leaving an indelible mark on those who embark on this journey through the annals of Athenian drama.
"Rhesus," of Euripides skillfully translated by Gilbert Murray is available in Amazon in paperback 10.99$ and hardcover 18.99$ editions.
Number of pages: 112
Language: English
Rating: 9/10                                           
Link of the book!
Review By: King's Cat
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orisnitsa · 2 years
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Thracian golden wreath and ring from the burial mound of an Odrysian aristocrat discovered in the tumulus situated between the villages of Zlatinitsa and Malomirovo, Yambol, Bulgaria
Dated to 4th century BC
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ancaxbre · 9 months
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Inside the replica of the Thracian tomb of Kazanlak, Bulgaria.
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